Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3159, as amended, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me start first by thanking my distinguished colleague from Texas (Mr. Poe) for his leadership on this legislation. He and his staff…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3159, as amended, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me start first by thanking my distinguished colleague from Texas (Mr. Poe) for his leadership on this legislation. He and his staff have worked tirelessly to address a range of technical issues so that this bill could be considered under suspension.
H.R. 3159 is an important first step in bringing greater rationality and oversight to the foreign aid process. It contains two fundamental reforms to make our programs more efficient, more effective, and better at serving our national interests.
The first is to strengthen monitoring and evaluation so that we can be sure our aid is performing as intended. Right now we make most of our aid decisions in the dark. We set budgets year after year without having any idea necessarily what the outcomes might be. This bill requires the President to establish a consistent set of guidelines so that all Federal agencies carrying out development assistance will set measurable goals, establish indicators, monitor results, and evaluate impact. We can make much better decisions about how and where to invest our scarce resources once we know which types of programs are the most cost-effective and produce the best results.
The second reform is to increase aid transparency so that everyone can see where we're spending the money and why. There are all too many misperceptions about the size of the foreign aid budget and exactly what it does. This bill will address that.
It also requires the President to establish and maintain an Internet Web site that makes comprehensive and timely information accessible to the public.
Similar reforms are included in comprehensive foreign aid reform legislation recently introduced by the current ranking member of our committee, Mr. Berman, and myself. They were also included in the State Department authorization bills passed by the full House under the leadership of our outgoing chairwoman, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, in 2009, and reported by the Foreign Affairs Committee in 2011. Both times, these provisions were adopted with strong bipartisan support.
The administration also recognizes the need for these types of changes. They've created the Foreign Assistance Dashboard, a Web site that provides accessible and easy-to-understand data about our aid programs. Both the Millennium Challenge Corporation and USAID have put into place their own rigorous evaluation policies.
This bill will ensure that all Federal agencies carrying out development programs will adhere to the same high standards, and at a time when there are so many issues that divide our parties and our Nation, I think this is one that we can come together on. Again, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
[From The Hill, Dec. 12, 2012]
Overhaul of U.S. Foreign Aid is Overdue
(By Reps. Howard L. Berman (D-Calif.) and Gerald E. Connolly (D-Va.))
At a time when competing government priorities face the
chopping block, advocates of effective foreign aid have a
responsibility to make the case that aid directly serves our
country's long-term national-security and economic interests,
and in a cost-effective way.
A key goal of foreign aid is to make the right investments
that reinforce America's priorities. Unfortunately, the
current foreign aid process and the underlying statute are
encrusted with legislative barnacles built up over half a
century that are messy, conflicting and outdated, and that
actually hinder our ability to deliver foreign aid
effectively and efficiently.
It is time for a complete overhaul. The 21st century
requires a foreign aid program that recognizes today's
priorities and streamlines the process in the post-Cold War
era. For instance, do we still need language in current law,
passed in 1961, that requires the president to assure
Congress that foreign aid recipients are not ``controlled by
the international Communist conspiracy''?
The many task forces and policy committees that have
examined U.S. foreign aid have cited the myriad goals,
objectives and priorities contained in the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961. The Center for Global Development, for example,
identified more than 33 major objectives, 75 priorities and
247 directives relating to foreign aid in the act. And all of
this for a miniscule piece of the federal budget. Little
wonder, then, that we lack any central focus to our effort
and even less of an ability to measure its effectiveness.
The Global Partnerships Act of 2012 (H.R. 6644) replaces
this byzantine labyrinth of priorities by identifying eight
concise goals for development assistance. The legislation
simplifies the bureaucracy administering foreign aid by
restoring the U.S. Agency for International Development's
policy and budget functions and clarifies the roles and
relationships of key officials involved in its delivery.
In addition, the Global Partnerships Act tackles problems
like the lack of transparency, accountability and oversight
in the system. It requires the maintenance of an online
database of information, easily accessible by the public,
with complete information about all forms of U.S. foreign
assistance, including an unclassified database on security
assistance. This online database would provide detailed
information on overhead and administrative costs for overseas
projects, ensuring that U.S. taxpayers get the most out of
their investment.
Opponents of foreign aid say that aid programs amount to
little more than handouts. But the purpose of foreign
assistance, as President Obama has insisted, must be to
create the conditions where it's no longer needed. To do
this, our programs should aim to build indigenous capacity in
various sectors, with the ultimate goals of country ownership
and self-reliance. The Global Partnerships Act emphasizes the
importance of country ownership by transforming the donor-
recipient relationship to one of partners working toward
mutually agreed-upon and beneficial goals.
Many believe that foreign assistance is a luxury we can no
longer afford in an era of tight budgets and fiscal
challenges. They perpetuate the misconception that foreign
aid encompasses a massive portion of the federal budget. In
reality, this assistance amounts to only about 1 percent of
federal spending.
Moreover, foreign aid is a critical component of our
national-security strategy, which includes three key pillars:
defense, diplomacy and development. National-security experts
and military leaders frequently extol the importance of
foreign aid, recognizing, as former Defense Secretary Robert
Gates once said, that ``economic development is a lot cheaper
than sending soldiers.''
It is critical that the United States modernize its foreign
aid policies and maintain its foreign aid investments. It is
also critical that we establish metrics to gauge the efficacy
of those investments. There are other countries ready and
willing to fill the vacuum that we will leave behind.
Foreign assistance is a critical tool in the diplomatic
toolkit. A great power must have the tools to act--beyond
simply intervening militarily. A streamlined, effective
foreign aid template can enhance U.S. values and influence in
a dangerous world and help avoid the enormous costs in blood
and treasure that inevitably result from military
intervention.
While admittedly some of our foreign aid investments have
been ineffectively deployed in the field over the years, it
is beyond dispute that foreign assistance has dramatically
lowered infant mortality rates, raised hundreds of millions
of people from poverty, extended longevity, created
employment and fostered democratic institutions in every
corner of the world. Its return is well worth the investment.
I have no other speakers. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.