Mr. President, prior to my responding to my friend, I would use just a few minutes of leader time--I will be very brief--with permission. Here is what I am going to say. Mr. President, we have heard this back-and-forth stuff about…
Mr. President, prior to my responding to my friend, I would use just a few minutes of leader time--I will be very brief--with permission.
Here is what I am going to say.
Mr. President, we have heard this back-and-forth stuff about veterans. But in addition to what the Senator from Washington said, let me read one paragraph from the Record of yesterday:
I would note also that I believe the resolution the Senator
is offering and suggested be passed provides only partial
funding for the VA. There is no funding here to operate the
national cemeteries. There is no funding for
the Board of Veterans' Appeals. There is no funding for
constructing VA hospitals and their clinics. There is no
funding, actually, to operate the IT system that the entire
VA needs in order to continue going forward.
I reserve the right to object to the request of my friend from Texas.
I object, as do most Americans. There is no reason for us to have to choose between important government functions, as has been said by my three colleagues so brilliantly this morning. But I guess my objection is best paraphrased by reading a column from the Washington Post by Dana Milbank. Here is what he said:
House Republicans continued what might be called the
lifeboat strategy: deciding which government functions are
worth saving. In: veterans, the troops and tourist
attractions. Out: poor children, pregnant women and just
about every government function that regulates business. . .
. Here are some of the functions not boarding the GOP
lifeboats: market regulation, chemical spill investigations,
antitrust enforcement, worksite immigration checks, workplace
safety inspections, the Environmental Protection Agency . . .
communications and trade regulation, nutrition for 9 million
children and pregnant women, flu monitoring and other
functions of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
and housing rental assistance for the poor.
I spent, 1 month ago, a day at the National Institutes of Health. I remember so clearly one Institute I went to where this young girl, about 12 years old--she had come back for her second visit. She has a disease that they do not know for sure what it is. But they were trying to figure out what she had, and they felt they were on the cusp of being able to figure that out. Her parents, of course, were very happy.
We know how important it is that little children, babies, adults be taken care of, especially toward the time when they have no hope. That is what NIH is about: hope.
I truly believe we should open the government, all the government. This is a trip down a road that is so foolish. We need not be there. If people have a problem with ObamaCare--and I know my friend, the junior Senator from Texas, does not care for ObamaCare--let's do it in a context that is reasonable and fair, not have all the people in America who are so troubled with this----
I heard an interview with the Governor of Maryland this morning. They are losing $15 million or $20 million a day because of the government being closed in Maryland. I would ask my friend to accept a modification. It is a modification that is so well-intentioned. What it would do is open the government. It would take care of the National Institutes of Health, it would take care of the veterans, including all the stuff that is left out of the consent we have here before which I read into the Record a minute ago, it would take care of the national parks, and in Nevada we are really desperate to have those open. We have one 70 minutes outside of Las Vegas where 1 million people a year visit. We have one about 12 miles outside of Las Vegas where we have 600,000 people a year visit, Lake Mead. The other is Red Rock, and others. We have a Great Basin National Park. We want to open that. That would solve this problem.
So I ask unanimous consent that the consent of my friend from Texas be modified, that an amendment which is at the desk be agreed to; that the joint resolution, as amended, be read a third time and passed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid on the table, with no intervening action or debate.
This amendment is the text that passed the Senate and is a clean continuing resolution for the entire government. It is something that is already over in the House and reportedly has the support of a majority of Members of the House.
Finally, the statement I made, if that little girl came back there now for her clinical trial, likely she would not be able to have any help, just as we learned earlier this week there were 200 people who were turned away from clinical trials, 30 of whom were babies and children.
Mr. President, still reserving my right to object, my friend from Texas--and I have developed a relationship with him--talks about a meeting
that he did not attend. I was there. I was one of five people, the President, Speaker Boehner, Leader McConnell, Leader Pelosi, and me-- the Vice President was also there. I am sorry.
I attended that meeting. The President did not say: Come on in, I am not going to talk to you, I have nothing to say, words to that effect. The meeting lasted an hour and 20 minutes. There were a lot of things said. But one thing that was not said is this ``Alice in Wonderland'' what took place in that meeting, when someone talks about the meeting who was not there.
Let's talk about compromise. My friend brought up compromise. We have before us a continuing resolution. My friend, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, John Boehner, called me and said: We have got to work this out. We have got to get this done quickly.
I thought: So how are we going to get it done? This was on September 9 after our recess ended. He said: We have got to have the 988 number for this year.
I said: I cannot do that. I cannot do that. Chairman Murray's number is $70 billion above that that we passed here in the Senate. We passed that. I cannot agree to 988.
He said: You have got to do it. I do not want to be fighting. I want to get this done.
So I talked to Chairman Murray, Chairman Mikulski, and others. Even though it was desperately hard to do--because we do not like the number 988, we do not like it. It is not our number--we agreed to do it. That was a compromise. I have been in Congress 31 years. That is the biggest compromise I have ever made. My caucus did not like it, but we did it in an effort to have a clean CR.
You talk about compromise, that was big time. But, Speaker Boehner, I am sure, was well intentioned. He could not get it done. He could not get it done. It was his idea how to get it done.
Then, talking about further compromise, one of the last things we had walked over from the House is: Go to conference. So I thought: I have something. It is an offer so good that he cannot refuse. What did I do? With the cooperation of all 53 Democratic Senators, here is what we agreed to do: Open the government. What we will do is go to conference. Not on little select areas. We will go to conference on a list of everything. I listed everything--not everything, but everything I could think of. We listed agriculture, we listed discretionary spending and, yes, we listed health care.
I gave the letter to the Speaker. I talked to him 45 minutes later. He said: I can't do it.
Wow.
I know what legislation is all about. It is the art of compromise. I understand that. We have compromised in big-time fashion. The problem is that the Speaker and some other Republican Members of Congress are in a real bind because the only thing they want to talk about is the law that passed 4 years ago, which the Supreme Court declared constitutional. This is a little unusual, I would think, in my experience here.
So we are where we are because we not only have the government shutdown, but we have the full faith and credit of our Nation before us in a week or 10 days.
I suggest, I do not want anyone to say I have not compromised. All one needs to do is talk to any Member of my caucus and they will talk about how difficult it has been for us to accept that number, and agree to go to conference on anything.
I object.
If my friend would yield, following his statement of 20 minutes, I ask unanimous consent that the following Senators be recognized: Mikulski already has 15 minutes; Murray, I ask unanimous consent that she follow Mikulski for 10 minutes; Heinrich, 10 minutes; Schumer, 15 minutes.
If some Republicans want to come and talk, my friends, I would be happy to yield to any of them. But we have not had a large number of people over here this morning.