Floor Statements

Mr. President, I send to the desk en bloc 12 unanimous- consent requests, and I ask for their consideration en bloc, that the requests be agreed to en bloc, that the motions to reconsider the adoption of these requests be laid upon the table, and that they appear separately in the Record.

Before the Chair rules, I would like to point out that these requests are routine and are done at the beginning of each new Congress. They entail issues such as authority for the Ethics Committee to meet and other such matters.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, the Ethics Committee be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, there be a limitation of 15 minutes each upon any rollcall vote, with the warning signal to be sounded at the midway point, beginning at the last 7\1/2\ minutes, and when rollcall votes are of 10 minute duration, the warning signal be sounded at the beginning of the last 7\1/2\ minutes.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that during the 112th Congress, it be in order for the Secretary of the Senate to receive reports at the desk when presented by a Senator at any time during the day of the session of the Senate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the majority and minority leaders may daily have up to 10 minutes each on each calendar day following the prayer and disposition of the reading of, or the approval of, the Journal.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Parliamentarian of the House of Representatives and his four assistants be given the privileges of the floor during the 112th Congress.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, notwithstanding the provisions of rule XXVIII, conference reports and statements accompanying them not be printed as Senate reports when such conference reports and statements have been printed as a House report unless specific request is made in the Senate in each instance to have such a report printed.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Appropriations be authorized during the 112th Congress to file reports during adjournments or recesses of the Senate on appropriations bills, including joint resolutions, together with any accompanying notices of motions to suspend rule XVI, pursuant to rule V, for the purpose of offering certain amendments to such bills or joint resolutions, which proposed amendments shall be printed.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, for the duration of the 112th Congress, the Secretary of the Senate be authorized to make technical and clerical corrections in the engrossments of all Senate- passed bills and joint resolutions, Senate amendments to House bills and resolutions, Senate amendments to House amendments to Senate bills and resolutions, and Senate amendments to House amendments to Senate amendments to House bills or resolutions.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, when the Senate is in recess or adjournment, the Secretary of the Senate is authorized to receive messages from the President of the United States, and--with the exception of House bills, joint resolutions and concurrent resolutions--messages from the House of Representatives, that they be appropriately referred and that the President of the Senate, the President pro tempore, and the Acting President pro tempore be authorized to sign duly enrolled bills and joint resolutions.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, Senators be allowed to leave at the desk with the journal clerk the names of two staff members who will be granted the privilege of the floor during the consideration of the specific matter noted, and that the Sergeant-at-Arms be instructed to rotate staff members as space allows.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, it be in order to refer treaties and nominations on the day when they are received from the President, even when the Senate has no executive session that day.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that for the duration of the 112th Congress, Senators may be allowed to bring to the desk bills, joint resolutions, concurrent resolutions and simple resolutions, for referral to appropriate committees.

One of the issues we must reform is the confirmation process in the Senate. I have heard from a number of Senators on both sides of the aisle who think we should address this.

Clearly, all Presidents are entitled to choose well-qualified individuals to

serve in their administration. In the vast majority of instances, the individuals nominated by the President are not controversial, but many have faced delays before assuming their positions. These delays mean critical decisionmakers are not in place. And, the delays make it harder to find qualified people--many great nominees simply cannot wait around for months as the stress and uncertainty affects their families and careers. We need to do better in the 112th Congress. According to the Congressional Research Service, the Senate has a constitutional duty to exercise ``advice and consent'' on more than 1,215 executive branch nominees. That is a large number. Is my friend from Kentucky aware of that the Senate confirms more than 1,215 executive branch nominees?

I remember the Public Service Commission well and its Chairman Paul Volcker. We may need a new working group in the Senate to examine the confirmation process and ways to improve, streamline, and in some cases perhaps eliminate the confirmation process for lower level nominees. I would like to propose a new working group on executive nominations headed by Chairman Schumer and Ranking Member Alexander of the Rules Committee. We will develop the details of this effort in the coming weeks, but I think a Senate level working group is a good place to start. And I would also recommend that Senators Schumer and Alexander work on this effort in conjunction with Senators Lieberman and Collins. The Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee has held hearings on the confirmation process in the past, and Senators Lieberman and Collins have been engaged in this issue for some time. They can bring a valuable perspective here.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the first day for the introduction of bills and joint resolutions in the 112th Congress be Tuesday, January 25, 2011.

I have a concurrent resolution at the desk. I ask the clerk to report the same.

Mr. President, I move to reconsider that vote.

Mr. President, happy new year to you. And happy new year to all my colleagues, those returning to the Senate and those taking office today for the first time.

I am honored, humbled, and will forever be grateful that the people of Nevada have entrusted me with another term as a Senator. I will continue working hard to create jobs for the people of my State and our country and get our country back on track. I am also grateful for the continued support and confidence of my caucus, which has given me the honor of serving as its leader. Neither title--Senator nor majority leader--is a responsibility I take lightly or for granted.

They say you can never step in the same river twice; new water flows in replacing the old and continually renewing the river. The Senate is the same. This body never stops changing. Every 2 years--occasionally more frequently--new Senators take their seats in this Chamber. They join the Senate family in this ever-evolving team of 100 tasked with moving the country forward. Our fundamental responsibilities and traditions anchor us in that river. Our respect and reverence for the people we serve and this institution never wavers or changes.

According to academics, pundits, and Congress watchers, the 111th Congress was the most productive in American history. But many challenges and opportunities still lie ahead for this new Congress that starts today. We have to do even more to help middle-class families, to create jobs, to hasten our energy independence, to improve our children's education, and to fix our broken immigration system. We also have to make sure the Senate can operate in a way that allows the people's elected legislators to legislate.

We will soon debate some reforms to Senate procedure, reforms proposed not for the sake of change itself or for partisan gain but because the current system has been abused and abused gratuitously. The filibuster in particular has been abused and in truly unprecedented fashion. There are strong passions on both sides of this debate on this issue. There are nearly as many opinions about what to do about these abuses as there are Senators. But let's start the conversation with some facts.

There were about as many filibusters in the last two Congresses as there were in the first six and a half decades the cloture rules existed. There were nearly as many filibusters in just the last 2 years as there were in the 1920s, 1930s, 1940s, 1950s, 1960s, and half of the 1970s, all combined. In the entire 19th century, the Senate saw fewer than 12 filibusters. Now we see that many in a single month. Many of these recent filibusters were terribly unproductive. Many of them prevented us from even holding debate on a bill, let alone an up-or- down vote. After we wasted hour after hour, day after day, sometimes weeks, many of those bills passed and

many of those nominations were confirmed overwhelmingly and sometimes unanimously.

I have been forced to use my right as majority leader to fill what we call the amendment tree more than I would have liked to, but it has been for a simple reason. Rather than offer amendments to improve legislation or compromise for the greater good, as Members of this body have done for generations, the current minority has offered amendments simply to waste time, delay us from proceeding to a bill or for scoring political points. The American people love government, but they don't like too much politics in government.

Finally, these rules are central to the Senate, but they are not sacrosanct. Senate procedures and rules have changed since the Senate was founded at the beginning of this country when necessary and after serious consideration. Those decisions have never been made without great deliberation, and no future change should be made any differently.

The recent abuses we have seen have hurt the Senate and hurt our country. They have hurt our economic recovery, and they hurt middle- class families. They hurt the institutions that lead and shape America because they keep public servants and judges from these posts for no reason other than partisanship. Even Chief Justice Roberts criticized the Senate a few days ago for how few judges we confirmed and how slowly we do even the few we confirm. His criticism and concern are well founded. I hope all my colleagues consider the Chief Justice's warning and what it means for the pursuit of justice.

Here is the bottom line: We may not agree yet on how to fix the problem, but no one can credibly claim problems don't exist. No one who has watched this body operate since the current minority took office can say it functions just fine. That wouldn't be true. It would be dishonest. No one can deny that the filibuster has been used for purely political reasons, reasons far beyond those for which this protection was invented and intended.

I say through the Chair to my distinguished Republican counterpart, my friend, Senator McConnell, in the coming days, let's come together to find a solution. That is why we are here. I say to the 16 new Senators, we need to do some things to correct some of the things that have taken place. The Senate must solve problems, not create them. I am going to work to the best of my ability with my friend, the Senator from Kentucky, to work this out, to work out a compromise.

The last time Congress convened without Senator Robert Byrd as a Member, Harry Truman was President of the United States and 42 of our 100 Senators had not even been born. No one knew the Constitution better than Robert Byrd, and no one revered it more. He taught many of us many things. Among them, he taught me to carry the Constitution with me every day.

I do that, Mr. President. I always have this copy of our founding document in my pocket, signed by Senator Byrd, one of the most fervent defenders of the Constitution. He has given me two of them. The first one wore out, but I have it in my desk in Searchlight. I have such fondness looking at what Senator Byrd wrote in it. As we all know, in his later years he had a benign tremor, and he shook a little bit when he wrote. But he wrote this, and I will always, always remember Senator Byrd, that fervent defender of this Constitution.

He loved the Constitution. This coal miner's son loved the Constitution. Just like everyone in America, whether you are a coal miner's son or an academic's son, we all should love this Constitution, not just because of what is written in it but how those words were written and how it all came together.

Senator Byrd knew our Constitution was created through compromise. At a moment of particular partisan strife, 15 years ago Senator Byrd came to this floor and said the following:

I hope that we will all take a look at ourselves on both

sides of this aisle and understand also that we must work

together in harmony and with mutual respect for one another.

This very charter of government--

Talking about the Constitution--

under which we live was created in a spirit of compromise and

mutual concession. And it is only in that spirit that a

continuance of this charter of government can be prolonged

and sustained.

That is what he said.

Our friends in the House have decided to begin their daily business by reading the Constitution. In these first few minutes of the new Senate session, I think we should reflect on Senator Byrd's wise reminder of this Constitution's history. Like the Constitution, the agreement that established two separate and different Houses in the legislative branch was itself a compromise.

Mr. President, it is written to be the Great Compromise that allowed us to have a Constitution. As much as ever before, our two branches need to find common ground if we are going to be productive for the people we serve and serve together.

In that same speech a decade and a half ago, Senator Byrd reminded us that ``the welfare of the country is more dear than the mere victory of [a political] party.'' I think we would do well to heed those words as we debate and decide how to best serve the Nation and its people in this new year.

Senators come and go. Majorities and minorities rotate like a rolling wheel, and records of service are written and rewritten. The only constant in this great democracy is change--a change we never anticipate. Sometimes we do, but most often we do not. Sixteen Senators who were here just a few days ago have moved on, and 16 new ones now take their seats. Laws that govern this Nation and the rules that govern this body continually evolve carefully and by necessity.

But the most important change we can make in the 112th Congress is to work better and more closely as teammates, not as opponents; as partners, not as partisans; to fulfill our constitutional responsibility to pursue a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to a period of morning business and that there be 30 minutes for tributes regarding Senator Mikulski's milestone; that upon conclusion of Mikulski-related remarks, there be 45 minutes for Senator Harkin; that upon the conclusion of Senator Harkin's remarks, the Republican leader or his designee control the next 35 minutes; further, that following that time controlled by the Republican leader, Senators be permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. President, I note the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I have a resolution at the desk. I ask it now be considered.

I move to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was agreed to.

Mr. President, I have another resolution at the desk. I ask it be considered.

Mr. President, I move to reconsider that vote.

Mr. President, I have a resolution at the desk and ask it be reported.

Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was agreed to.

Mr. President, I have another resolution at desk. I ask it be now considered.

I move to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was agreed to.

Mr. President, I now ask unanimous consent the following Senators be recognized to speak on this resolution and Senator Mikulski's historic milestone--I would note for Senators, we will be in a period of morning business when we complete the business of today-- Reid of Nevada for 2 minutes, McConnell for 2 minutes, Cardin for 2 minutes, Snowe for 2 minutes, and Mikulski for 3 minutes. I ask unanimous consent.

Mr. President, I came to the Senate in January 1987, in the same class as Barbara Mikulski. Every sixth January since, including today, Barbara Mikulski and I have been sworn in together. Taking that oath is humbling and meaningful for every Senator, but it is a little more meaningful this time around for Senator Mikulski, for Maryland, and for our country. She is now the longest serving woman Senator in our Nation's history.

She has had a pathbreaking career, and that is an understatement. She was the first woman to serve in the Senate Democratic leadership when we elected her our caucus secretary and she was the first woman ever to serve on the Senate Appropriations Committee.

The woman whose record she breaks was a significant Senator in her own right. Margaret Chase Smith of Maine was the first woman to be elected to both the House and the Senate.

I know Senator Mikulski very well. She is my friend and my confidant. I know that more than any records, she is most proud of what she has done with that time, time she has dedicated to tireless, passionate, and effective advocacy for those who need a voice or even a hand.

She is as committed to social and economic justice as any Senator who has ever served in this great Chamber and she has won the admiration and respect of her colleagues, both Democrats and Republican, especially those for whom she has given her time and her advice as a mentor and a role model.

Alongside all her records and accomplishments, I will always admire the way she led us in one of our darkest days. As evening fell on Washington, DC, for the first time after the Twin Towers fell in New York, hundreds of Members of Congress, from the House and the Senate, walked outside to the steps of the Capitol. We joined hands. Then, in a moment of silence, Senator Mikulski suggested we all sing ``God Bless America.'' We did. I will never forget that moment.

I will always remember a speech this good woman gave more than two decades ago. Senator Mikulski, Senator John Glenn, and I went on a trip to Poland, back when it was behind the Communist Iron Curtain. John Glenn, who, of course, was an international celebrity in addition to being a Senator, captivated the crowd. We were in a basement, meeting with some dissidents. Knowing Senator Mikulski is of Polish descent, I asked if she could speak next, after Senator Glenn. I thought she would say a few words about her heritage. I have heard a lot of speeches in my life, but none has ever moved me more than the speech Barbara Mikulski gave in that basement in Warsaw, Poland.

Congratulations to my friend, Senator Barbara Mikulski, and the State of Maryland for returning such a strong public servant to the Senate on their behalf.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Con. Res. 2.

Mr. President, we run through these resolutions, and sometimes don't understand the importance of what we do to individuals. I just read about a half an hour ago one of the nicest letters I have ever received from Caroline Kennedy regarding this. When I think of Ted Kennedy, when I came to the Senate he was somebody I could never believe I would be working with. As you come into my Capitol office, as you walk in the door, I have a letter that was sent to me by President Kennedy between the time he was elected and before he was inaugurated. Ted used to come in to my office and many times he would look at that letter from his brother. He said, ``And that's his real signature.'' It was a letter to me congratulating me on establishing the first Young Democrat Club at Utah State University. And then to have this wonderful letter from Caroline.

These things we do affect people and there is no better example than that nice letter I got from Caroline today regarding her father and saying thanks for doing this for my father.

I further ask that the concurrent resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate, and any statements related to this measure be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, this has been an exciting day, the beginning of the 112th Congress. It has been I think a historic day. The debate has been very good. The exchange between the Republican leader and I set the stage, I hope--at least that is what I believe--for the conversation that came later from Democrats and Republicans about how this place is going to run. I think that has been very constructive for the Senate and for the country.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it recess under the provisions of S. Con. Res. 1, until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, January 25; that following the prayer and the pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day; that following any leader remarks, the Senate proceed to a period of morning business with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each; I finally ask that the Senate recess from 12:30 to 2:15 p.m. to allow for the weekly caucus meetings on that date.

Mr. President, rollcall votes are possible on Tuesday, January 25. Senators will be notified when votes are scheduled.