Floor Statements

Mr. President, 15 years ago today, 168 Americans died in a despicable act in a Federal building in Oklahoma City.

I therefore ask the President of the Senate to declare a moment of silence in memory of those who were there that day and many other victims and survivors of terrorism at home and abroad.

Following leader remarks, the Senate will be in a period of morning business until 3 p.m. today, with Senators allowed to speak for up to 10 minutes each during that time. Following the closing of morning business, the Senate will turn to executive session to debate the nomination of Lael Brainard to be Under Secretary of the Treasury. At 5 p.m. today, there will be a cloture vote on that nomination.

Last week, I filed cloture on five nominations. It is my hope we will be able to work out time agreements on each of these nominations. If we are unable to do so, we will be in session around the clock until we have votes on all these nominations, with speeches and votes taking place during that time. Upon disposition of the nominations, we will turn to the legislation to reform Wall Street.

Financial Reform

Holding these huge banks accountable for the enormous economic crisis of recent years is about more than dollars and cents. It is about fairness and justice. It is also about learning lessons from the mistakes of the past so we are not bound to repeat them.

Those who cared only to boost their own holdings and accounts must be held accountable. To those who gamed the system, the game is over. Wall Street's ability to recklessly risk a family's future must be a thing of the past. Those who dealt in deception and benefited from the cover of darkness

must be called out and brought into the daylight. That is why the bill we will bring to the floor includes the strongest protections ever against Wall Street greed. It will also give families more control than ever over their own finances and give consumers more clarity so they can make the right financial decisions.

Our bill will not end taxpayer bailouts--that is what some say, but the fact is, that is what it is all about. It will end taxpayer bailouts. It will hold Wall Street accountable for its excess and the harm it does and make sure banks fully disclose what they are betting on and, for once, make it more clear what people are allowing these banks to do.

Our bill creates an independent agency to protect consumers, and it stops banks from taking excessive risks with families' hard-earned savings. We are cracking down on the subprime mortgage scams and forcing big banks and credit card companies to deal more honestly with their consumers.

It is a good bill. I support it because I support transparency, accountability, and economic security. Those opposed to it favor secrecy, irresponsibility, and reckless risk taking. I am sure my counterpart, the distinguished Republican leader, has some thoughts to share on this reform as well.

When the Senate hears from him, I assume he will continue to make the case, the very weak case he has made for the past week or so in the Chamber and out over the airwaves. This bill is about accountability and honesty, so let's hold the legislators to the same standard when they talk about it. Before my Republican friends repeat more false claims, let's acknowledge some basic facts. The bill that will come on the floor will protect taxpayers, will not leave taxpayers with the tab, as the other side pretends. This bill is not a bailout. Republicans know that, although they refuse to say it, and the Presiding Officer has done remarkably good work in going toward that end.

After all, if this were such a good deal for Wall Street bankers, why are they lobbying so hard against it? This is a bipartisan product and includes many Republican ideas that were proposed during months--I repeat, months--of negotiations with Republican Senators. Chairman Dodd has worked for months with Ranking Member Shelby and Senator Corker. Senator Dodd has led bipartisan working groups and held bipartisan meetings. All these meetings produced solid, bipartisan ideas that will be in the legislation we bring to the floor.

Last November, Senator Shelby said Democrats and Republicans agreed on nearly 70 percent of the bill. Last month, Senator Shelby said negotiators agreed on nearly 80 percent. Senator Corker said the negotiations were constructive and said consensus is in sight.

So the Republican leadership's claim that this is a one-sided effort doesn't pass the laugh test. This plan is not partisan, as the other side pretends. Republicans know that, although again they refuse to say it. They also refuse to admit whose side they are on. Earlier this month, the Republican leader and the head of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee went to Wall Street. They met with the bankers and hedge fund managers who benefited more than anyone from the broken system and, of course, are trying harder than any to stop us from fixing it; that is, the hedge fund managers and the bankers. So every time Republicans make false claims, at this late stage of the process, they are saying they want to protect their special interest friends on Wall Street.

Rather than stand for taxpayers and shareholders, they want to stand with the same bankers who cost 8 million American workers their jobs, devastated so many families' economic security, and jeopardized our Nation's economic stability. Every time Republicans repeat their tired talking points, what they are saying is they want to stop reform.

The American people who bore the burden of Wall Street's greed couldn't disagree more. We learned recently that the SEC is investigating Goldman-Sachs for its role in the financial meltdown. I am glad the Government is looking at Goldman and other firms involved in this disaster, but this is not just about executives or the traders. It is not just about familiar faces and bold names. This is about our ability to trust in the financial system. It is about families keeping their homes and knowing their savings will be safe. It is about right and wrong. Again, it is our job to get to the root of the problem. The culprits are shortsightedness and selfishness. They are greed, deception, and irresponsibility. Wall Street looked out for only their immediate, fleeting gain. So far, the same is guiding our Republican colleagues. Wall Street adjourned itself with short-term success rather than to think about what is right for our economy in the long run.

So far, Republicans in the Senate have shown they share that same concern, that callous concern. Wall Street dealt in myths and misinformation and with disregard for hard-working families. So far, Republican Senators are following the same game plan. Wall Street sees no need to ensure this kind of crisis never happens again. So far, neither do our Republican friends. Wall Street ran wild because there was no transparency.

The Senate Republican strategy has been transparent as can be; all they want is to stop necessary reform in its tracks. I agree with Paul Krugman, Nobel Prize-winning economist, who last week called Republican tactics ``a shameless performance.''

We have seen them run these plays before on health care and other issues. They didn't work then and they will not work now. The system is broken. Consumers need better protection, taxpayers need our guarantee that they will never again be called on to bail out a big bank. That is plain to see. You can draw a straight line from the lax oversight and excess greed on Wall Street to the collapse of the housing market on Main Street, throughout Nevada and across America. Here is the difference. We want to change the rules. Republicans want to change the subject.

Executive Nominations

As I indicated, we now have five nominations before us. I wish I could say Wall Street reform is the only arena in which Republicans are playing partisan games, but that is not true. It is a matter of fact, not opinion, that Democrats treated President Bush's nominations far better than Senate Republicans are treating President Obama's. In fact, no President has been treated such as President Obama has been treated as far as his nominations--no President.

President Obama has 99 administration nominees awaiting confirmation by the full Senate. At this point in President Bush's first term--take that as an example--the Senate had confirmed all but five. We have confirmed all but 99, 99 to 5. Many Americans have never heard these nominees' names before, but that doesn't make their jobs any less critical to our country. This is about one party deciding government should not work and deciding they should not have to work either. They are preventing people from going to work to make our country better. They are outright abdicating their constitutional responsibility to confirm or deny the President's nominees. Their decisions are grounded in reflexive partisanship, not principled argument. Republicans are treating judicial nominees the same way. President Obama had 22 judicial nominees awaiting confirmation--22 are awaiting it right now. At this point in President Bush's first term, the Senate had confirmed all but 7, 22 to 7. That means Republicans have stalled more judicial nominations than they have allowed us to vote on. Many of these nominations reported by the Judiciary Committee, many without dissent, have been pending for months and months. Every time Republicans stand in the way of our judicial system's ability to do its job, the public pays the price.

This is not how the Senate is meant to operate nor how it has operated in the past. This is unique. This is unprecedented and indefensible.

Madam President, I rise today to honor one of Nevada's greatest champions and advocates for victims throughout my home State. In her living room in Las Vegas, NV, in 1974, Florence McClure cofounded Community Action Against Rape, CAAR, with Sandi Petta. Thirty-five years later, CAAR has become the Rape Crisis Center, the largest sexual assault center in Nevada, serving all of Nevada.

Florence McClure moved to Las Vegas, NV, in 1966. She was instrumental in the opening of the Frontier Hotel. While making the hotel into a major resort on the Las Vegas Strip, Florence made history as a female executive in the casino industry. She also joined the Las Vegas Chapter of the League of Women Voters and other women's groups in 1967. She returned to college and obtained her bachelor's degree from UNLV in 1971.

Florence became a tireless advocate for victims of sexual assault. As the director of CAAR for 12 years, she was instrumental in forcing improvements and system changes in the way sexual assault victims were treated. Not one to shy away from confrontation, Florence worked most often one-on-one with judges, law enforcement officers, and medical personnel to increase the ability of a victim to recover and to be successful in court by providing better care, counseling, evidence collection, support, and privacy for victims.

Florence McClure did not stop there. In the 1980s she turned her energy to advocating for a women's prison in Las Vegas instead of in a rural setting, so the incarcerated women could be closer to their children for visitation. She lobbied for improved programs within the prisons. Today that facility carries her name.

On April 30, 2010, we honor ``Hurricane'' Florence McClure for her outspoken, courageous, life-changing advocacy for the rights of victims of rape and sexual assault. Her efforts have made Nevada a better, stronger home for women and children.

Madam President, there will be a period of morning business today as soon as I finish. There will be 10 minutes for each Senator. The majority will control the first 30 minutes and the Republicans will control the final 30 minutes.

Following morning business, the Senate will resume consideration of the extension of unemployment benefits and others. Yesterday, I filed cloture on the substitute and the bill. The filing deadline for first- degree amendments is today at 1 p.m. Currently, we have two Coburn amendments pending. We would like to dispose of those amendments and complete action on the bill today. I have had some conversations with Senator Coburn, and he believes we can finish this today. I would hope we can. If others have amendments to offer, I would hope they would do it as soon as possible. The reason for that is that we could finish early today and allow people to make arrangements for tomorrow. Right now, people are scheduled out for tomorrow. If we can get out early today, they can make other arrangements for tomorrow. People simply have to decide if we are going to have to be here tomorrow morning. The sooner we have the Republicans tell us that, the better off we will be.

Madam President, I would ask the Chair to now announce morning business.

Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum, and I ask unanimous consent that the time during the quorum be charged equally on both sides.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, first, I wish to express my appreciation to everyone in the Senate. This has been a good debate. Sides have been chosen, and I think the arguments were good on both sides. We had amendments on this. There were efforts made to just move forward and have a cloture vote on it. I thought this was the best way to go.

So I appreciate everyone's cooperation. We didn't want to take these votes, but we took them, and I think it is better for the order.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that at 5 p.m. today, the Senate proceed to vote in relation to the McCain amendment No. 3724; that upon disposition of the McCain amendment, no further amendments be in order; that the Senate then proceed to vote on the motion to invoke cloture on the Baucus amendment No. 3721, as modified; that if cloture is invoked, then all postcloture time be yielded back; the Baucus amendment as modified and amended, if amended, be agreed to; the bill then be read a third time; and following the reading of the pay-go letter from the chairman of the Budget Committee, the cloture motion with respect to the bill be withdrawn, the Senate then proceed to vote on passage of the bill, as amended, and that 2 minutes prior to the first vote be equally divided and controlled between Senators Baucus and McCain.

I now ask unanimous consent that the Senate resume legislative session.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Today, with this moment of silence, we are going to honor the people of Poland because of the tragedy that occurred there a few days ago. I extend my deepest condolences to the people of Poland. That plane carried 96 souls--parents, husbands, wives, and friends. It carried that nation's President, its First Lady, its Deputy Foreign Minister, lawmakers, and so many other military and civilian leaders. It is hard to comprehend. The tragedy and loss is unthinkable, and America grieves alongside our friends in Poland.

I also want to commend Senators Durbin and Johanns for taking the lead on a resolution expressing sympathy for the people of Poland. With this resolution, the Senate formally states our condolences for the people of Poland.

Mr. President, today, following the remarks by Senators regarding the tragedy in Poland--and we appreciate very much their being here--there will be a period of morning business for 1 hour, with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each. The Republicans will control the first 30 minutes, and the majority will control the final 30 minutes.

Following morning business, the Senate will resume consideration of H.R. 4851, the Continuing Extension Act, with the time until 12:30 p.m. equally divided and controlled between the two leaders or their designees. If a point of order is raised against the pending Baucus amendment, at 12:30 p.m. the Senate will proceed to a vote on the motion to waive the Budget Act.

Mr. President, I would like to say, recognizing that she is here, that one of the remarkable moments of my career was a time a number of years ago when we were in Poland. The delegation was led by Senator John Glenn, and we were meeting with a number of dissidents in Poland--people who were fighting against the repression coming from the Soviet Union. Senator Glenn said a few words, and then I asked that Senator Mikulski, who is so proud of her Polish heritage, be recognized to say a few words to these freedom fighters in Poland, and it was one of the most remarkable speeches I have ever heard.

She was so powerful, talking about her background in Baltimore, her heritage, and I have never, ever forgotten that speech made by the Senator from Maryland. It was one of the most remarkable statements I have ever heard in my professional career.

Madam President, I enter a motion to reconsider.

Madam President, with the consent of the minority, I suggest we go into a period of morning business for 1 hour, and at 2 o'clock we go back on this bill. As soon as Senator Coburn comes-- Chairman Baucus will be here around 2:15 and he will be ready to offer his first amendment. If there are any procedural issues, which there shouldn't be because this point of order was not well taken--so if there is anything we need to do, staff will be working on that so that procedurally we can get to him.

We all know that at 2:15 we will be back on the bill, and Senator Coburn will be offering his first amendment.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that we go into a period of morning business until 2 p.m., and at that time we go back on the bill, and that Senator Coburn be recognized to offer an amendment at 2:15.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that during the time of morning business, Senator Warner and his colleagues be allowed to enter into a colloquy.

Mr. President, we are not in a quorum call; is that right?

Mr. President, the Republican leader and I have discussed this vote that will take place at 5:45, if the unanimous consent request is granted, and we are going to keep the vote open for a while. There are a number of things people have to do this evening, and there is one Senator, because of the funeral of his best friend, who is going to be getting here late, so we will keep the vote open until he returns from the funeral. Everyone knows that. I have spoken to the Republican leader and he is fine with that.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I have at the desk two cloture motions.

Mr. President, I rise today in recognition of Sexual Assault Awareness Month. During the month of April, I urge my colleagues and Americans around the country to reflect on the effects of sexual assault and domestic violence in their communities and to join me in making a commitment to end this stain on our society. In conjunction with Sexual Assault Awareness Month, our country will observe

National Crime Victims' Rights Week on April 18-24, 2010. This year's theme, Crime Victim's Rights: Fairness, Dignity, and Respect, is a reminder of the progress our country has made as well as the work that still must be accomplished.

As a former U.S. Capitol Police Officer, I understand the effects violent crime can have on a family and community. I recognize the significant role government and other supporting agencies must play in assisting victims of sexual assault and preventing violence. We must never forget that sexual assault is a violent crime with devastating implications.

One in six women and one in thirty-three men reported experiencing rape or attempted rape in the United States. In 2008, an estimated 222,000 rapes or sexual assaults on individuals age 12 and older were reported. One in four women will experience domestic violence from a partner in their lifetime. Each year, an estimated 1.3 million women are victims of physical assault by an intimate partner. These numbers, while terrible, grossly underestimate the problem. Many cases of sexual assault and domestic violence are not reported because victims are afraid to tell the police, their family, or their friends about the abuse.

Such violence affects not only the victims of abuse, but their families, communities, and, most unfortunately, their children. Women, men, and children throughout our country suffer the long-lasting effects of sexual assault and domestic violence through the emotional and physical scars they carry each day.

It is clear we must do more to prevent these crimes and help those who are victimized. I have long supported efforts to recognize, prevent, and combat violent crimes committed against women and children, and I am always seeking to improve Federal laws and programs regarding this issue. In 1990, I was a cosponsor of the original Violence Against Women Act, VAWA, proposal, and I supported passage of the bill when it became law in 1994. Additionally, I support the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act, FVPSA, and I am pushing for greater funding for FVPSA programs and grants.

Countless organizations throughout our country are helping victims of abuse every day, thanks in part to VAWA and FVPSA. It is essential to recognize the organizations committed to providing victims of abuse the assistance they need to overcome the trauma of violence. Please join me in commending the dedicated efforts of the individuals who work tirelessly to stop violence in our communities.