Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay respects to my friend, producer and director, Gilbert Cates who passed away on October 31, 2011 at the age of 77. Let this congressional insert serve as a tribute to his memory and celebration of his meaningful life.

Born June 6, 1934, in New York City to Jewish parents, Mr. Cates was a member of the fencing team at Syracuse University studying pre-med but changed his major to Theater after an experience teaching actors to sword fight during a student production of Richard III.

Gilbert began his career directing a number of feature films-- including two Oscar nominated films--I Never Sang for My Father, in 1970, and Summer Wishes, Winter Dreams, in 1973. He also produced and directed Broadway and off Broadway plays, most notably the productions of I Never Sang for My Father and You Know I Can't Hear You When the Water's Running.

Hailed as a director with a propensity for taking on challenging themes, in 1984 Gilbert directed Consenting Adult, a made-for-TV feature which focused on homosexuality and was followed up in 1989 with Do You Know the Muffin Man?, a story centered on child molestation. Mr. Cates received Emmy nominations in the Best Director category for both projects.

During his tenure as president of the Directors Guild of America, DGA, Gilbert led the guild's negotiations committee and four times headed contract negotiations with producers, leading the guild through a strike in 1987. He was instrumental in orchestrating the merger between the Radio & Television Directors Guild and the Screen Directors Guild in 1960.

Well known for producing some 14 Academy Awards broadcasts between 1990 and 2008, Gilbert is famed for recruiting Billy Crystal and Whoopi Goldberg as well as David Letterman, Steve Martin, Chris Rock and Jon Stewart as hosts. He also served on the Academy's Board of Governors from 1984-1993, and won an Emmy in 1991 for the 63rd annual Oscars, returning to the board in 2002 and serving as its Vice President from 2003-2005.

In 1990, Gilbert became the Dean of UCLA's newly combined School of Theater, Film and Television, a post he held until 1998, after which he continued to educate young filmmakers as a professor. As a result of his many professional accomplishments, Mr. Cates received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. He also received the DGA's prestigious President's Award and the Guild's Robert Aldrich Award for service, as well as having received the DGA's Honorary Life Membership.

Gilbert was a loving husband and father. He is survived by his wife, Dr. Judith Reichman, four children, two stepchildren and six grandchildren.

I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the life and achievements of Gilbert Cates.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H.R. 2867, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Reform and Reauthorization Act of 2011, and the Senate amendments to the bill.

I want to initially start out by thanking the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from Virginia, Frank Wolf, for his leadership on the issue of international religious freedom; Senator Durbin for his efforts to strengthen the bill; my chairman, Ileana Ros- Lehtinen, for her management of this whole process that's finally going to get this reauthorization hopefully passed and sent to the President.

We're fortunate to live in a country that was founded by religious refugees on principles of tolerance. And we strive to adhere to article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This right includes the freedom to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance.

But elsewhere around the world, religious freedom and human rights are routinely violated. Countless men, women, and children face violence, persecution, and discrimination because of their faith. Unfortunately, intolerance is not restricted to just a few countries. Violent extremist attacks have taken place in the Middle East and South Asia. The regimes in North Korea and Iran actively repress religious freedom. Apostasy and blasphemy laws have fueled discrimination against religious minorities in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. Other religious minorities like the Tibetan Buddhists, Uighur Muslims, Ahmadis, and the Bahais face violence in government restrictions, and anti-Semitism is still prevalent around the world.

More than ever, we need the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to continue its important work to support the right to practice one's religion freely around the globe.

This bipartisan bill before us today reauthorizes the Commission, known as USCIRF, for another 3 years. The bill also contains some sensible reforms that will strengthen USCIRF's efforts to monitor and report on the status of freedom of religion abroad. These reforms include the process of selecting the chair, term limits for service for the members of the Commission, travel regulations, and a GAO study on improving the effectiveness and coordination of all the U.S. Government bodies that focus on international religious freedom.

In particular, I would like to thank Mr. Wolf for agreeing to include a provision that clarifies that USCIRF is subject to the same workplace protections and civil rights laws as the rest of the Federal Government.

With this piece of legislation, USCIRF will be able to more effectively carry out its mission and be the Commission it was intended to be. I urge my colleagues to support the legislation.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I do not oppose the motion.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.

This bill may represent our last chance to find a peaceful means to pressure the Iranian regime into stopping its nuclear weapons program. Within the next year, possibly in the next 6 months, this program may become irreversible unless we act now.

We know that sanctions are having an impact in Iran. President Ahmadinejad recently said that Iranian banks ``cannot make international transactions anymore.'' Just this weekend, Iran's Central Bank governor said ``the situation of sanctions is harder than a physical fight.'' With this bill before us today, we intend to make his fight much harder.

No sanctions can be deemed truly effective until Iran ends its nuclear weapons program. We know that Iran is steadily increasing its stockpile of low-enriched uranium, moving its centrifuges to a hardened underground facility and making progress in other ways towards a nuclear-weapons capability. We need to do more and faster.

H.R. 1905 builds on past efforts by imposing sanctions on foreign commercial enterprises that do business with Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, by widening the scope of sanctions on human-rights abusers, and by other means. But one of the most important elements of this bill is my measure to impose sanctions on Iran's Central Bank, which provides key financial support for Iran's nuclear- weapons and terrorism activities. This measure would cut Iran entirely off from the world's banking system, dealing an unprecedented blow to Iran's economy.

This may cause short-term difficulties for the world's oil market. And it may rankle some of our allies. But it is necessary because stopping Iran's nuclear program is of paramount strategic importance-- and we are running out of time.

Mr. Speaker, our absolute goal must be to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program. That's the goal of this bill. We may have only a few more months to deal peacefully with this crisis. There is no time to lose.

I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the Democratic whip for the House, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), a senior member of the committee, a leader in these efforts for many years, the ranking member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch), someone who has provided a major contribution to this legislation that's now before the House.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to one of the cofounders of the Iran Working Group, someone who has brought the issue of Iran, its policies, and particularly it's nuclear weapons program, to the attention of this body and the public, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my distinguished colleague and good friend who's been very active on these issues, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

Will the gentleman yield?

I appreciate that very much.

Just on this one issue, there is nothing in this bill that prohibits Americans from having contact with Iranians. There is nothing in this bill that prohibits the President of the United States or his Secretary of State or such other emissaries or agencies he chooses from engaging diplomatically on the issue of ending Iran's nuclear weapons program. I would not support a bill that prohibited that.

I appreciate the gentleman for yielding.

Section 603 was not stripped from the bill, and section 603 does not prohibit the administration from engaging diplomatically on this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I think I am the last speaker on my side of our side who intends to speak on this issue.

How much time remains?

The chairman of the committee, the gentlelady from Florida, has the right to close. Am I correct in that assumption?

Is the gentleman from Ohio, if I may ask through the Chair, the last speaker on his side?

Mr. Speaker, in that case I yield myself the balance of my time.

Again, I would like to repeat that this crisis only ends one of three ways.

Iran gets a nuclear weapons capability, and don't listen to straw man arguments. No one is saying Iran today has a nuclear bomb, but the IAEA has made it perfectly clear they are pursuing a nuclear weapons capability. Once they have that capability, they throw out the inspectors; they shut off the cameras; and they get the bomb.

Either we stop them from getting the bomb; we have a military confrontation; or we have a diplomatic resolution where they end their nuclear weapons program through diplomacy.

The provision the gentleman cited does not prohibit diplomacy by the President or his emissaries. Time will not permit me to read the statute, itself, right now, but I would be happy to show any of my members why diplomacy is still allowed.

This is not a unilateral effort. This administration and this Congress, in working with them, have pursued a multilateral effort with the international community to stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and we will continue to do that.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I do support the motion, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.

INKSNA, enacted in the year 2000, has forced the United States Government to review all intelligence for credible evidence regarding sensitive transfers of goods and services related to WMD, missiles, or conventional weapons, and made such transfers sanctionable acts.

While the reports required by INKSNA are 2 years behind schedule--an ongoing problem that has plagued successive administrations--we have frequently seen new rounds of sanctions against companies and individuals who are more interested in making a buck than in protecting global security interests.

The specific details of sanctioned transfers are classified. Press reports, however, indicate that INKSNA sanctions have been imposed, for example, on Chinese entities for selling carbon fiber and pressure transducers which could assist Iran in building more advanced gas centrifuges. Multiple Russian, Chinese, and even European weapons exporters have been sanctioned, presumably for the transfer of arms to Iran and Syria, and Chinese chemical supply companies have been repeatedly sanctioned.

I'd like to thank the chairman for agreeing to include my amendment to further strengthen INKSNA. This amendment requires the administration to develop a special mechanism to speed up the process of imposing sanctions regarding transfers of sensitive technology related to weapons of mass destruction or ballistic missiles to Iran.

In addition, the amendment requires the President to publicly identify those countries that are allowing such transfers of sensitive technology to occur, despite repeated requests by the U.S. Government to prevent such activities. I would expect China would be listed on the first report as a government that directly, indirectly, or through inaction, enables its firms to engage in sensitive transfers to Iran, Syria, or North Korea.

Mr. Speaker, I support this bill and urge my colleagues to do the same, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to my friend from New York, the ranking member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to a former member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and member of the Appropriations Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff).

Will the gentleman yield just on this question?

I appreciate that.

Two points just on this issue: one is the language the gentleman originally read with respect to Russia was amended out of the bill in committee.

Secondly, this language with respect to funding on the Russian flights to the space station is an extension of the authority, not an elimination of the authority, to engage and provide funding for that purpose. So I understand why the gentleman said what he did, but in reality----

Yes.

The restrictions on payments is an extension of time, and it also has a waiver. The first reference to Russia was eliminated from the bill.

Yes.

There is language in the bill with respect to restrictions. There is a waiver in the bill for those restrictions, and there is an extension of non-applicability of those provisions until 2020.

May I inquire of the Chair how much time I have.

I am only going to use a moment of the time simply to address the issue that my friend from Ohio talked about with respect to sanctions.

The focus on unilateral sanctions without international support versus effective multilateral sanctions, that distinction was not made by my friend from Ohio. The fact is that this administration and this Congress, through legislation, working in coordination with the members of the Security Council, our friends in the European Union, our allies in Asia, have put together a multilateral level of sanctions that has never been seen before.

And old studies regarding the effectiveness of unilateral sanctions in terms of altering a country's behavior are not applicable in this situation because we are deeply committed to the understanding that we will estop this kind of proliferation in which we have the support of all of the countries of the world who are committed to and adhere to the nonproliferation treaty.

And I suggest with that that I should yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 376, calling for the repatriation of POWs, MIAs, and abductees from the Korean War.

I am going to yield 5 minutes to the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), himself a Korean War veteran, as our chairman has mentioned, to open the debate on this issue.

(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of House Resolution 376, calling for the repatriation of POWs, MIAs, and abductees from the Korean War, and I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

I'd like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Rangel--himself a Korean War veteran--and the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their leadership on this issue.

This resolution calls attention to one of the most tragic issues still lingering from the Korean War: the fate of soldiers taken prisoner during the war and missing in action, and civilian South Korean citizens abducted by North Korea.

The Defense Department lists almost 8,000 American service members from the Korean War who remain unaccounted for to this day. In my home state of California, there are 614 individuals whose final status is unknown.

For the families of those American POWs or MIAs, they must carry on their lives without the benefit of having final closure or peace.

Between 1996 and 2005, the Defense Department conducted joint field activities in both South and North Korea that resulted in the recovery of over 220 sets of remains. Recovery operations in North Korea were suspended in 2005, but recently this past October, the United States and North Korea agreed to resume operations next year to search for and recover the remains of American POWs and MIAs.

This resolution shows our solidarity with our troops who were captured or went missing during the Korean War, and affirms that we will never forget our duty to bring them home.

A second element of this resolution takes note of South Korean POWs and civilian abductees from the Korean War.

The exact number of South Korean POWs held in North Korea after the war is unknown, but it is estimated that as many as 73,000 South Korean prisoners were not repatriated to the South following the war. Some of them may still be alive in North Korea.

North Korea also abducted tens of thousands of South Korean civilians, mainly civil servants, teachers, writers, judges, and business people during the war. North Korea has continued to deny that it abducted these civilians and that any of them may still exist, despite testimony proving otherwise.

With this resolution, the House of Representatives formally recognizes the existence of South Korean POWs and civilian abductees from the Korean War who may still be alive in North Korea and want to return to their families in the South.

We call on North Korea to admit to abducting the thousands of South Korean civilians and reveal their status. The North also should allow family reunions and immediate repatriation of the abductees under the Geneva Convention.

The United States stands with the people of South Korea in remembering these abductees from the Korean War. We must not forget their plight, and we will continue working for their reunification with their families, still scarred by the lingering pain and tragedy of war.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I do.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 306, and I yield 3 minutes to one who has been a leader in this effort for a very long time, my colleague and neighbor from California (Mr. Schiff).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2\1/2\ minutes.

The Christian communities of Turkey, once populous and prosperous, have now for many decades been victims of discrimination. The result has been a drastic decline in the Christian population. Whereas well over 2 million Christians lived in Anatolia a century ago, today there are only a few thousand, less than 1 percent of Turkey's population.

Although Christians clearly constitute no threat to the majority, the various Christian communities remain the victims of unceasing discrimination. Their churches have been desecrated, their properties confiscated, and they are denied the right to practice their religion as they see fit or to train their clergy. Through this resolution, we are asking that Turkey rectify this terrible situation.

Much of the worst damage to--and confiscation of--Christian properties was done in the earlier decades of the Turkish Republic, but it continues to some extent today. Some 3 months after the introduction of this resolution in June, Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan responded with a decree that would return a small percentage of the property confiscated from religious minorities as well as provide compensation for property that was seized and later sold. This is too little and too late. It doesn't even begin to make up for the years of loss and the damaging impact on the minority communities, but it does appear to be a step in the right direction. We will watch its implementation closely.

Meanwhile, the Turkish Government must also address the many other forms of discrimination that Christians in Turkey endure. Every church in Turkey suffers petty harassment, at a minimum, and is forced to apply to central authorities for authorization to do any type of repairs or construction, requests that often linger for months and years without government action. Moreover, Turkey recognizes certain Christian groups as legitimate but not others. If you belong to one of the unauthorized groups, such as Evangelicals, you can't even build a church.

This resolution calls on Turkey to make good on all past transgressions and allow true freedom of religion--to achieve the standards of democratic behavior to which it says, and to which I believe, it aspires. We want Turkey to allow its Christian citizens to worship exactly as they want and to allow them to train their clergy exactly as they want.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to add an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from California from my allotted time.

I would be very grateful if the gentleman would yield 2 minutes to my friend from New York, a distinguished member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel.

I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), the cochair of the Armenian Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

We want Turkey to follow through on its commitment to return confiscated property of Christian communities and to provide compensation for properties that can't be recovered. We want Christian communities in Turkey to enjoy the same rights and privileges that religious minorities enjoy in this country.

We want Turkey to acknowledge the Armenian genocide. This is not too much to ask. In fact, that is the minimum we must ask if Turkey is ever to join the ranks of the world's fully free nations.

I commend my good friend and colleague, Mr. Royce, for introducing this resolution and working with me closely on this critical issue, and I urge all my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Admiral Mike Mullen, who retired last month as the 17th Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff after more than 43 years of distinguished service to his country.

Admiral Mullen grew up in San Fernando Valley portion of Los Angeles, in the district I have the privilege to represent.

Last year, he graciously agreed to serve as Grand Marshall of the San Fernando Valley Veterans Day Parade, for which I will always be grateful.

A 1968 graduate of the United States Naval Academy, Admiral Mullen assumed his duties as chairman in 2007, the culmination of an extraordinary military career.

Admiral Mullen's many accomplishments in the military are well known. I would like to focus on two initiatives he pursued as Chairman, which made direct contributions to our national security and demonstrated the strength of his character.

First, Admiral Mullen recognized early on in his service as Chairman the critical and difficult relationship the United States has with Pakistan's military leaders, and he dedicated himself to serving as a conduit for that critical relationship.

In many cases, effective diplomacy boils down to having someone with the tenacity and intellectual muscle to work a difficult issue, and Admiral Mullen more than proved his mettle in his dealings with Pakistan. I commend him for his efforts to keep the U.S.-Pakistan relationship on track.

I also believe our nation owes Admiral Mullen a debt of gratitude for his stance in repealing Don't Ask Don't Tell. Admiral Mullen called it like he saw it, an immeasurably critical quality, and our military is the better for it.

Admiral Mullen was driven by the desire to advance the interests of America's fighting men and women. He accomplished this goal, many times over.

I salute Admiral Mullen for his service, I pay tribute to his contribution, and I wish him all the best as he leaves the Navy.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of S. 1280, the Kate Puzey Peace Corps Volunteer Protection Act of 2011. Today marks an important step towards improving the safety and security of volunteers who serve in the Peace Corps.

The Foreign Affairs Committee took up the issue of volunteer safety earlier this year after the broadcast of an extremely disturbing report on the ABC News program ``20/20.'' The segment detailed the experiences of a number of young volunteers who were sexually assaulted while serving overseas but who did not receive the care and support they needed from the Peace Corps. The show also examined the circumstances surrounding the tragic death of Kate Puzey, a volunteer in the west African country of Benin who was murdered after reporting that a fellow teacher was sexually abusing some of his students.

In May we held a very useful hearing on these issues, with witnesses that included returned volunteers who were survivors of sexual assault, the Inspector General of the Peace Corps, and the Peace Corps Director. Based on the testimony we received at the hearing and in consultations with other interested parties, we drafted a bipartisan bill to improve the Peace Corps, and that legislation is reflected in the Senate bill we are taking up today.

Some of the key provisions include requiring the agency to have comprehensive policies and training for volunteers and staff on risk reduction and response; the establishment of a victim support office to focus exclusively on supporting victims of sexual assault and other crimes; and completing a Memorandum of Understanding between the Peace Corps and the State Department, clarifying security-related responsibilities.

I think it's important to point out that Peace Corps Director Aaron Williams has already taken a number of important steps to improve the support for victims of sexual assault and other crimes. For example, the Peace Corps has hired a victim's advocate, established a confidentiality policy, and started the process of rewriting and updating their sexual assault risk reduction and response policies and training.

This bill codifies some of the important measures that Director Williams has put in place to ensure that they're retained by future Directors.

On its 50th anniversary, the Peace Corps continues to perform a vital role in promoting community-based development in some of the world's poorest countries, sharing American values and enriching our own Nation by bringing knowledge of other countries and cultures back to the United States.

No agency with such a modest budget has done more than the Peace Corps to extend America's presence in nearly every part of the world, and none has enjoyed such strong bipartisan support. This comprehensive, balanced, and bipartisan bill will strengthen the Peace Corps and help ensure that the agency can continue to do its important work well into the future.

I want to thank Chairman Ros-Lehtinen and Senators Boxer and Isakson and their staffs and all our staffs for working so well together on these important issues. And I particularly want to single out Congressman Poe, because without his initial thrust, I don't think we would be at this point today. I think he deserves the appreciation of the entire body and of the people who are most impacted by this legislation for his efforts and for his willingness to work with us in such a cooperative fashion.

I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time; and with the urging that the body do pass this, and hopefully pass this unanimously, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as the House considers the Korea, Colombia and Panama trade agreements, I would like to set forth my analysis of the effects that these agreements will have on my home state of California. In all three cases, the facts are overwhelming that California will benefit from these agreements.

At the outset, it is important to note that these agreements are mis- labeled. They do not provide ``free trade'' in the sense of unfettered, unregulated commerce. In reality, these agreements are a set of detailed rules that provide for regulated commerce in terms that apply to both parties. They specify the tariffs that may apply, the non- tariff restrictions that may be imposed, the rules of origin to prevent third-countries from benefiting, and the enforcement and dispute resolution procedures that will provide discipline and order.

Korea-U.S. Trade Agreement

California Benefits

With regard to the Korea-U.S. agreement (KORUS), California stands to benefit substantially. California already exports $8 billion a year to South Korea, accounting for one-fifth of all U.S. exports to that country. For California's 60,000 exporting companies, there is potential for growth; in 2010 only 6 percent of California's total $143 billion in exports went to South Korea. The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates that KORUS will lead to increases in 9 of the 10 products that now account for $6 billion of California's exports to South Korea. Of these, 5 categories are high value-added products, produced by skilled California workers: semiconductor manufacturing equipment, computers, electrical equipment, optical and other medical equipment and aircraft and aircraft engines.

In addition, KORUS will increase exports of California-grown edible fruit and nuts, in particular walnuts and almonds. We will sell more chemicals. And, we will sell more reusable iron, steel and aluminum scrap.

According to the U.S. Trade Representative, some 6,000 jobs are supported for every $1 billion in manufactured exports and some 4,500 jobs are supported for every $1 billion in services exports.

Intellectual Property Protections

KORUS has important benefits for California's entertainment industry. KORUS relaxes a number of Korean content quotas and should increase the U.S. motion picture and television industries' opportunities to compete in the Korean market. KORUS obligates South Korea to decrease the domestic content quota on films and animation products. KORUS improves the opportunity for U.S. ownership in the broadcast sector, by permitting U.S. firms that establish Korean subsidiaries to have 100 percent ownership of program providers, phased in over 3 years.

In a side letter, South Korea has agreed to place a priority on enforcement against Internet piracy, aimed not only at direct infringement but also those who profit from services that induce infringement. KORUS also obligates South Korea to implement the World Intellectual Property Organization Internet Treaties and expands intellectual property protections and penalties against unlawful decoding of encrypted satellite TV signals. It also covers cable and satellite signals that are retransmitted without authorization of the signal distributor. Further, the side letter to KORUS ensures that copyright owners have the exclusive right to make their works available online.

Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation Analysis

There have been many analyses and position statements issued for and against the Korea trade agreement. In particular, the analysis by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation is persuasive. In its conclusion, the LACEDC said:

``KORUS would create multiple opportunities for both U.S. goods and services. On the goods side, the agreement opens the 12th largest economy's large middle class of consumers to American-made goods. On the services side, the agreement opens up South Korea's $560 billion services market to American and Los Angeles area based companies.''

``The agreement also creates new opportunities for the U.S. manufacturing industry. And the manufacturing capital of the U.S. is Los Angeles County. Thus the local economy has a lot to look forward to in the coming years, as increased exports will boost economic growth and create new and well paid jobs in the Los Angeles region.''

Colombia-U.S. Trade Agreement

There are compelling foreign policy reasons to pass the Colombia-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Colombia is an important U.S. ally in the Western Hemisphere, and this agreement will help cement our relationship. The FTA will also increase American exports, providing a needed economic boost for the U.S. economy and the creation of new jobs here at home.

I've listened very carefully to the debate on issues of human rights and labor rights in Colombia, the horrific levels of violence, and its deplorable track record in bringing to justice those accused of violating these rights. These issues are profoundly important to me and I will continue to work with the government of Colombia to ensure that the Labor Action Plan is fully implemented. I believe it is in the interests of both the United States and Colombia to subject this FTA to labor rights and human rights conditions.

President Obama deserves credit as the first President to shine such a sharp spotlight on labor issues in Colombia, and it is fair to say that this FTA addresses labor issues more fully than any FTA before it. The Action Plan agreed to by the White House and the government of Colombia on April 7 was comprehensive and highlighted specific areas where it could improve its record on labor issues. And in his October 3 letter transmitting the FTA to Congress, the President pledged that he would not bring the agreement into force until key elements of the Action Plan are implemented.

Results matter and the kinds of fundamental changes we seek from and wish for Colombia and its people will be a long term process. I have derived great comfort in the positive sea-change that President Santos has represented for Colombia, but I will be watching closely for progress and whether this transformative President fulfills his promises to change the labor and human rights environment in Colombia.

Panama-U.S. Trade Agreement

While Panama's trade with the U.S. is small, the U.S.-Panama trade agreement includes enforceable labor standards for Panamanian workers, compulsory Panamanian membership in multilateral environmental agreements--both included at the behest of the U.S. administration and Congress. Under this agreement, 88% of U.S. commercial and industrial exports would become duty-free upon implementation, with remaining tariffs phased out over a 10-year period.

More than 50% of U.S. farm exports to Panama also would achieve immediate duty-free status, with tariffs and tariff rate quotas (TRQs) on select farm products to be phased out by year 17 of the agreement (year 20 for rice). The agreement also contains provisions on telecommunications, services trade, government procurement, investment, intellectual property rights and tax transparency--the latter to address Panama's significant problems with money laundering.

I thank my friend for yielding.

I rise in support of the Korea trade agreement.

The agreement will lead to increased California exports of manufactured goods, agricultural products and raw materials, thereby creating a large number of new jobs. It will also provide rigorous intellectual property protections for the creative industries in Los Angeles and throughout the Nation.

I would like to use the remainder of my time to address the allegations that the agreement would undermine our sanctions against North Korea. There is no truth to those allegations. Under KORUS, we will continue to enforce our sanctions against North Korea just as we do now.

The first allegation is that the agreement would allow North Korean goods produced at the Kaesong Industrial Complex in North Korea or elsewhere in that country to be imported into the United States. I raised this issue with Ambassador Kirk.

His response in writing:

``Neither the rules of origin nor any other provision of KORUS changes U.S. sanctions on North Korea, including the prohibition on direct or indirect importation of goods, services and technology from North Korea.''

He went on to say:

``South Korean firms cannot avoid U.S. sanctions by including parts from North Korea in their exports to the U.S. and claiming preferential tariff treatment.''

The second allegation is that South Korean firms might have recourse against U.S. sanctions targeted at North Korea, either under KORUS or under the WTO. Kirk's response, ``U.S. sanctions are fully consistent with KORUS, and therefore, South Korea would not be able to obtain remedies against U.S. sanctions using KORUS dispute settlement procedures. Nor does KORUS provide South Korea with any recourse to the

According to the Congressional Research Service, article 2.8.4(a), explicitly permits the U.S. to prohibit imports from a third country, such as North Korea. The fact is, we pass KORUS, our North Korean embargo stands; we defeat KORUS, our embargo stands. There are legitimate issues to debate regarding KORUS, but one should not let a bogus argument determine our vote.

Thank you, Mr. Andrews.

Mr. Speaker, I would like the proponents of this legislation to look at this fact situation:

Let's assume there was compelling evidence that an employer decided to move a production line from one part of the country to another part of the country because he wanted to find a workforce that was white and not African American or not Latino, or that was much more likely not to have women applying to work on that manufacturing line than where he was located. Would anyone here suggest there should be a bill that, notwithstanding Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, should let that employer, with a discriminatory motive and a racist intention, move his plant for that reason?

This is not a bill about what an employer can or cannot do. This is a bill about motivation. The Civil Rights Act, 1964, the right of employees to organize, form unions, bargain collectively, and to prohibit employers from retaliating against that, 75 years ago.

If you really want to have the job creators do whatever they want, as you like to say, get rid of the workers' right to choose, get rid of collective bargaining, remove the protections against discrimination, against unions, but don't pretend you're trying to do something for reasons that disguise the motivation for the reason.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H.R. 2867, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Reform and Reauthorization Act of 2011.

I would like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), who has been a leader on this issue for, as my colleague Mr. Smith pointed out, well over a decade on the question of international religious freedom.

We're fortunate to live in a country that was founded by religious refugees on principles of tolerance. We strive to adhere to article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that ``everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This right includes freedom to

manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance.''

But elsewhere around the globe, religious freedom and human rights are routinely violated. Countless men, women, and children face violence, persecution, and discrimination because of their faith. Violent extremist attacks have taken place in the Middle East and South Asia. The regimes in North Korea and Iran actively repress religious freedom. Apostasy and blasphemy laws have fueled discrimination against religious minorities in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia.

Other religious minorities like Tibetan Buddhists, Uighur Muslims, Ahmadis, Baha'is, Assyrian Christians in Iraq, Copts in Egypt face violence and government restrictions. And anti-Semitism is still prevalent around the world.

Just yesterday, Secretary Clinton designated Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Uzbekistan as countries of particular concern that have ``engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom.''

While these may be the worst offenders, we have serious concerns about religious freedom in many other countries around the world. More than ever, we need the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to continue its important work.

The bipartisan bill before us today reauthorizes the Commission, also known as USCIRF, which is set to expire at the end of the month. The bill also contains some sensible reforms that will strengthen USCIRF's efforts to monitor and report on the status of freedom of religion abroad. These reforms include the process of selecting the chair, terms of service for members of the Commission, and a GAO study on improving the effectiveness and coordination of all U.S. Government bodies that focus on international religious freedom.

In particular, I would like to thank Mr. Wolf for agreeing to include a provision that clarifies that USCIRF is subject to the same workplace restrictions and civil rights laws as the rest of the Federal Government.

Congress has long provided that the Federal Government, including the executive and legislative branches, is subject to laws intended to keep the American workplace safe and free from discrimination, including the Family and Medical Leave Act, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, OSHA, and workplace protections for veterans.

However, under current law, it is unclear whether USCIRF's employees could resolve disputes over workplace protections through the procedures designed for executive branch workers or under the procedures that apply to legislative branch employees through the Congressional Accountability Act. This legislation will ensure that all claims will now be resolved under the procedures created by the Congressional Accountability Act. USCIRF supports this clarifying position.

I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to my dear friends, Irena and Mike Medavoy, who are being honored with the prestigious Humanitarian Torch of Learning Award by The American Friends of the Hebrew University. Their commitment to philanthropic and humanitarian causes has been of great benefit to children, Israel, and the global Jewish community, and they are well deserving of this recognition.

I know firsthand of the outstanding contributions that Irena and Mike have made in our community. Irena is the Executive Vice-Chair of Cedars-Sinai Hospital's C.O.A.C.H. program, and dedicates her time to a clinic on wheels that provides free primary health care services for low-income children and their families. She is also the founder of ``Team Safe-T,'' an emergency preparedness program for California's public school system, which teaches age-appropriate emergency information and preparedness skills for students in grades K-12.

Mike, as chairman and co-Founder of Phoenix Pictures, has helped create and produce numerous films, including recent blockbusters, Shutter Island and Black Swan. He dedicates much of his time to policy issues and is currently a member of both the Council on Foreign Relations and the Homeland Security Advisory Council. He also serves on the advisory board of the University of Southern California's Center on Public Diplomacy. He has authored the bestselling book ``You're Only As Good As Your Next One [. . .]'' and with co-author Nathan Gardels, he wrote a thoughtful assessment on the impact of the media on U.S. foreign policy, ``American Idol After Iraq: Competing for Hearts and Minds in the Global Media Age.'' Mike has been the recipient of numerous awards and recognitions, including the Lifetime Achievement Award (1998) at the Cannes Film Festival, Chevalier of the French Government's Legion of Honor, the UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television and Producers Guild of America Vision Award. He was also inducted into the Hollywood Walk of Fame and received a star on Hollywood Boulevard. His intellectual curiosity and sophisticated analysis of current events and history has made him a valued advisor to me on issues I grapple with on the Foreign Affairs Committee.

The Medavoys have given generously of their time and energy to political, humanitarian and philanthropic causes in Los Angeles. Through their tireless work with many charities and non-governmental organizations, the Medavoys have made an indelible mark on our worldwide community. Irena and Mike are among the most dedicated and valuable leaders in our society.

Mr. Speaker and distinguished colleagues, I ask you to join me in recognizing Irena and Mike Medavoy for their many contributions and to congratulate them on receiving this honor from the American Friends of The Hebrew University.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, and I yield

myself as much time as I may consume.

This bipartisan legislation creates a special envoy to promote religious freedom of religious minorities in the Near East and South Central Asia. Housed at the State Department, the special envoy would be responsible for monitoring and combating acts of religious intolerance, engaging with foreign governments to address laws that discriminate against religious minorities, and working to ensure that the unique needs of religious minority communities are being addressed.

This bill is important because religious minority communities all around the world, but particularly in the Near East and South Central Asia, are facing increased attacks and increased persecution. For example, Iraq used to have a significant number of religious minorities, including Christians, Yazidis, Sabean Mandaeans, Baha'is, Shabaks, Kaka'is, and a small number of Jews. These groups have been subject to escalating violence, persecution, and discrimination for their religious beliefs, and today they comprise only about 3 percent of Iraq's population. By some estimates, half of Iraq's Christian population has fled since 2003.

In November of 2010, a Pakistani court sentenced Aasia Bibi, a Christian and mother of five, to death under the country's blasphemy law. And what was her offense? In June 2009, she was asked to get water for herself and a group of women working in the fields with her. The other laborers objected to a non-Muslim touching the water bowl and an argument ensued. That group of women later falsely accused Aasia of speaking ill of the prophet Mohammed in order to settle a personal score against her. Aasia remains in prison awaiting review of her death sentence.

When Punjab's Governor Salman Taseer had the courage to demand that Aasia be pardoned, one of his own bodyguards killed him. Two months later, when Pakistan's Minister for Minorities, Shahbaz Bhatti, condemned the blasphemy law, militants executed him in broad daylight.

In Egypt, as the gentleman from New Jersey has stated, 23 men, women, and children were killed in a bombing at an Alexandria church in Egypt on New Year's Eve. Just last May, extremists attacked Christians at St. Mina Church in Cairo, leaving 12 dead and hundreds wounded.

I wish these were isolated cases, but I could provide countless other examples, from Afghanistan, to India, to Saudi Arabia. We're fortunate to live in a country that was founded by religious refugees on principles of tolerance, but it is important that we do everything we can to ensure that religious minorities elsewhere in the world enjoy the freedoms and protections they deserve, the freedoms and protections enjoyed by all Americans. Appointing this special envoy will be an important step in that direction, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), who brought this bill to my attention and has worked with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) to put it together and bring it to this point. She is deeply committed on this issue and a very great Member of Congress.

I yield the gentlelady 2 additional minutes.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), who both here and abroad fights against persecution and discrimination against religious minorities.

I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Peters).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I simply ask the House to pass what is I think an important bill because we only have to read what is going on recently to understand this is a rapidly increasing and severe problem that affects those countries deeply in terms of the conflict's intentions. I think much good can come from having someone focused on these issues in that region.

I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor my good friend Hal David on the occasion of his 90th birthday. Hal is being honored by his many colleagues, family and friends for his ability to touch the lives of others through the art of songwriting.

Hal is a first-generation American, born in Brooklyn to immigrant parents. One of his earliest ventures in using his musical talents to help others occurred when he served in the U.S. Army Entertainment Section during World War II, along with his colleagues Carl Reiner and Werner Klemperer. Four years after the conclusion of the war, Hal-- along with Don Rodney--co-wrote his first hit record, ``The Four Winds and the Seven Seas'' recorded by Vic Damone. Hal continued to write hits, including ``Bell Bottom Blues'' for Teresa Brewer, ``Brokenhearted Melody'' for Sarah Vaughan and ``Johnny Get Angry'' for Joanie Sommers.

Hal then began his legendary collaboration with composer Burt Bacharach. The two comprised one of the best-known songwriting teams of the 50's and 60's. The incredibly prolific duo Hal and Burt wrote four songs that were nominated for Academy Awards, with ``Raindrops'' from the 1969 film Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid winning the Oscar for ``Best Song.'' The two also co-wrote the score for the hit 1968 Broadway musical Promises, Promises, for which the original cast recording won a Grammy Award. The show was revived last year with Hal's original lyrics.

In addition to his career as a lyricist, Hal also served as President of the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers. I was fortunate enough to meet and work with him during these years. Hal's devotion to his art was apparent as he led the battle against source licensing efforts and today he continues to serve on ASCAP's Board of Directors.

Hal also spent ten years as the Chairman and CEO of the Songwriters Hall of Fame. During his tenure, the Songwriters Hall of Fame established an important digital presence and launched a gallery at the Grammy Museum in Los Angeles.

As a result of his professional accomplishments, Hal has been inducted into both the Songwriters Hall of Fame and the Nashville Songwriters Hall of Fame. He has also received the prestigious Songwriters Hall of Fame Towering Song Award and its Johnny Mercer Award. Hal has also been honored with The Recording Academy's Grammy Trustees Award and the British Performing Rights Society's Ivor Novello Award, becoming the first American citizen ever to receive that award. He is also listed as a ``Distinguished Patron of the Arts'' at the Los Angeles Music Center and serves as a member of the Board of Governors at Cedars Sinai Medical Center.

Mr. Speaker and distinguished colleagues, I ask that you join me in thanking Hal for the joy his music has brought to our lives, and in wishing him a happy birthday and many happy returns.