Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to instruct conferees at the desk. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this motion comes at a critical point in our efforts to prevent Iran from dealing a devastating blow to the security of…
Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to instruct conferees at the desk.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this motion comes at a critical point in our efforts to prevent Iran from dealing a devastating blow to the security of our Nation, the security of our closest allies, and to global security and stability. The gravest threat comes from Iran's rapidly advancing nuclear weapons program.
Last week, Lieutenant General Burgess, the director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, and General Cartwright, the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testified that Iran could produce enough weapons-grade fuel for a nuclear weapon within 1 year. But even with this alarming scenario, we may be too optimistic given the Iranian regime's long history of deception.
Last September, yet another secret Iranian nuclear facility was revealed--an underground uranium enrichment plant. Inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency, or
IAEA, reportedly concluded that this facility's capacity is too small to be of use in producing fuel for civilian nuclear power but is well configured to produce material for one or two nuclear weapons a year. The regime has already announced that it intends to build 10 new uranium enrichment plants and will start construction on two in this coming year.
There is mounting evidence that Iran has been working on a nuclear warhead for many years. The IAEA's Iran report from February of this year stated that its inspectors had uncovered extensive evidence of ``past or current undisclosed activities'' to develop a nuclear warhead.
That same IAEA report, Mr. Speaker, raised concerns ``about the possible existence in Iran of undisclosed activities related to the development of a nuclear payload for a missile.''
Iran has long been at work on ballistic missiles and already has the ability to strike U.S. forces and our allies in the Middle East, such as Israel and in many other areas.
But Iran is not stopping there. A recent unclassified report by the Department of Defense estimated that Iran may be able to strike the United States with a missile by the year 2015.
The threat posed by the Iranian regime's nuclear ballistic missile and unconventional weapons capabilities is magnified by its continued support for violent extremism. According to this Pentagon report, Iran is ``furnishing lethal aid to Iraqi Shia militants and Afghan insurgents. And Iran provides Lebanese Hezbollah and Palestinian terrorist groups with funding, weapons and training to oppose Israel.'' The same report stated that ``Iran, through its longstanding relationship with Lebanese Hezbollah, maintains a capability to strike Israel directly and to threaten Israeli and U.S. interests worldwide.''
We know that Iran has a long track record of using these capabilities. The Pentagon report confirms that the Iranian regime has been involved in or has been behind what the report describes as ``some of the deadliest terrorist attacks of the past two decades, including: The 1983 and '84 bombings of the U.S. Embassy and annex in Beirut; the 1983 bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut; the 1994 attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina; the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia; and many of the insurgent attacks on coalition and Iraqi security forces in Iraq since 2003.''
In other words, when the Iranian regime threatens America and Israel with destruction over and over again, they may mean it. Today the Iranian Revolutionary Guard is scheduled to begin a 3-day exercise involving their missiles and other weapons to demonstrate their ability to dominate the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, the choke point for much of the world's oil supply.
Diplomacy and engagement have had no real impact on the regime in Tehran. As Iran sprints towards the nuclear finish line, deadlines set by the Obama administration for compliance have been repeatedly disregarded. Now the strategy appears to be resting on securing a new U.N. Security Council resolution. However, Russia and China see themselves as friends of the regime in Tehran and have publicly stated that they will not support a resolution that puts any significant pressure on Tehran. In fact, The New York Times reported last week that Secretary of Defense Robert Gates ``warned in a secret 3-page memorandum to top White House officials that the United States does not have an effective long-range policy for dealing with Iran's steady progress toward nuclear capability.''
Mr. Speaker, the Congress must fill this vacuum. We must not sit idly by and wait for Iran to detonate a nuclear device. In February of 2006, the Congress adopted a concurrent resolution, citing the Iranian regime's repeated violations of its international obligations, underscoring that as a result of these violations, Iran no longer has the right to develop any aspect of the nuclear fuel cycle, and urging responsible nations to impose economic sanctions to deny Iran the resources and the ability to develop nuclear weapons. Then we moved to strengthen U.S. sanctions on Iran and to render support to Iranian human rights and pro-democracy advocates through the passage of the Iran Freedom Support Act of 2006.
Yet again, the U.S. has yet to bring to bear the full force of U.S. punitive measures on the Iranian regime. We have failed to act quickly and decisively before. This may be our last chance to apply pressure on Iran before it is too late. So while the motion to instruct we are considering calls on the conferees to conclude their work by May 28, it is my hope, Mr. Speaker, that we will not wait that long. We must strike at the regime's vulnerabilities and do so quickly and effectively.
As such, the motion to instruct conferees insists on the House-passed version of H.R. 2194, the Iran Refined Petroleum Sanction Act, also known as IRPSA. Chairman Berman and I, along with several other members of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the House as a whole, have introduced IRPSA to target one of the Iranian regime's key vulnerabilities; namely, its dependence on imported petroleum products, especially gasoline. The House passed it overwhelmingly on December 15 by a vote of 412-12.
The sanctions bill we enact must match the gravity of the growing threat. There are several provisions that the conference report must contain if this legislation is to have any significant impact. Because Iran's energy sector and its dependence on refined petroleum are the regime's Achilles' heel, in the motion to instruct we must insist on sections 3(a) and 3(b), which strengthen sanctions regarding the development of Iran's petroleum resources and the export of refined petroleum products to Iran. We must not reward countries that allow their businesses and citizens to provide assistance to Iran's nuclear missile or advanced conventional weapons program to be rewarded with a peaceful nuclear cooperation agreement. Therefore, the House must insist on section 3(c), which prohibits such agreements being submitted to Congress or entering into force. We must insist, Mr. Speaker, on those provisions because the executive branch has not once applied sanctions under the Iran Sanctions Act on investment in the Iranian energy sector.
This problem originated more than a decade ago when former Secretary of State Albright exercised a sweeping waiver that turned that act into a paper tiger, and the State Department continues to ignore mandatory sanctions under that act on those who are assisting Iran's proliferation activities. We must also ensure that section 3(d) removes ambiguities regarding the President's waiver authority and, thereby, will ensure the speedy implementation of sanctions. And we must insist on section 3(f), which expands the definition of petroleum resources and products and closes loopholes in the original Iran Sanctions Act that have been repeatedly exploited by others. Because the Iranian threat will continue to grow, the House must insist also on section 3(h), which extends the Iran Sanctions Act by 5 years. And because we must not let those who have already violated our laws off the hook, we must insist on sections 4(a)(1), 4(a)(2), and 4(b)(1).
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this motion and ask conferees to embrace it and commit to sending the strongest possible bill to the President's desk. The clock is ticking. The centrifuges in Iran are spinning. Our time has almost run out.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia.
Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the ranking member on the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas, Judge Poe, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, because that's just the way it is.
Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk), an esteemed member of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on the motion to instruct.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks), a member of the Armed Services and Judiciary Committees.
Mr. Speaker, I am so honored to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our esteemed Republican whip and a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
I continue to reserve, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve.
Mr. Speaker, we are ready to close if the gentleman is ready to.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself my remaining time.
Mr. Speaker, for several years we have watched Iran move ever closer to acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. No rational person can question that that is Iran's goal. And yet, even though Iran has violated its international treaty obligations, defied repeated U.N. Security Council resolutions, had one secret nuclear site after another revealed to the world, and rejected every offer to negotiate, the world has let it happen.
We, in this Chamber, have been elected to defend and promote the interests and security of our country. We must do everything we can to force Iran's leaders to change course and abandon their pursuit of nuclear weapons because the American people and our allies are their intended targets. We know this because they have repeatedly told us.
We cannot rely on hope for deliverance because that will only guarantee our destruction. So we must act quickly, and we must act decisively.
The bill that the House passed overwhelmingly last December, the Iran Refined Petroleum Sanctions Act, represents the best opportunity we have to do precisely that. If we, and our colleagues in the Senate, can craft a strong measure that can then be sent to the President, we will have met our responsibility to the American people.
I am confident, Mr. Speaker, that we can defeat the menace that is posed by Iran before it has a chance to strike us, but our time is running out.
Let us support this motion. Let us send a strong bill to the President's desk.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.