Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, today we begin to consider S.J. Res. 7, which is a joint resolution that directs--and I quote from the resolution--``removal of U.S.…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, today we begin to consider S.J. Res. 7, which is a joint resolution that directs--and I quote from the resolution--``removal of U.S. Armed Forces from hostilities in Yemen.''
This is the second time, of course, that we have considered this. We passed it, the House passed it, and the President has vetoed it, and it is now in front of us, under our constitutional responsibilities, to consider whether the resolution becomes law, notwithstanding the President's signature.
I am going to urge a ``no'' vote on this, that it does not become law, and we sustain the veto the President has made.
As I have stated before, the premise of this resolution is fundamentally flawed and I believe a mischaracterization of the actual facts on the ground today in Yemen.
I want to start basically by, once again, making it absolutely clear what is and, more importantly, what is not happening with respect to U.S. engagement in Yemen.
What isn't happening is the injection of U.S. troops into active hostilities in the Yemen civil war. To put it simply, our troops are not cobelligerents in this conflict.
What we are doing, however, is providing limited noncombat support to the Saudi-led coalition, including intelligence sharing and practices that have been developed to minimize civilian casualties--I am sure a goal everybody in this body supports.
This support is very narrow in focus, it is advisory in nature, and helps defend the territorial integrity of Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which both face a very real threat from the Iranian-backed Houthis and from Iran itself. Our limited support is intended to prevent the conflict in Yemen from escalating.
Iran's support for the Houthis, notably the transfer of missiles and other weaponry, threatens to undermine our partners' territorial integrity, imperils key shipping routes, and puts U.S. interests at risk, including thousands of U.S. personnel and citizens currently within range of the Iranian-made missile systems under Houthi control. This, of course, includes the airport in Saudi Arabia, which many Members of this body have used from time to time when they go to codels in Saudi Arabia.
Many of us have been, for a long time, proponents of resolving the war in Yemen, and it could be resolved if the Iran regime will simply turn their back and walk away. Unfortunately, that is not likely. When I say many of us have been longtime proponents, I would certainly include the Presiding Officer in that and commend him for his long and hard work in that regard. He has been dedicated to this for a long time and has been a leader on this, for which he is to be commended.
Like many of us here today, I am dissatisfied with the state of the U.S.-Saudi relationship. Indeed, while Saudi Arabia has long been a bulwark of our Middle East policy, there is a growing gap in U.S.-Saudi relations.
Frankly, aspects of Saudi Arabia's behavior are cause for serious concern. We are taking a comprehensive look at our relationship with Saudi Arabia on the Foreign Relations Committee, and it is common knowledge that there are a number of pieces of legislation floating around here--some of which have been introduced and that are circulating--that address this issue. We are attempting to craft legislation that can garner support in the committee, address concerns on both sides of the aisle, and actually become law.
I look forward to examining our interests in a measured and responsible way that will put the relationship on the right trajectory. This is not an easy needle to thread. All of us have concerns, all of us have specific issues in that regard, and what is important is that we don't just poke at this but that we actually develop legislation that is bipartisan and that can be signed by the President and will become law.
The debate today, however, is predicated on the notion that this resolution will punish the Saudis and stop the devastating humanitarian crisis in Yemen. It will do neither of those. In fact, the DOD has assessed that this legislation would have no impact on the limited support we are currently providing today.
That said, there can be no arguing that after years of conflict, Yemen is now in the grip of the world's worst humanitarian crisis, and that is in spite of the fact that many Members of this body--including the Presiding Officer--have gone way past limits to attempt to try to do things that would help that humanitarian crisis.
Just the simple delivery of humanitarian matters such as food in the country have been frustrated by things that logistically should be very easy but haven't been. I know the Presiding Officer has been very active in that regard and has been successful in that regard, for which he should be commended. An estimated 24 million--80 percent--of the Yemeni population are in need of assistance, and 15.9 million people-- more than half of the country's population--remains severely food insecure.
A solution to this conflict must be found. Make no mistake, many, indeed, most of us, are committed to doing everything in our power to restore peace in a country that has been ravished by years of proxy war and fractious infighting.
I believe it is axiomatic that lasting peace can only be achieved through a political settlement brokered by the U.N. The U.N.-led peace talks are our best bet for achieving peace in Yemen, and they appear to be at a critical juncture right now as we sit here today.
As this body considers ways to drive effective U.S. policy that helps end the war and relieves humanitarian suffering in Yemen, I would urge all parties to abide by the agreement reached last December in Stockholm and find a political solution to the conflict. We should remain committed to doing everything in our power to advance this cause.
Thank you.
I ask for the yeas and nays.