Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following Senate resolutions introduced earlier today: S. Res. 130, S. Res. 131, S. Res. 132.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles, where appropriate, be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Madam President, I am pleased to be on the floor today with my colleagues expressing my strong support for protecting women's access to basic healthcare and reproductive rights.

Since the Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs, we have seen our worst fears realized. A wave of abortion bans have been passed by Republican State legislatures and signed by Republican Governors. These bans put at risk, as we have heard so eloquently from those who have spoken, the health of women across this country.

We have to look no further than my home State of New Hampshire, where our Republican Governor has ensured that women are banned from accessing an abortion after 24 weeks. Our doctors face jail time for helping women access an abortion. Our family planning providers can't make ends meet because elected officials continually block access to Federal and State funding that is vital to ensuring that vulnerable populations have access to care. That care includes basic reproductive education, breast cancer screenings, and sexually transmitted disease treatment--all of which are at risk because those family planning clinics are in financial difficulty because the Republican legislature and the Republican Governor continue to deny them funding.

Just today, Republican representatives in New Hampshire's State Legislature are considering new abortion bans--bans that are so early that most women don't even know they are pregnant. These bans don't include exceptions even for rape or incest.

The Women's Health Protection Act ensures that a woman's access to care is not unnecessarily restricted by where she lives. I want to thank Senators Baldwin and Blumenthal, Senator Murray, and so many others who have been such strong supporters over the years for their leadership in drafting this legislation.

I know you know, Madam President, and certainly all women know that one of the most important personal decisions a woman faces in her lifetime is if and when to start a family. That decision should be made by a woman with her family, with her medical provider, and with whomever else she wants to include in that decision, but it should not be made for her by her State representative, by her Governor, by a Member of Congress, by her President, and certainly not by any unelected jurist. That decision belongs to a woman and a woman alone. It is time for us to restore that right to women all across this country.

I yield the floor.

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to my colleague from Virginia, Senator Kaine. I am really pleased to join you on the floor in support of Dr. Gupta to be Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of State.

Sadly, this isn't the first time that I have come to the floor to raise Dr. Gupta's nomination here with our colleagues in the Senate but also with our colleagues on the Foreign Relations Committee.

I have to admit that it is disappointing to still be standing here trying to convince my colleagues that women's rights matter. They matter whether they are in the United States, in Afghanistan, in Iran, in China, or in Venezuela.

Partisan obstruction should not prevent a qualified nominee from undertaking the necessary work of the Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues. I have to be honest, it feels to me like what is at issue here is more than just the Office of Global Women's Issues. It feels like the Members of this body don't understand the role of that office and think that anytime there is something that has ``women'' in the title, that we must be talking about reproductive rights. Well, that is not what the Office of Global Women's Issues does. Reproductive rights are not part of that office, and it is disappointing that we are here still debating whether we are going to put in an Ambassador into that office, when since the beginning of the Trump administration, we have only had about a year when we have had an Ambassador at the Office of Global Women's Issues.

I would say to my colleagues across the aisle who are worried about Dr. Gupta's record to meet with her. Sit down and talk about what she would prioritize as Ambassador for Global Women's Issues. They should request a briefing with USAID's Office of Global Health because that is where their work is done to address women's healthcare.

What USAID's Office of Global Health has done is to reduce maternal deaths by 30 percent annually. It saves the lives of 1.4 million children under 5 each year, and it decreases--let me repeat that--it decreases the number of abortions, particularly unsafe abortions, that happen around the world. But that is not what the Office of Global Women's Issues does.

I hope they won't continue to hold up Dr. Gupta's nomination because they

don't understand how women's health is supported by the U.S. Government or which offices do the work that they object to.

The Office of Global Women's Issues is charged with advancing the rights and liberation of women and girls around the world through our U.S. foreign policy. It endeavors to empower women and eliminate barriers that prevent them from achieving equity and equality, particularly economic equity and equality.

Not only does the Office of Global Women's Issues prioritize policies and programs to advance the status of women around the world, it ensures that U.S. policies incorporate a gender lens at all levels of policy and decision making.

And now more than ever, we need an office that is charged with leading U.S. policy on women, because around the world, what we have seen as the result of the last few years of this pandemic is that the gender gap has grown. Girls are dropping out and staying out of school at a higher rate than boys; the female labor-force participation rate has declined, with women holding less secure jobs and taking on even more unpaid child and housing labor than before the pandemic; and gender-based violence has increased to such an extent that U.N. Women-- the U.N. body charged with advancing the rights of women globally--now warns of what they are calling a shadow pandemic of violence.

These are issues of consequence to half--more than half--of the world's population. They need a champion in our U.S. foreign policy. They need Dr. Gupta.

Gender equity, equality, and the empowerment of women and girls must be a focal point of U.S. policy, and that is exactly what the Ambassador at Large is intended to facilitate.

The reason it matters to our foreign policy is because what we know is that when women are empowered, their families are empowered; they give back more to their families and their communities than men do; and societies that empower women are more stable societies.

These are issues that we need to pay attention to. We need someone in that role who is going to pay attention to those issues. And that is what Dr. Gupta would do if she is approved.

(Ms. SMITH assumed the Chair.)

So, Madam President, Senator Kaine, that is why we are here again on the floor in support of Dr. Gupta's nomination in hopes that our colleagues on both sides of the aisle--but particularly our Republican colleagues--will recognize what the Office of Global Women's Issues does and understand that it is not the office that is working on reproductive rights for women.

Will my colleague yield for a question?

I think, perhaps, I wasn't clear. I didn't talk about Dr. Gupta's position on reproductive rights for women. I talked about the role of the Office of Global Women's Issues.

When I supported Kelley Currie, who was nominated by President Trump to be the head of the Office of Global Women's Issues, I didn't ask what her position was on choice; I asked her what she was going to do if she took that role. And she had an excellent history of working on issues that matter to women and foreign policy, and because that is not the Agency that is charged with women's reproductive health in our government, I didn't think that should be the basis on which I judged whether she was the appropriate person to take over that role.

And, sadly, what seems to have happened is that because Dr. Gupta personally says she is pro-choice, all of the anti-choice organizations have made her nomination an issue.

So I would ask my colleague: Have you sat down with Dr. Gupta? Have you asked her what she would do in her role if she is approved to be the head of Global Women's Issues and whether that was something that she was going to talk about or work on?

I would just say to my colleague, having sat through those hearings, which my recollection is only one or two Republicans on the committee showed up and that most of the people who I talked to had not actually talked to Dr. Gupta, didn't actually know what the Office of Global Women's Issues does. And it is very disappointing that they are going to make a decision based on a press release from Planned Parenthood as opposed to looking at what she would actually do in that role and the responsibilities of that office.

So I am--you know, you guys think that every time you see ``women'' in a title, as I said, we are talking about reproductive rights. That is not the case. There is a lot that women do besides having babies.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I come to the floor to recognize the Dover Adult Learning Center--DALC--on its 50th anniversary. For five decades, the hard-working team at the DALC has supported thousands of adult learners in their quest to reinforce their learning skills and improve their lives through high-quality adult education. I join a grateful community in saluting them for the indispensable service they provide not only to each participant, but also to local partners and businesses who benefit from an educated and engaged workforce.

We all know that an education is the key to unlocking so many doors of opportunity. These doors could lead to a fulfilling new job, a hard- earned promotion at a current place of work, or additional education and training at a community college. No matter the destination, the Dover Adult Learning Center works closely with community members throughout their educational journey to identify personal goals and provide tailored instruction that guides them toward their full potential. The center offers an inviting atmosphere where students of all types--including people with disabilities, people who are homeless or unemployed, teens who might otherwise drop out of high school or immigrants learning English--feel comfortable honing their reading, writing, math, and digital literacy skills. At the Dover Adult Learning Center, a high-quality adult education is always within reach.

Each June, the Dover Adult Learning Center holds a graduation ceremony where participants are able to celebrate the successful completion of their program alongside family, friends, center staff, and volunteer tutors. It is a time to reflect on a period of personal growth and achievement. It is also a chance to look forward with hope. For many graduates, an exciting future with new possibilities is only just beginning. Through their experience at the Dover Adult Learning Center, they are given the tools to venture into this new world with an open mind and a lifelong appreciation for learning.

As a former teacher at the Dover Adult Learning Center, I know from personal experience how hard the center works to provide these programs and accommodate each participant through a variety of learning options, flexible schedules, and access to supportive services like childcare. Its staff and educators are creative in connecting and engaging with each student, and they are always there to offer support and guidance. We should take a moment to thank all of the teachers, staff, and volunteers for the skill, dedication, and passion that they bring to their roles at the center each and every day.

On behalf of the people of New Hampshire, I ask my colleagues and all Americans to join me in congratulating the Dover Adult Learning Center on five decades of service and wishing its team all the best as they continue their important work in the coming years.

Madam President, I am very pleased to be on the floor today with my colleague Senator Hirono to express our strong support for the nomination of Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta to be Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of State.

The position that Dr. Gupta has been nominated for leads the Office of Global Women's Issues, which is charged with advancing the rights and empowerment of women and girls around the world through U.S. foreign policy, so looking at our foreign policy through a gender lens that recognizes that women are half of the world's population.

Not only does the Office of Global Women's Issues prioritize policies and programs to advance the status of women around the world, it ensures that U.S. policies incorporate a gender lens at all levels of policy and decision making.

The last 2\1/2\ years of the COVID-19 pandemic have demonstrated why this office is more important than ever before. Around the world over those last

2\1/2\ years, the gender gap has grown as a result of the pandemic. Girls are dropping out and staying out of school at a higher rate than boys. The female labor force participation rate has declined, with women not only holding less secure jobs but also taking on more unpaid work at home with childcare and housing.

Gender-based violence has increased to such an extent that UN Women, the U.N. body charged with advancing the rights of women globally, now warns of what they call a ``shadow pandemic'' of violence.

These are issues of great consequence to half of the world's population. They cannot be an afterthought. Gender equity, equality, and the empowerment of women and girls must be a focal point of U.S. foreign policy, and that is exactly what the Ambassador at Large is intended to facilitate.

Unfortunately, this position has been unfilled for too long. Over the past 5 years, beginning in the Trump administration, the position of the Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues has been filled for only 1 year, so 20 percent of the time over the last 5 years.

During that time, we have endured an unprecedented global pandemic. We have ended a 20-year war in Afghanistan. We have watched as Vladimir Putin launched an unprovoked attack on Ukraine. We have experienced a supply chain crisis and suffered a global food shortage. And in every single one of these crises, women have been more acutely affected than men and affected in a different way than men.

During the pandemic, women, who make up almost 70 percent of the healthcare workforce, have been those who have been on the frontlines of providing care for the sick and vulnerable.

With the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, women's rights have been rolled back at an unprecedented rate, and we have seen--90 percent of the households in Afghanistan have food insecurity, and women are experiencing the greatest part of that.

Displacement from the war in Ukraine has left millions of women vulnerable to human trafficking, even as Russia continues to shell their homes and communities.

The food insecurity from the supply chain crisis and global food shortage has reinforced our understanding of what we have seen for too long: that in times of hunger, it is women who eat last and who eat the least.

Through all of these crises, the Office of Global Women's Issues has been without a leader to spearhead its work to ensure that women's needs are incorporated in every aspect of the U.S. response to these crises. Now, why does that matter? Well, not only do women make up 50 percent of the world's population, but what we know is that where women are empowered, they contribute, give back more to their families. They give back more to their communities. The countries that empower women are more stable; they are more economically secure.

This is a policy that is important not only to our foreign policy writ large but to our national security. That is why we need to fill this position and why we urgently need to confirm Dr. Gupta.

Dr. Gupta has spent her career in service to gender equality and women's empowerment. She knows better than most the impact that unfair gender norms and inequalities have on women and the importance of prioritizing women's leadership.

What is so unfortunate is that Dr. Gupta is being punished for her personal views on women's reproductive choices. As the result of those personal views, those groups who oppose women's reproductive choices are spreading falsehoods instead of facts. They are doing that, and unfortunately, too many of our colleagues on the other side of the aisle have been willing to listen to those falsehoods without really looking at the facts. This sets a very dangerous precedent for all future nominees.

Let me be clear. The Office of Global Women's Issues does not lead on sexual and reproductive health and rights, nor does it provide information about abortion services.

When former President Trump nominated someone to lead the Office of Global Women's Issues, I and my pro-choice colleagues in this body didn't ask her what her position was on choice because we knew that was not the mission of the Office of Global Women's Issues, and she was confirmed. And I think by all accounts, people thought she did a good job in the short time that she was there.

So why are my Republican colleagues spreading these falsehoods? They have said that Dr. Gupta has advised the World Health Organization to support abortion as a human right. They have alleged that Dr. Gupta gave a speech saying that abortion should be an essential service. They have alleged that the administration has plans to include abortion in the mandate of the Office of Global Women's Issues. Let me be clear. There is no truth behind those allegations.

If you missed it, let me say it again. There is no truth behind those allegations.

We cannot let this idea that because somebody has a personal position on an issue that affects them, that that means they cannot be considered for a position within the government. You know, based on that criteria, I wouldn't be able to be considered for any position.

So for the sake of Dr. Gupta's nomination today and for the sake of all of those qualified women candidates who are going to come before the Senate in the future, we can't let this divisive move become the status quo. We have to correct the record. We need to approve Dr. Gupta, and we need to get the Office of Global Women's Issues back operating at full capacity.

With that, let me yield to my colleague from Hawaii, Senator Hirono.

Thank you, Senator Hirono, and thank you for your eloquent remarks about Dr. Gupta's qualifications and the importance of having someone who has those kinds of qualifications at the Office of Global Women's Issues.

At this time, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding rule XXII, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee be discharged and the Senate proceed to the following nomination: PN1578, Geeta Rao Gupta, to be Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues; that the Senate vote on the nomination with no intervening action or debate; that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table; that no further motions be in order to the nomination; and that any related statements be printed in the Record.

Madam President, I can buy that answer. Senator Hagerty and I have worked together on the Foreign Relations Committee. I voted for you to be an Ambassador. I thought you did a good job in that role, and I think you are doing a good job now.

But the fact is that taking up floor time to deal with qualified nominees at a time when we have limited floor time, when we have a position that needs to be filled, when we have a minority position on the Foreign Relations Committee in opposition to authorizing permanently the Office of Global Women's Issues tells me it is something more than that, and I think Dr. Gupta's stalled nomination is emblematic of the intransigence on confirming President Biden's nominees for the Department of State.

That obstructionism is undermining our diplomatic efforts. It is demoralizing to employees at the Department of State who have dedicated their lives to U.S. foreign policy, and I know you understand that because you headed an Embassy. You know how critical our employees are who manage our foreign policy.

Eric Rubin, a former Ambassador to Bulgaria, recently spelled out what this means for U.S. diplomacy and national security, and this is the concern that we all ought to have.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record this article from Puck News.

Ambassador Rubin put it very starkly. He said:

The U.S. no longer has the largest diplomatic service.

China does.

He concluded by saying:

We have to stop tying one hand behind our backs in our

efforts to represent our country and advance its security and

prosperity.

It's malpractice.

It is malpractice.

The fact that too many people in this Chamber are dragging their feet on allowing Ambassadors to be confirmed, on allowing diplomats with the Department of State to be confirmed, on allowing other high level people throughout government to be confirmed because, only, of their opposition to the Biden administration is just untenable, and it is against our national security.

So I think it is time now for the Senate to do its job to confirm Dr. Gupta. So let's move forward. Let's get our foreign policy with respect to gender throughout the world back on track.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I am really pleased to be able to come to the floor this afternoon to join my colleague from Ohio, Senator Portman. We twice traveled to Ukraine together. I have appreciated his leadership as cochair of the Ukraine Caucus and his advocacy for not only legislation to help Ukraine but also for these reports which weekly have kept the war in Ukraine in front of the American people, which is so important as we think about how we continue support in our public for what is happening in Ukraine and this fight that the Ukrainians are so courageously waging.

I am also pleased to be here with my colleague Senator Tillis, who, along with me, cochairs the Senate NATO Observer Group, because we are going to be voting this afternoon on ratification of the accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO. Together, we led a bipartisan delegation to Madrid last month, which included three Democrats and four Republicans, and we were able to visit Helsinki and Stockholm on our way into Madrid to talk about just why it is so important that Finland and Sweden are joining NATO.

I wanted to talk about both of these topics this afternoon because they are connected.

As Senator Portman said, there is a reason why Finland and Sweden, after decades of maintaining neutrality, are looking at joining NATO. It is because of this unprovoked, brutal war by Russia against Ukraine. If they are successful in Ukraine, we don't know where that will end, so we need to make the connection for people.

A year ago, no one would have thought that Sweden and Finland would have wanted NATO membership, but, of course, a lot has happened in that year.

Vladimir Putin made one of the most consequential miscalculations in modern history. I think it is the biggest miscalculation in foreign policy since Hitler went into Russia in World War II. He went into Ukraine to wage this unprovoked, premeditated war upon the people of Ukraine. Part of his rationale was to talk about NATO and his opposition to Ukraine's joining NATO but also because he thought he would be able to stall the enlargement of NATO. He thought he would be able to split the NATO allies. In fact, just the opposite has happened. The global response to punish Putin for this war in Ukraine is unprecedented. Putin's barbaric campaign in Ukraine and threats to democracy around the world have resulted in the strongest iteration of NATO to date.

And now here we are. The United States is about to welcome two very capable, very qualified and deserving members into the alliance, which will further strengthen our global coordination to preserve our rules- based order.

I have spoken before in this Chamber about the strong bipartisan support for

Finland and Sweden's NATO membership. When Sweden and Finland announced their intent to apply for NATO membership, Senator Tillis and I led a letter to President Biden that within about 24 hours was cosigned by 80 of our colleagues, all pledging to support swift ratification of the accession protocols.

Just last month, Senator Tillis and I led that delegation to Madrid to the NATO summit, and we did it at the request of both the majority leader, Schumer, and the minority leader, McConnell.

When meeting with our allies and partners, we talked about our commitment to return to the Senate and to work hard to swiftly ratify the accession protocols, and we have done just that. We had hoped to be the first body to do that ratification. We are going to be the 22nd, which I think is very good news for NATO and for the effort to ensure that Finland and Sweden become members of NATO.

On July 19, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on which Senator Portman and I sit, unanimously voted in support of NATO's accession protocols.

Today's vote is not just important for Sweden and Finland and for NATO, but it is also important for Ukraine, as Senator Portman laid out. The Ukrainian people are on the frontlines of a war for democracy and for our collective shared values--values that underpin the heart of the NATO alliance. Sweden and Finland's membership will bolster our efforts to hold Putin to account as he wages this war to eradicate Ukrainian culture.

Putin's decision to invade Ukraine affirmed what we have long known-- that Vladimir Putin does not respect the distinct history, culture, and identity of the Ukrainian people. His view of history, of course, is false. It is distorted, and it is deadly. His unprovoked war in Ukraine is a manifestation of his delusional ideas and his blatant attempt to wipe Ukraine off the map of Europe. But despite the challenges to their sovereignty, for generations, the Ukrainian people have maintained their own traditions, their own language, and their own dream of independence.

Putin is waging propaganda campaigns that seek to justify his goals to the Russian people. He has deployed deliberate, harmful rhetoric of ``de-Nazifying'' Ukraine. He is pursuing a broader, maniacal agenda to eradicate everything Ukrainian--the land, the people, the language, the culture.

We know that Russia established filtration camps in Russia and Ukrainian territory even before the February 24 invasion. Now reports are that there are over 1 million Ukrainians who have been forcibly relocated to Russia, including about 250,000 children--children who have been taken from their Ukrainian parents and sent to Russia.

We need to call Putin's actions what they are. They are acts of genocide. After the horrors of the Holocaust, the Rwandan genocide, Yugoslav wars, the international community vowed to ``never again'' let such immense human tragedy happen on our watch.

We must not let Putin accomplish his mission of destroying the Ukrainian people and dismantling the international rules-based order which has been in place for more than 70 years. We must hold him accountable because we know that if he is successful, Putin's Russification campaign is not going to end with Ukraine. Who will be next? The Baltic States? Eastern European countries? Romania? Poland?

As Americans, we have a moral obligation to work with our allies to hold Putin to account, and I am proud that this body is doing just that. Last week, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, of which Senator Portman and I are both members, introduced a resolution recognizing Russia's actions in Ukraine as genocide, but, of course, we must do more.

Today's ratification vote is going to be another step in sending a message to both Vladimir Putin and the Ukrainian people that NATO is unified and that we are going to continue to support their efforts to push back against this brutal dictator.

I hope that our colleagues will join us in celebrating today's important moment of NATO's enlargement from 30 to 32 members. This historic accession is a testament to the global commitment to not be bystanders amid a war that violates all international norms and seeks to destabilize our rules-based order. I hope that our remaining NATO allies will move swiftly to advance Sweden and Finland's NATO membership.

Amid Russia's horrific campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Ukrainian people, we must recognize the importance of our shared transatlantic values to push back on Putin's dangerous and bloodthirsty war against Ukraine.

Again, I am pleased that we are here to support both Ukraine and the ratification of Sweden and Finland into NATO. I am sure we will have a very strong bipartisan vote this afternoon, and I look forward to continuing to work with NATO and with our colleagues as we do everything we can to support the success of Ukraine against Vladimir Putin.

I yield to my cochair of the Senate NATO Observer Group, Senator Tillis.

Reserving the right to object.

One of Congress's most basic jobs is the power of the purse. Americans rely on this body to provide Federal funds for programs that support national defense, small businesses, border defenses, conservation of public lands, food assistance for the poor, and so much more.

And as a longstanding member of the Appropriations Committee, I am proud of the work that the Appropriations Committee has done to meet the needs of this Nation. And as a senior Senator from New Hampshire, when I talk to small business owners, educators, healthcare professionals, community leaders across my State, it is unfortunate that not all of the needs of our State are being met.

And for years, New Hampshire, like most small States in this country, has received among the lowest apportionments in the country from formula grant programs that are administered by our Federal Agencies.

Congress has long used earmarks or congressionally directed spending to address funding gaps and inequities between the States. And, in fact, Senator Judd Gregg--whom I had the pleasure of serving with both when he was Governor and I was in the State senate and then when he was in the Senate and I got elected--was a big supporter of congressionally directed spending because he believed, like I do, that I know better how money should be spent in New Hampshire than a bureaucrat here who was making decisions about how to spend Federal dollars.

Congressionally directed spending levels the playing field for States like New Hampshire, and even for Indiana, to ensure that our communities can get their fair share to address our local needs.

Unfortunately, back in 2011, when Congress instituted a ban on congressionally directed spending, we ceded the power of the purse to unelected officials in the executive branch. And while I know that many of these individuals are dedicated bureaucrats, they are public servants. They don't necessarily understand the needs of New Hampshire in the same way that I do as somebody who has represented that State for decades.

So that is why I was very pleased that under the leadership of Chairman Leahy and Ranking Member Shelby, Congress once again passed a bipartisan bill to include congressionally directed spending in our budget process.

And when we did that, the Appropriations Committee instituted some major reforms to improve accountability and transparency in the process of congressionally directed spending.

I am going to talk about some of those reforms because while I appreciate the perspective of my colleague from Indiana, I think he has not pointed out the reforms that exist in the process of congressionally directed spending.

First of all, Members are required to certify that neither we nor any member of our immediate family would financially benefit from the requests that are made. Secondly, those congressionally directed spending requests have to be made in writing and posted online by the Member and the Appropriations Committee so that the public has every opportunity to view the name and location of the project, the intended recipient, and the purposes of that request. For example, the requests for fiscal year 2023 are available online right now before they would be available if this government, this administration, were determining how to spend that money.

So the Senator from Indiana doesn't have to wait until those Senate bills are posted to inspect congressionally directed spending projects.

The reforms also include a 1-percent cap on discretionary spending for CDS items and a ban on congressionally directed spending items to for-profit entities.

Finally, the Appropriations Committee requires the Government Accountability Office to audit a sample of enacted congressionally directed spending items to ensure that Congress is being held accountable for these projects.

The chair and ranking member instituted these reforms to restore the trust of the American people in the appropriations process, and I believe it is

working. And I can tell you, as I travel around New Hampshire, it is one of the things that I hear from people in our communities that they are interested in.

They want to know about the appropriations process, and they want to know what other opportunities are there to support initiatives that may not fit within some grant program, that they may not be able to raise money in the private sector for but that are very important for our communities.

The resolution sponsored by the Senator from Indiana would require the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee to certify that not just Senate earmarks have been disclosed but that all House earmarks have been disclosed.

I think that bill is a solution in search of a problem. The House already has its own rule that governs congressionally directed spending items, and it is required to identify these items.

It knows what its Members have requested, and it is responsible for disclosing them. Requiring the Senate to confirm that the House has done its job before we can consider a message from the House is unnecessary, and it could stop consideration of appropriations bills before they ever get here.

The resolution sponsored by my colleague from Indiana would change Senate rule 44 in ways that could have unintended consequences and could delay critical funding for projects that are important in my home State of New Hampshire and in so many States across this country.

So given all of those concerns, I object.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at 1:45 p.m., the Senate proceed to executive session and the Senate immediately vote on confirmation of Executive Calendar No. 902, the nomination of Shereef Elnahal.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that in addition to myself, both Senators Grassley and Carper be permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each before the scheduled vote.

Mr. President, I come to the floor today as the current chair of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies because I want to pay tribute to the clerk who has worked with me for the last 6 years but who has been in public service here for the Federal Government for 27 years, including 26 years of service in the U.S. Senate, and that is Jean Toal Eisen, who is going to be retiring from the Federal Government.

And Jean is here along with two other members of the staff of the CJS Subcommittee, Blaise Sheridan and Michael Bednarczyk, as well as three members of my staff, Ariel Marshall, Janelle DiLuccia, and Chad Kreikemeier, my chief of staff.

We are here because we think it is important, and I especially think it is important to recognize the people who make this body run. And it is people like Jean, who have dedicated their whole careers to this institution, who allow us to--who mean that we can, on occasion, get things done that make a huge difference for the people of this country.

And I know I speak for all the members of the Appropriations Committee and its staff when I say that Jean will be sorely missed.

Just last week, as I looked at the breathtaking images captured from NASA's James Webb telescope, I thought about Jean. It is no exaggeration to say that those images exist, in no small part, because of her work on this subcommittee. And they serve as a fitting capstone for her distinguished career.

And, of course, then I thought about other ways that Jean's influence will endure, ensuring millions of people will get access to broadband because of her work on the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act--and there were many late nights that she and other members of my staff and Senator Collins' staff worked with the Commerce Department to try and ensure we could get those broadband sections done--and then also helping survivors of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse receive access to critical services because of Jean's successful efforts to release more resources from the Crime Victims Fund. In fact, every year that I have been chair of Commerce, Justice, and Science, because of Jean's efforts, we have maximized funding in the Office of Violence Against Women so that each year over year we have done better.

She has also been there to ensure that the next generation of STEM innovators and leaders get record investments in the National Science Foundation and NASA. And it is really appropriate that we are considering bipartisan chips innovation legislation on the floor this week, Jean's last in the Senate, because she played a central role drafting and negotiating this critical legislation that will bolster American manufacturing and protect our national security interests.

And though Jean will no longer be in the Senate, her legacy is already felt everywhere, and the American people are better for it. Jean's journey in the Senate began as a staff assistant for Senator Ernest Hollings of South Carolina, her home State Senator.

Later, she served on the staff of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation as senior adviser and deputy policy director for Chairman Dan Inouye, before serving as deputy policy director at the U.S. Department of Commerce.

And since 2010, she has served on the CJS Subcommittee, and from 2014 to 2017, she was the deputy staff director of the Senate Committee on Appropriations for Chair Barbara Mikulski, who I know if she were here would also be on the floor to sing Jean's praises.

I have had the pleasure of having Jean as my clerk since 2017, when I took over the CJS Subcommittee as Vice Chair. And I think that words really can't capture Jean's personality, but I would be doing a disservice to this body if I didn't try to give a sense of why Jean is one of the most effective staffers on Capitol Hill.

And I think the first thing to know is that Jean always gives you the truth--whether you want to hear it or not. The second thing to know about her is that she always has a sense of humor, even when the going gets tough, and all of us who have been here through tough challenges know that maintaining a sense of humor is absolutely critical.

Her colleagues will remember her as incredibly knowledgeable, kind, and pragmatic because, at heart, Jean is a problem-solver. She understands that the U.S. Government is one of the most impressive institutions the world has ever seen, and she has dedicated her career to improving it.

Jean is also the proud mom of her daughter Pat, who is a rising sophomore at Longwood University and is, among other things, a saxophonist in the school's ``Stampede'' Athletic Pep Band.

Now that she is no longer drafting annual appropriations bills, we hope that Jean will have more quality time to spend with Pat, with her husband Pete, and with her many family members and friends and maybe even a little more time for hockey and gardening. Although if she is going to support hockey, she really needs to support the Bruins, so we are not sure how much time we want to give her for that.

But it gives me great joy to publicly thank Jean for her extraordinary work for this committee. Congratulations, Jean. Thank you for your decades of service to our country and your commitment to the U.S. Senate. Neither your expertise nor your good humor will soon be replaced, but your work will not be forgotten anytime soon.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I am really pleased to be able to come to the floor this morning to join my colleagues Senator Tillis, from North Carolina; Senator Ernst, from Iowa; Senator Blunt, from Missouri--and we are hoping to be joined by Senator Coons, from Delaware--to talk about the very successful congressional delegation we took in the first week of the 2-week break to Finland, Sweden, and the NATO summit in Madrid.

I want to especially acknowledge my colead for that delegation, Senator Tillis. He and I cochaired the Senate NATO Observer Group. And we have both been fervent supporters of NATO and efforts to ensure that the United States continues to be a leader on the world stage and a champion for freedom.

We were also joined on that trip by Senator Durbin, from Illinois, and Senator Fischer, from Nebraska.

A couple of months ago, Majority Leader Schumer and Minority Leader McConnell asked Senator Tillis and I to lead that bipartisan delegation to the NATO summit in Madrid to convey the Senate's strong bipartisan support for the alliance, especially amid Putin's unprovoked war in Ukraine.

I was very honored to represent the Senate amid what has been one of the most consequential moments in the history of the transatlantic alliance. And I think probably Senator Tillis and everyone who was part of that delegation felt the same way.

Our visit to Sweden, Finland, and Spain affirmed three important points: first, the NATO alliance is stronger than ever before--and this year's historic summit reaffirmed that; second, the Strategic Concept that was approved at this year's summit will ensure that NATO is prepared to address immediate threats on all fronts, from Putin's attempts to threaten the sovereignty of our allies to China's challenges to our alliance.

And, finally, as Putin attempts to rewrite history, working with our allies and partners is critical to ensuring that Putin or any leader that attempts to follow in his path is met with the might of NATO's democratic resolve.

One of the other things that I was very impressed with as we met not just with some of our NATO allies but with NATO aspirant country delegations and talked to leaders from the Indo-Pacific who were in Madrid is how everybody we talked to reaffirmed the importance of America's leadership in the world. So I think as we think about the future of NATO, about what we need to do in the United States, it is important to remember just how important our role is.

Now, our trip coincided with Turkey's announcement to support Finland and Sweden's ambitions to join NATO, which will significantly strengthen the alliance. In fact, as we landed in Madrid, we got the news that Turkey had dropped its hold on those applications. So we were able to celebrate.

Sweden and Finland's accession into NATO sends an unmistakable message to Putin: The alliance is stronger than ever and Russia does not have veto power over who joins NATO.

Our delegation was pleased to meet with the leadership from both Sweden and Finland to reaffirm the bipartisan support in the Senate for the swift approval of their NATO applications.

Our delegation's bipartisan message of support for Ukraine and NATO was reciprocated by our allies, which was evident during the meetings that we had with Japan and Germany. We met with Ukrainian officials and underscored our strong support to not only help Ukraine defend itself but to help Ukraine win. And that is what we heard from all of the allies we met with.

It is critical that, as Members of the Senate, we continue to do all we can to coordinate with our allies and support Ukraine's heroic efforts to defend itself against Putin's aggression because that war is not just against the people of Ukraine; it is an attack on democracies around the world, an attack on our shared transatlantic values--values that have maintained peace for over 70 years.

Our bipartisan delegation made clear that the United States will continue to support peace and stability in Europe and around the world. We will defend every inch of NATO territory and continue to look for ways to bolster Ukraine's defense.

We were pleased to share this commitment with members of the Biden administration who also traveled to the NATO summit. Our delegation met with President Biden, with Secretary Austin, and Secretary Blinken and reaffirmed that the Senate will continue to look for ways to help defend Ukraine and respond to emerging threats from the Balkans to the Indo-Pacific.

Again, I want to thank all of those who went on this very important trip, especially the staff who did such a great job putting it together. I was proud to colead that delegation, which was centered on our bipartisan resolve to support a strong and unified NATO and stand by our Ukrainian partners.

As Putin's war threatens democracies around the world, I think it is important that we send a clear message to our constituents at home and our allies abroad that the United States remains resolute in our commitment to the stability and freedom of all democratic nations because if Putin succeeds in Ukraine, there is no telling where his belligerence will end.

Last night, Senator Durbin secured unanimous consent for the protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty on the accession of Sweden and Finland to be referred to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. This is an important development as we look at ratifying those protocols. I hope we can get this done as quickly as possible. I hope the Foreign Relations Committee will move on that process and we can act here in the Senate Chamber because swift ratification is in our national security interest.

Again, I am pleased to join my colleagues here on the floor and would like to turn it over to Senator Tillis to get his impressions from the trip.

Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge the public service of Craig McLean who retired in April after a distinguished 40- year career within the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, NOAA. Within NOAA, Mr. McLean was as a dedicated leader, advocating for science to advance NOAA's mission to understand and predict changes in climate, weather, ocean, and coasts.

Mr. McLean has a deep dedication to our oceans and waterways, garnered from growing up along the Passaic River in Rutherford, NJ. As a child, he took a small boat out on the Passaic. As a teenager, he learned to dive and performed decompression diving in order to explore deep-ocean shipwrecks. These experiences helped inspire his career.

Mr. McLean began his NOAA career in 1981 as a uniformed officer in the NOAA Commissioned Officer Corps and served for nearly 25 years before retiring at the rank of captain. During that time, he was instrumental to the founding of the NOAA Office of Ocean Exploration and Research, OER. Later, during his 16 years as a Federal executive, he provided continued leadership in driving forward mapping of U.S. waters to advance oceanographic scientific knowledge and discover deep ocean secrets including new species, historical shipwrecks, and undersea mountains. His leadership underlies OER's astounding accomplishments including mapping 2 million square kilometers and collecting ocean data in the waters of 16 countries and the high seas. This work contributed to key conservation decisions for vital marine habitats.

Most recently, Mr. McLean served as Assistant Administrator for NOAA's Office of Oceanic and Atmospheric Research--OAR--for more than 6 years,

leading an enterprise of 10 Federal laboratories across the country and six major programs performing vital research to understand and predict changes in climate, weather, ocean, and coasts for the benefit of the Nation. Mr. McLean's preeminent leadership of OAR enabled vital advancements, including improved forecasting of weather extremes such as hurricanes, winter storms, extreme precipitation, and drought as well as a greatly increased understanding of the Earth's climate system. His leadership has enabled NOAA to better prepare society in order to reduce the severe impacts of these events on life and property.

On the international stage, as the U.S. Representative to the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization--UNESCO--Mr. McLean's skillful collaborative approach helped advance U.S. scientific goals and garnered support from our partners in ocean observing around the world. He helped broker consensus for global biogeochemical ocean sensors, known as Argo, which enabled a $53 million international commitment to expand deployments to improve ocean health and climate forecasting. Through this role, Mr. McLean served as a leader for the United Nations Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development, championing this global undertaking to provide a common framework that ensures ocean science can support countries and achieve the United Nations' 2030 Sustainable Development Goals.

Finally, I want to acknowledge Mr. McLean's commitment to scientific integrity within NOAA. During the last administration, he boldly stepped forward as a complainant when NOAA experienced political interference, putting himself at risk to uphold scientific integrity and the Agency's reputation. He also served as the Department of Commerce representative on the National Science and Technology Council Fast-Track Action Committee on Scientific Integrity where he cochaired a working group to provide responsive outcomes for the Presidential Memorandum on Restoring Trust in Government Through Scientific Integrity and Evidence-Based Policymaking. NOAA's science and the Agency's integrity has been made stronger through Mr. McLean's commitment and leadership on this issue.

On behalf of my constituents in New Hampshire, I thank Craig McLean for his decades of excellent service to our Nation and wish him well in his retirement. I hope he enjoys the chance to take his family out on the water more in retirement and enjoys the oceans he has championed throughout his career.

Mr. President, I come to the floor to pay tribute to Edward B. Garone, a long-time law enforcement official in the Granite State. There are many reasons to salute Ed Garone, including an incredible 50 years as police chief of the Derry, NH, police department and an extensive record of local involvement. I join Chief Garone's colleagues and countless friends in thanking him for his tireless work and recognizing the qualities behind his many contributions and accomplishments: a humble desire to serve others and strengthen his community.

After a 3-year tour of duty in the U.S. Marine Corps, Chief Garone began his law enforcement career as a police officer in the Lebanon, NH, police department. He would serve the city of Lebanon for 7-and-a- half years, rising to the rank of captain, before accepting an offer in 1972 to become the chief of police in Derry, NH. At 29 years old, he moved with his young family--wife Blanche and children Vicky and Michael--to southern New Hampshire and planted roots in a community he would serve for the next five decades. A local newspaper noted at the time that he was ``an experienced officer with a lot of skill.''

Chief Garone would tap into these skills to guide the town of Derry through a variety of law enforcement challenges. He also managed considerable growth within his department and witnessed significant development in the community it serves. Derry's population has nearly tripled since the 1970s, and its police department expanded from roughly 20 full-time officers in 1972 to over 70 full-time and part- time personnel today. Chief Garone is their strongest advocate, always making sure his officers have the most current and effective equipment, technology, and training. He is also their loudest champion, and he's quick to deflect any compliment or praise toward his officers who share his belief of `service above self.'

Chief Garone is a well-respected figure and sought-after voice in New Hampshire's law enforcement community. He has been on the board of directors of the Regional Information Sharing Systems--New England State Police Information Network for 17 years. He remains an active, 50-year member of the New Hampshire Association of Chiefs of Police and has served as its secretary for the past 32 years. So many of his fellow officers across the Granite State--from the longest serving chief to the newly-sworn-in patrol officer--look to Chief Garone for guidance, for leadership, and for encouragement as they work to keep our communities safe.

Chief Garone's service goes beyond all he has given and all he has accomplished at the Derry Police Department. He is involved in a number of community and charitable organizations. Chief Garone is a 45-year member of the Greater Derry Boys and Girls Club board of directors and a past president of the club. He is currently the longest serving member and former president of the Derry Rotary Club. He has led the Viviana Leon Memorial Foundation, a charitable foundation that provides funds each year to local groups. He is the current director of the Derry Veterans Assistance Fund, a nonprofit that seeks to improve the quality of life for local veterans. Chief Garone also serves on the board of directors for the Alexander Eastman Foundation and the Seacoast Child Advocacy Center. He even lends his time

and expertise to the public safety commission of his hometown of Bradford, VT.

Exhaustive research conducted by his colleagues concluded that Edward Garone is the longest serving full-time chief of police in the history of New Hampshire and quite possibly the entire country. This distinction is a testament to Ed's unwavering commitment to bettering his community and helping others. The Granite State and the many communities he has served are grateful for Chief Garone's many contributions and acts of selfless service. In the coming month, friends and fellow officers will gather to salute Ed and thank him for all that he has given to the town of Derry and the State of New Hampshire. I am with them in spirit as they honor this good and generous man.

Mr. President, it gives me tremendous honor and pride to offer remarks in recognition of this truly historic moment. I was first elected to the Senate in 2008 and came to Washington alongside our Nation's first African-American President. I remember the aura of historical significance that permeated the whole country during those early days of the Obama administration. In particular, I remember the awe and joy surrounding the inauguration, with Americans lining our streets, packed on the National Mall and glued to television screens in New Hampshire and across our country. I have thought a lot about this recently because I see that same excitement, anticipation, and recognition of history unfolding before our eyes as we as a nation are on the cusp of elevating our first female African-American Justice to the highest Court in our land.

Our Constitution has served as a model for modern democracies around the world. Important pillars of our society like equality under the law, freedom of speech, press, and religion and the separation of powers are all innovations that have made America a beacon of democracy around the world. What makes our Constitution particularly exceptional is its ability to be adjusted and adapted to more faithfully reflect the interests and values of our diverse citizenry which it serves. Important amendments have expanded rights for women and communities of color, making our society more inclusive and pushing the needle toward justice. The Constitution guards our basic rights and freedoms, and the Justices of the Supreme Court serve as the guardians of that Constitution.

It is precisely because of the importance of this Court and each of its nine precious seats that the seating of a new Justice is such a momentous occasion. And in this instance, the significance of the moment has been met by a singular nominee whose achievements, experience and integrity are fully worthy of the history books. In addition, for the first time in history, a former public defender will soon serve on the highest Court in the land. Judge Jackson has already--truly--rendered outstanding service to her country.

Judge Jackson's lived experiences as a Black woman and a mother will bring essential insights to the Supreme Court which, for the first time in 232 years, will approach gender parity. While I fully believe Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg would have loved seeing Justice Jackson ascend to her beloved Court, we still have a long way to go before we get to Justice Ginsburg's vision of nine female Justices. But one step at a time, we are building a better, more inclusive country. More succinctly put: We are building democratic institutions that represent the public they serve. Justice Jackson will make history and bring the full bounty of her rich and diverse personal history to the Court, just as Louis Brandeis, Thurgood Marshall, Sandra Day O'Connor, and Sonia Sotomayor did before her.

I will end with one last reflection: Judge Jackson's historic nomination offers hope and optimism at a time when partisanship and division threaten to unravel our very democracy. During my conversation with her, I was struck by her genuine candor in discussing how she would approach working with other Justices from different ideological backgrounds. She seeks to appeal to shared experiences and values with Justices whose ideological backgrounds differ from her own. This recognition that we all have more that unites than divides us gives me faith not only in Judge Jackson's ability to forge consensus, but also that we as a nation have a brighter future ahead of us than behind us, and that we can, and must, work together to bridge our divides-- ideological and otherwise.

If I can paraphrase a fellow Granite Stater, the great Senator Daniel Webster whose desk I occupy today: ``Justice is what binds civilized nations together.'' And I believe that Judge Jackson will faithfully use her seat on the Supreme Court to deliver just that kind of justice. Judge Jackson is the very best of America, and I am honored and excited to cast my vote to confirm her to the Supreme Court of the United States.

Madam President, I rise today in support of my resolution to convey strong bipartisan opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin's unprovoked aggression against the United States' partner, Ukraine. I was proud to lead this resolution with Senator Rob Portman, in addition to Senators Durbin, Cornyn, Menendez, and Risch, and was pleased to see 38 Senators join this resolution and push for its passage.

As the Senate prepared to adjourn for the next week, Senator Portman and I believed it was absolutely critical that we deliver this message of strong bipartisan support for the brave and resilient people of Ukraine. It is important to send a message of bipartisan resolve and to stand up to Putin in response to his continued aggression and especially given recent indications that he is increasingly likely to eschew the diplomatic path available and further invade Ukraine. And as I join a large bipartisan delegation to the Munich Security Forum this weekend, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle agreed that it was paramount that the Senate pass this resolution. This resolution demonstrates the fierce bipartisan support for the NATO, for the transatlantic alliance, for our democratic partners in Ukraine and in repudiation of Putin's efforts to violate Ukraine's sovereignty.

This Senate has a long history of supporting an independent and democratic Ukraine. Since Russia's initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014, this Congress has provided more than $2.7 billion in security assistance and supported critical reforms to help Ukraine on its journey to greater euro-Atlantic integration.

I am proud to have been involved in a number of bipartisan efforts to support Ukraine. Last month, I traveled to Ukraine with Senator Portman as part of a bipartisan congressional delegation to meet with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy and his national security team to discuss the Russian threat and how the United States can help our Ukrainian friends. In January, I reaffirmed the United States' commitment to our democratic partners, which I also shared during a congressional delegation visit last June, that our Nation believes fervently that Ukraine and Ukraine alone should determine its future.

In our meetings, the message from the Ukrainians was clear. They see their future in partnership with the West. They share our democratic values, and their people are proud of their hard-won independence. I would like to make one point perfectly clear: The unprecedented Russian threat to Ukraine's sovereignty is on Vladimir Putin and no one else. He has designed this crisis to advance his own revanchist agenda. The global community is not blind to his malign ambitions. He wants to reconstruct the Soviet Union and recreate his own sphere of interest. And he--wrongfully--sees Ukraine as part of this authoritarian future.

Putin wants to diminish the U.S. presence in Europe and to rewrite the European security order for his benefit and in blatant disregard for previous international agreements and treaties that Russia signed. And Putin has shown repeated attempts to subvert democratic institutions in the United States, threaten our election security, attack our infrastructure, and compromise the sovereignty of our allies around the globe.

This is why what happens in Ukraine matters to the United States. How we respond to Putin's aggression against Ukraine will have implications for our national security and global stability for decades to come. It is important that we stand up for our values. It is necessary that we stand up to protect our national security. And it is critical that we continue to uphold and protect the European security order that has afforded us peace and prosperity for over 70 years. As Putin tries to dismantle and divide the very alliance that has kept us safe for over 70 years, it is all the more important that we strengthen our resolve through a strong message of unbreakable unity.

This is why the passage of today's bipartisan resolution on Ukraine is so important. I want to covey my appreciation to Senator Portman for his work and leadership. Especially on this issue, we believe that bipartisanship is critical in advancing U.S. foreign policy, especially in support of our partner, Ukraine. And we must lead by example and convey, as we have done to our Ukrainian partners and our transatlantic allies, that we must not leave any space for Putin to sow further discord.

On Monday, I spoke on the floor and said that the Senate does not have a choice; we must send a message of strong, unequivocal bipartisan resolve. And today, we did just that.

Along with my fellow Senators, I wish to send an unequivocal message to Putin; you will not divide this Senate. You will not divide this country. And you will not divide the transatlantic alliance. Diplomacy remains an option to deescalate this situation and pursue a peaceful resolution. But if Putin decides to further invade Ukraine, he will only succeed in uniting us all--Democrats, Republicans, Americans, and the transatlantic alliance--in sending a message of unmistakable resolve against his belligerence.