Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and lasting contributions of Robert Ikeda. Robert Kimihiko ``Bob'' Ikeda, born July 5, 1934, in the Japanese-American fishing community of Terminal Island in Los Angeles County, CA to Kameichi and Hayako (Yuoka) Ikeda, passed away on November 24, 2020. He was preceded in death by his eldest son, Patrick Ikeda, sister Sumiko ``Sumy,'' and brother-in-law Don Anhorn. He is survived by his loving wife of 60 years, Gladys, whom he met while they both attended UC Berkeley. Other survivors include son Steve and daughter-in-law Kathy Ikeda, grandchildren Justin and Andrea, daughter-in-law Terrilynne Ikeda, step-grandchildren Calvin and Samantha, sister Shizuka ``Margaret'' Kono and husband Ryoichiro, brother Nobuhiko ``Noby'' Ikeda and wife Susie, and numerous nieces and nephews.

Bob--a U.S. born citizen--was incarcerated as an ``enemy non-alien'' at the age of seven in 1942, along with the rest of his family and 120,000 other Japanese and Japanese Americans who had been living along the west coast. They remained confined under military armed guard for the duration of World War II, first at Jerome and Rohwer in Arkansas, and then at Tule Lake Segregation Center in California. The Ikeda family settled outside Lodi after their release in early 1946. He attended area schools and graduated from Lodi High School.

Bob was a veteran of the United States Army and was proud to receive a Top-Secret security clearance as a soldier, which came from the same government that wrongly deemed him a national security risk during his childhood. When he was stationed in Germany, he used that clearance while analyzing aerial intelligence photos taken during the Cold War, some of which were among the first taken by the U2 spy plane.

After being honorably discharged from the Army, Bob resumed his career with the Department of Public Works, Division of Highways (which became Caltrans), where he was the State's first licensed traffic engineer. He spent his 42-year career with the Caltrans Stockton office, at first on construction crews, and later in Traffic Management. As the Chief of Traffic Management, Bob was the de facto traffic engineer for numerous smaller cities throughout the district.

While he was incarcerated at Tule Lake, Bob began studying judo, a sport he later introduced to his sons. He eventually was promoted by the United States Judo Federation to third-degree black belt and spent several years teaching an afternoon judo program at Stockton Judo Club.

Bob had a lifelong passion for cars, starting even before he received his first junior operator permit at age 12. He purchased his first Porsche in 1961 and owned several throughout his life; he even put a Porsche engine in a Volkswagen bus. He shared his passion for cars with Clyde Wilbourn, who came into his life as his mechanic, but soon became a valued and long-time friend. Bob enjoyed autocrossing and rallying competitively as well as taking cross-country driving vacations and meandering drives to destinations unknown even to him. His connection to Porsche was strengthened by his lifelong membership in the Porsche Club of America.

Although Bob lost his appetite toward the end, anyone who knows him will not be surprised by his last meal: a bowl of vanilla ice cream with a dollop of whipped cream.

The family plans a post-pandemic memorial observance. Donations in Bob's memory may be made to the Tule Lake Committee, the Stockton/San Joaquin Emergency Food Bank, St. Mary's Dining Room, or a charity of choice.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``American Port Access Privileges Act of 2022,'' with my friend and colleague Congressman Jim Costa (D-CA). The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the shortcomings in the international ocean shipping industry and the global supply chain. Congress must restore fairness at our ports for American exporters to help reduce the United States' longstanding trade imbalance with countries like mainland China. Our legislation seeks to do just that, building upon my bipartisan Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 2022 (Public Law 117-146) signed by President Biden on June 16, 2022.

Foreign-flagged vessels' access to the American market and its consumers is a privilege, not a right. Even during a global pandemic, multinational companies looking to offload foreign-made products at West Coast ports must provide opportunities for American exports in return. California's agricultural exporters, manufacturers, and other businesses are willing to pay to ensure their products reach emerging markets in the Asia-Pacific. Dozens of agricultural exporters have contacted my office reporting that ocean carriers simply refused to accept cargo bookings for American exports, instead sending containers back empty to East Asia as quickly as possible. Congress must ensure reciprocity in trade and the ocean shipping industry, which is dominated by a handful of foreign-flagged ocean carriers. Some of these foreign ocean carriers are effectively state-controlled enterprises.

Our ``American Port Access Privileges Act'' would correct the structural disadvantages facing American exporters at our nation's ports by rewarding ocean carriers that serve both importers and exporters. First, the bill would codify the current preferences for military, Jones Act, and other U.S.-flagged vessels in place at many major American ports. Second, the bill would establish a secondary berthing preference for ocean-going commercial vessels servicing multiple ports in the United States or with significant cargo bookings of American exports.

This new preferential berthing will reward ocean carriers that serve both importers and American exporters by moving those vessels to the front of the queue for unloading and loading. It will similarly incentivize ocean carriers to make second-leg voyages to ports like the Port of Oakland, which is critical for California's agricultural exporters. Any port authority seeking federal funding from the Maritime Administration's port infrastructure development grant program would be required to accept these berthing preferences.

However, our bill ensures that the new preferential berthing and port access for export carrying-vessels would never interfere with U.S. Coast Guard orders for commercial vessels, port safety, or collective bargaining agreements for port workers. I recognize that the international shipping industry is variable and that cargo bookings often change last minute, requiring ocean carriers, port operators, and maritime workers to remain flexible. That is why our American Port Access Privileges Act would require that export-carrying vessels seeking preferential berthing report cargo bookings at least 7 days in advance to port operators.

Lastly, our bill would authorize the U.S. Department of Transportation's Bureau of Transportation Statistics to collect data on berthing and cargo practices at U.S. ports. This will

evaluate ocean carriers' practices for port calls and cargo bookings, as well as the impact of preferential berthing afforded under our bill. A similar data-collection provision sponsored by U.S. Senator Roger F. Wicker's (R-MS) on container and chassis availability is incorporated as Section 16 (Dwell Time Statistics) of the Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 2022 (Public Law 117-146), of which I was the House sponsor.

Madam Speaker, I urge all members to cosponsor the American Port Access Privileges Act to ensure fair trade for U.S. businesses and keep hard-won foreign markets accessible to California's agricultural exporters. As a senior member of the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure and the former ranking member of the Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation from the 113th to the 115th Congresses, I plan to make this legislation a major priority.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Defense Access Roads Improvement Act,'' which would make commonsense reforms to reduce congestion outside military installations. The Defense Access Roads program is a unique partnership between the U.S. Departments of Defense and Transportation. Under the program, the Secretary of Defense designates civilian roadways that provide critical access for domestic military installations as Defense Access Roads, making them eligible for military construction funding transferred to the Department of Transportation for road improvements off base.

Military installations anchor communities across the nation, including California's Travis and Beale Air Force Bases in my Congressional district. The Defense Access Road Program ensures that the Department of Defense pays its fair share for maintenance, upkeep, or upgrades of roads impacted by military traffic and the constant movement of heavy equipment and vehicles.

My ``Defense Access Roads Improvement Act'' would create a new, public process for state, county, or municipal governments to petition the Department of Defense to designate new Defense Access Roads, unlocking military construction funding for needed roadway improvements off base. My bill would establish a new online database for designated Defense Access Roads and any federal funding requests outstanding, which improves public transparency and holds the Pentagon accountable. Lastly, my bill would also allow roads leading to commercial shipyards used by the U.S. Navy or Coast Guard to be designated as Defense Access Roads under the program, instead of just seaports as under current law.

As chairman of the Readiness Subcommittee, which oversees all U.S. military installations and the Defense Access Road Program, I am committed to securing additional federal investment in off-base infrastructure. As a senior member of both the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, I plan to make

this legislation a top priority in future National Defense Authorization Acts and Highway Bills.

Madam Speaker, I encourage all Members to join me in cosponsoring the ``Defense Access Roads Improvement Act.''

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Base Access Privileges Improvement Act,'' which would standardize and streamline access to military installations for designated support personnel across the nation. I thank my colleague Congressman Donald Norcross (D- NJ) for his support as the bill's original cosponsor.

Every day, civilian workers access military bases to provide services, transport goods, or conduct job fairs for departing service members or military spouses. Unfortunately, from state to state--or even installation to installation--there are different standards for unescorted civilian access set by the service

branches or base commanders. This can be a maddening bureaucracy for support workers requiring routine base access to do their jobs.

The ``Base Access Privileges Improvement Act'' would create an overarching set of access standards for civilians with legitimate need to access military installations on a recurring basis or for a scheduled purpose. For example, the bill would allow truckers delivering household goods for military families to use their Transportation Worker Identification Credentials, which is issued by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and requires passing a federal background check, for proving their identity to get on base. The bill would also require that the U.S. Department of Defense provide expedited, unescorted base access privileges for veterans accessing services at the installation, civilians working at a construction job site on base, State labor regulators for applicable workers' compensation or minimum wage laws, and members of federally recognized labor-management committees.

As chairman of the House Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness, I know full well that our military installations are secure for a good reason. However, for those civilians who are already appropriately vetted and cleared, we must ease the bureaucratic hurdles for base access so they can do their job in support of our nation's military, military families, and veterans. Military bases can maintain the highest level of scrutiny for those seeking access while still equalizing the requirements across the nation. The ``Base Access Privileges Improvement Act'' would ensure just that.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Bridge Corrosion Prevention and Repair Act,'' with Congressman Anthony G. Brown (D-MD). Our legislation is endorsed by the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT) and the Association for Materials Protection and Performance (formerly called the National Association of Corrosion Engineers and the Society for Protective Coatings).

This legislation would require all federally funded bridge projects to use certified contractors for any corrosion control work and employ industry-recognized standards for corrosion mitigation and prevention. Specifically, my legislation would prompt State, county, and municipal transportation departments to employ qualified, trained corrosion control professionals who have completed federally registered apprenticeship programs.

In July 2021, the House passed my ``Bridge Corrosion Prevention and Repair Act'' as Section 1116 from Chairman Peter A. DeFazio's (D-OR) ``Investing in a New Vision for the Environment and Surface Transportation (INVEST) in America Act,'' of which I was a cosponsor. While it was ultimately not included in the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (Public Law 117-58), I plan to build upon Chairman DeFazio's' work on corrosion prevention policy and promoting apprenticeships.

In the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (Public Law 117-81 ), I secured Section 813 (Office of Corrosion Policy and Oversight employee training requirements) directing the U.S. Department of Defense to make use of federally registered apprenticeship programs for training military personnel, civilian employees, and military construction contractors on anti-corrosion activities. Under my amendment to the FY2022 NOAA, the DOD's Office of Corrosion Policy and Oversight Employee Training Requirements is charged with coordinating this work.

Under the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, Congress and the Biden Administration are making the largest federal investment to modernize our nation's infrastructure since the Interstate Highway System was established in

1956. America's corrosion professionals and union painters are ready, willing, and able to do the job.

Madam Speaker, I urge all Members of the House to join me in cosponsoring the ``Bridge Corrosion Prevention and Repair Act.''

Mr. Speaker, thank you so very much for the opportunity to present this.

First, let me throw back comments that Mr. Johnson made. I would say it precisely the same. Far too kind, but as they apply to you, certainly in order, each and every one of them.

The pleasure of working across the aisle, but really in common, on a set of problems that plague our constituents, and frankly, the constituents of every Representative, perhaps that is why we had such unanimous or nearly unanimous support here on our legislation which, correctly, you said, will now pass this House four times.

This bill attacks inflation, and it will reduce consumer costs. It is not going to solve every problem in the supply chain or every problem for U.S. exporters, but it will make a very real difference for American businesses and consumers by lowering the exorbitant ocean shipping costs and prohibiting unfair business practices by foreign- flagged ocean carriers.

Let me continue with a few thank-yous. Mr. DeFazio, heads up. Pay attention. You and your staff and Mr. Graves and his staff deserve extraordinary thanks here for really putting together some of the details and pushing this bill along.

Also, Mr. Carbajal, the maritime staff, both minority and majority for their work on it, and, of course, the author of this bill on the Senate side, Senator Klobuchar. Mr. Johnson's staff and ours--and others--worked with her early on in the process as she was preparing to introduce the Senate version of the House version of the Ocean Shipping Reform Act.

So where do we go? It was almost 12 months to the day, June 15, that I reached out across the aisle on the Ocean Shipping Reform Act to work with my friend, Congressman Dusty Johnson.

It is 12 months later, and I am thrilled that the House is passing this bill. In a conversation I had earlier last Friday with President Biden, he wants to sign this bill as soon as it could possibly get to his desk.

The Ocean Shipping Reform Act, S. 3580, is the first major overhaul of our Nation's laws and Federal regulations for the international ocean shipping industry since 1998. For decades, the United States has run a significant trade imbalance, due in large part to export-driven, non-market economies like mainland China.

In late 2001, the People's Republic of China was granted permanent, normal trade relations with the United States, the so-called most- favored-nation status--certainly favorable to China, but not to the United States--following that country's admission to the World Trade Organization.

The United States' trade imbalance with the People's Republic of China in 2001 was approximately $83 billion. In 2020, our trade imbalance with mainland China was $310 billion in nominal dollars, having increased almost every year.

Concurrently, the ocean shipping industry underwent considerable consolidation, coinciding with the continual decline of U.S.-flagged international fleet in favor of foreign flags of convenience--another way of saying, ``do it on the cheap.''

Some nine foreign-flagged carriers now dominate the global ocean shipping industry, several of which are effectively controlled by foreign governments or foreign state-owned enterprises.

These foreign-flagged ocean carriers have an alliance with each other. They are not subject to the normal American laws of anticompetitive behavior so they go about their business. In that business, we have found the American consumer and the American exporter are at a disadvantage.

The global COVID-19 pandemic made all of these longstanding issues in the ocean shipping industry and highlighted the staggering vulnerabilities in the integrated supply chain that drives global commerce.

According to The Journal of Commerce, the foreign-flagged ocean carriers made a record profit of $150 billion--billion--in 2021, compared to just $25.4 billion in 2022.

Even after more than quintupling their profits during the height of the pandemic, an independent analysis by the maritime research consultancy, Drewry, projects that the foreign-flagged ocean carriers will best their 2021 record profits in 2022, and I might add, at the expense of American consumers and at the expense of American exporters.

Mr. Speaker, I better get on with it.

For every American shopper, shipper, agricultural exporter, manufacturer, retailer, or small business struggling with skyrocketing ocean shipping costs, I am saying this bill will be help on the way.

The Ocean Shipping Reform Act cracks down on many of the issues. The Federal Maritime Commission is empowered.

The bill shifts the burden of proof regarding reasonableness to the ocean carriers, so if they want detention and demurrage, they have to prove it.

The bill also requires ocean carriers or their billing agencies to ensure that those charges comply with Federal regulations.

Third: The bill increases the antiretaliation protections for shippers.

Fourth: The bill establishes a new exception in Federal law that ocean carriers make a good-faith effort to negotiate vessel space and accommodate the cargo bookings for U.S. exports.

The bill authorizes the Federal Maritime Commission to regulate shipping exchanges.

Finally, this is one fine piece of legislation, and I urge its passage.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Stop Price Gouging The Military Act.'' I thank U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D- MA) for sponsoring the companion legislation in the United States Senate.

Our ``Stop Price Gouging The Military Act'' would prevent defense contractors from overcharging the Department of Defense on equipment parts, closing loopholes in regulations that affect taxpayers, American service members, and businesses that fairly support military readiness. As chair of the Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness, I know how much it costs to keep our military ready and this bill would ensure that prices for equipment parts are fair and defense contractors are rewarded for quality performance.

The Truthful Cost or Pricing Data Act requires contractors to provide accurate cost and pricing data to the government. However, current broad definitions for ``commercial items'' prevent military contracting officers from accurately assessing fair prices. While prices for these ``commercial items'' should already be reasonable because of assumed competition in the commercial market, these parts are often only sold to the Department of Defense or are drastically changed from their original commercial counterpart. Some defense contractors can then overcharge the Defense Department because there are no market checks on the price, and they are not required to provide accurate data to military contracting officials.

The Defense Department also pays companies before work is completed, and money is rarely recouped if the contractor is behind schedule or work quality is poor. With this model, there is no way to incentivize performance.

This legislation would strengthen competition requirements by amending government acquisition laws to only waive requirements to provide cost or pricing information when there is price competition. It would also restore market dynamics to the commercial item definition by closing loopholes for when a good or service has been modified from what is sold on a commercial market, create a pilot program to tie payments to performance, and require annual disclosure of changes in costs of goods sold, gross margins, and pricing strategies.

Madam Speaker, I encourage all Members to cosponsor my ``Stop Price Gouging The Military Act'' and support our service members, provide accountability to the taxpayer, and reward quality business that support military readiness. The legislation I introduce today would ensure just that.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to congratulate Granite Construction Company on its centennial anniversary and honor the lasting contributions of founder, Walter J. Wilkinson. Granite Construction Company is a leader in the construction industry, paving the way for innovation and progress. The company's Founder Walter J. Wilkinson was a man of integrity, perseverance, and dedication. He not only lived by these principles, but also instilled them in the culture and work of the Granite Construction Company; these quality ethics and values remain today.

After earning his Bachelor of Arts degree in engineering, Mr. Wilkinson began his career as an engineer for the Lakeport Ice Company. In 1901, at the age of 20, he joined the Granite Rock Company and would eventually lead the construction division as superintendent. When Granite Construction Company was formed as a wholly owned subsidiary of Granite Rock in 1922, Mr. Wilkinson was chosen as Vice President and Arthur R. Wilson as President.

In 1936, the Wilson family sold their shares of Granite Construction to Mr. Wilkinson, who then became President. In those early years of the Great Depression, Mr. Wilkinson and his wife, Carrie B. Earle, struggled to keep the company afloat, making personal sacrifices, including mortgaging all that they owned to help sustain the business. This perseverance and personal commitment left a lasting imprint on the company.

With the advent of World War II, the business turned around and the company began to reach unprecedented levels of growth. Projects such as the $400,000 contract to build Camp Ord, now known as Fort Ord, in 1940 allowed Granite Construction to not only produce a profit, but also become a leader in the construction industry. In 1942, Mr. Wilkinson retired from active service with the company, and Bert Scott took over as President. Mr. Wilkinson sold his shares to his two sons, Walter Junior and Jack.

A scrupulous but fair businessman, Mr. Wilkinson adhered diligently to the code of conduct he established for the company, prioritizing integrity, hard work, and determination in his professional and personal life. His colleagues called him a ``visionary'' as he successfully steered Granite Construction Company through rocky times to recovery.

Outside of his professional work, Mr. Wilkinson was devoted to serving his community. He kept a daily diary, written in impeccable penmanship, chronicling his life and the founding of Granite Construction. He was a skilled orator, storyteller, and speech writer. Active in civic organizations, Mr. Wilkinson was a charter member of the Watsonville Exchange Club and President of the Chamber of Commerce as well as the Rotary Club. Moreover, as President and Founding Member of the Association of General Contractors of Northern California, Mr. Wilkinson was instrumental in establishing the Association's first bylaws.

Walter J. Wilkinson conducted himself in a manner deserving of respect. With loyalty, dedication, and perseverance, he laid the foundation for a company able to weather the toughest of storms. The success of Granite Construction as the beacon of progress in today's construction industry is a tribute to him. Congratulations to Granite Construction Company on their centennial celebration.

Madam Speaker, I have heard over and over again we ought to harden our schools. We ought to let every teacher have a gun.

One question that needs to be asked as that argument goes forward: Why? Why do we need to do that?

We need to do that because an 18-year-old was able to buy two AR-15s, go to the school in Uvalde, and shoot up all of the students and teachers--19. That is presumably why we have to harden our schools.

Maybe it is time for us to come to the reality that it is time for us to pass commonsense gun safety legislation. This particular piece of legislation does just that. It doesn't take away the Second Amendment rights.

What it does is to provide every American with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and not having to worry about whether their school has been hardened sufficiently to prevent an 18- year-old with two military-style weapons to enter that school. It is time for us to act. Pass this legislation.

Madam Speaker, it is time to act.

On January 19, 1989, my wife Patti and I entered the ICU at San Joaquin General Hospital. We were there to see a five-year-old boy and his parents, who recently fled from war-torn Laos. The boy was fighting for his life. A day earlier, a gunman, armed with an AK 47c, walked onto the playground at Cleveland Park Elementary School in Stockton California and started shooting, killing five children and injuring thirty-two. ``We came here to escape war,'' the boy's parents pleaded. ``How could this happen in America?''

I represented Stockton in the California Senate in 1989 during the Cleveland Park Elementary shooting. After hearing from first responders and victims, I introduced legislation that would become California's assault weapons ban--the first of its kind in the nation. Senator Dianne Feinstein bravely took up the case in Washington, and in 1994 Congress passed and President Clinton signed the federal assault weapons ban into law. Unfortunately, the federal ban expired in 2004 when the Republican-led Congress refused to extend the ban.

Tragically, mass shootings have been on the rise ever since Congress let the assault weapons ban expire. Last month in Texas, days after his 18th birthday, a man purchased two AR-15-style assault rifles and 375 rounds of 5.56-caliber ammunition. Days later, on May 24, 2022, he entered Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, and murdered 19 fourth-grade children and two teachers. America was left heartbroken and appalled by the horrific mass shooting and is asking how a youth who could not buy a beer was able to buy and possess more weapons of war than a trained Marine would carry into a deadly conflict.

Unfortunately, the horror witnessed in Uvalde is not an isolated incident in today's America. There have been over 20 mass shootings in America since the tragedy at Robb Elementary in Uvalde, Texas. Mothers, fathers, children, and grandparents have all had their lives cut short and left behind friends and family to mourn their loss. America is experiencing a gun violence epidemic, and we are foolish to think anything will change without immediate action locally and nationally. It is estimated that over 20 million AR-15-style assault rifles are in the homes and streets of America. There have already been 233 mass shootings in America since January 2022. We have to act to change this.

During the 10 years America had a federal assault weapons ban, gun homicide rates declined 49% nationally. Sadly, mass shootings and gun homicides have become more frequent and deadly since the ban expired. There have been more mass shootings in the last two years than in the 10 years under the federal assault weapons ban.

It's time for Congress to reinstate the federal assault weapons ban. H.R. 1808, the Assault Weapons Ban Act, would do just that and institute a buy-back program to remove many of these deadly weapons from our communities. Congress also must also institute a universal background check system with a waiting period, establish a national Red Flag law, ban ghost guns, limit magazine sizes, allow civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers, and institute a stiff tax on all gun sales and assault weapons ammunition. This tax should be used to compensate gun violence victims and increase investments in gun violence research.

The Democratic House of Representatives, with no support from Republicans, has already voted twice this session to pass gun safety legislation. This month, House Democrats will take further action by voting for legislation to protect our communities from gun-wielding men and women bent on murder and violence. The tragic fact is that the Senate Republicans, like their House colleagues, have refused to vote for even the most minimal gun safety legislation and are using the filibuster to block commonsense reforms that will save lives.

The gun violence epidemic cannot be tolerated. It cannot be normalized. We must not re-elect lawmakers and candidates who would rather protect the NRA and their gun-obsessed donors than innocent children and teachers. These shooters are cowards going after the most vulnerable.

As I write this, the memory of that family gathered around that hospital bed at San Joaquin General Hospital haunts me as I envision hundreds of families gathered around hospital beds and coffins weeping and asking, ``How could this happen in America?'' It happens because our courts and too many politicians have chosen to protect gun manufacturers, gun sellers, and gun owners rather than children, teachers, worshipers, and shoppers. In the fall mid-term elections, America must elect candidates who will vote for gun control.

We must be as brave as those children and teachers in that classroom last month. We must stand up to the NRA and its supporters.

Mr. Speaker, a big thank you to Representatives DeFazio, Napolitano, Graves, Rouzer, and their incredible staff who put together the Water Resources Development Act of 2022.

There is always talk about congressional dysfunction, and that is certainly true in the Senate, not here in the House of Representatives. This is the fifth consecutive biennial WRDA that the House has brought to the floor since 2014.

The Water Resources Development Act provides key provisions for Solano and Yolo Counties, the bay area, the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta, and all of California's Third Congressional District.

Specifically, the Water Resources Development Act directs the Army Corps of Engineers to examine the economic and national security benefits of dredging the Mare Island Strait channel which has not been studied since 1999. This is the first step in my ongoing efforts to increase Federal investment into Mare Island and its ship repair facilities for the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard, including the $13 million private investment announced by the Mare Island Dry Dock Company.

It also authorizes $50 million for environmentally friendly infrastructure projects in the five counties comprising the California Delta. Furthermore, it provides construction and authorizes construction for the Lower Cache Creek flood risk management project with the city of Woodland. It doubles Federal funding to $50 million to support restoration efforts at the Lake Tahoe basin. It requires the Army Corps to use more dredged sediment for beneficial use and to restore the San Francisco Bay Area wetlands instead of just dumping the dredged sediment in the open ocean.

It authorizes the Army Corps' national levee safety initiative to help manage flood risk across the entire Nation, including more than 200 miles of the Sacramento River which I currently represent.

It makes the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta a new focus area for the Corps in its effort to combat invasive species. Finally, it directs the Army Corps to complete long-overdue recommendations to Congress on finally making water supply a purpose of all Army Corps reservoirs and related infrastructure, which is a critical change for Western States like California facing more frequent and severe droughts due to climate change.

Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with the chairs, the ranking members, and my colleagues from both parties to get this timely legislation to

President Biden's desk for signature by the end of the calendar year.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the month of May as GBS CIDP Awareness Month and draw attention to the insidious nature of these terrible diseases.

Guillain-Barre Syndrome (GBS) is an inflammatory disorder of the peripheral nerves outside the brain and spinal cord. GBS is characterized by the rapid onset of numbness, weakness, and often paralysis of the legs, arms, breathing muscles, and face. Paralysis is ascending, meaning that it travels up the limbs from fingers and toes towards the torso. Loss of reflexes, such as the knee jerk, are usually found. Usually. a new case of GBS is admitted to ICU (Intensive Care) to monitor breathing and other body functions until the disease is stabilized. Plasma exchange (a blood ``cleansing'' procedure) and high dose intravenous immune globulins are often helpful to shorten the course of GBS. The acute phase of GBS typically varies in length from a few days to months. Patient care involves the coordinated efforts of a team such as a neurologist, physiatrist (rehabilitation physician), internist, family physician, physical therapist, occupational therapist, social worker, nurse, and psychologist or psychiatrist. Recovery may occur over six months to two years or longer. A particularly frustrating consequence of GBS is long-term recurrences of fatigue and/or exhaustion as well as abnormal sensations including pain and muscle aches.

Chronic Inflammatory Demyelinating Polyneuropathy (CIDP) is a rare disorder of the peripheral nerves characterized by gradually increasing weakness of the legs and, to a lesser extent, the arms. It is the gradual onset as well as the chronic nature of CIDP that differentiates it from GBS. Like GBS, CIDP is caused by damage to the covering of the nerves, called myelin. It can start at any age and in both genders. Weakness occurs over two or more months. Unlike GBS, CIDP is chronic, with symptoms constantly waxing and waning. Left untreated; 30 percent of CIDP patients will progress to wheelchair dependence. Early recognition and treatment can avoid a significant amount of disability. Post-treatment life depends on whether the disease was caught early enough to benefit from treatment options. The gradual onset of CIDP can delay diagnosis by several months or even years, resulting in significant nerve damage that may take several courses of treatment before benefits are seen. The chronic nature of CIDP differentiates long-term care from GBS patients. Adjustments inside the home may need to be made to facilitate a return to normal life.

I call on my colleagues to join me in recognizing May as GBS CIDP Awareness Month. Together we can promote important scientific breakthroughs that improve the lives of individuals and families battling GBS, CIDP and MMN.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Military Vehicle Fleet Electrification Act.'' Among other things, this transformative legislation would require the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) to replace its fleet of nontactical vehicles with at least 75 percent electric or zero-emission vehicles.

The DOD remains the single largest institutional consumer of petroleum in the world. As chairman of the Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness, I am deeply committed to getting the American military to do its part to combat the climate crisis by reducing fossil fuel use and transitioning our nation to a clean energy economy. As the Pentagon turns over its fleet of nontactical vehicles, it only makes sense that those replacements be electric or zero-emission vehicles to the greatest extent practicable.

According to the General Services Administration (GSA), the DOD currently has more than 174,000 nontactical vehicles across the service branches, including the Coast Guard, and the various defense agencies. That is the second largest share of the overall federal vehicle fleet, after the U.S. Postal Service at more than 225,000 vehicles. In December 2021, the Biden Administration published its Federal Sustainability Plan, indicating that the DOD is responsible for 56 percent of the federal government's overall greenhouse gas emissions.

My legislation would apply to all future non-tactical vehicles, such as passenger cars, vans, or light-duty trucks, purchased or leased for the military. It would not apply to vehicles used in combat or warzones like Humvees. My legislation includes the strongest possible ``Buy American'' requirements, ensuring that electric vehicle components like batteries are not sourced from hostile foreign countries like the People's Republic of China or Russian Federation. Importantly, my legislation would apply to both direct procurement by the DOD itself and any non-tactical vehicles for which the GSA acts as the procurement or leasing agent on behalf of the service branches or defense agencies.

As a nation and within our military, we have a responsibility to make thoughtful purchases with taxpayer funds to combat the climate crisis. Transitioning the military's enormous fleet of passenger cars, light- duty trucks, and vans with internal combustion engines to American-made electric and zero-emission vehicles is a commonsense way to further reduce our nation's greenhouse gas emissions. I plan to make this critical legislation a top priority in the Readiness mark of the forthcoming National Defense Authorization Act.

Madam Speaker, I urge all Members of the House to join me in cosponsoring the ``Military Vehicle Fleet Electrification Act.''

Madam Speaker, yesterday I entered my vote incorrectly for Roll Call No. 95 on S. 2938. I mistakenly voted NAY when I intended to vote YEA.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the life of Brenda Harris and her legacy as an educator and a civil rights champion. Patti and I are deeply saddened by Brenda's passing, and our hearts are with her family during this difficult time.

In 1951, Harris was born in Montgomery, Alabama as the daughter of civil rights activists. After graduating high school, Harris moved to California to study communications and sociology at the University of San Francisco (USF). In 1972, Harris began to immerse herself in the world of education through tutoring at Benjamin Franklin Middle School and counseling through Junior League. She went on to receive a master's degree in administration and her elementary and secondary school teaching credentials. In 1990, Harris' efforts culminated in her appointment to the position of Education Program Consultant by Dr. Shirley Thornton, Deputy Superintendent of Specialized Programs at the California Department of Education.

As the daughter for civil rights activists, Harris was keenly aware of the disadvantages that underprivileged communities faced. While

continuing her successful work as an educator, she took up her parents' cause and became an impactful advocate for improving education in minority and economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. This led her to become a member of USF's Board of Trustees, where she was committed to supporting USF's mission of social justice.

In 2018, she was awarded the Engage San Francisco Community Partner Award for Western Addition Changemakers. Harris' life work undoubtedly had an indelible positive impact on countless students in California and inspired those around her. She will be deeply missed, and Patti and I send our condolences to the Harris family.

Madam Speaker, today I reintroduce the ``Cabin Air Safety Act,'' with U.S. Senator Richard Blumenthal (D-CT). I thank the original cosponsors for their support of this critical legislation: U.S. Senators Edward J. Markey (D-MA) and Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) and Congressmen Brian K. Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Kaiali`i Kahele, (D-HI), and Don Bacon (R-NE).

All Americans have the right to expect safe, clean air when travelling or reporting to work. I am deeply concerned by the documented cases where pilots, flight attendants, and airline passengers have been incapacitated or even hospitalized following exposure to toxic cabin air.

The ``Cabin Air Safety Act'' takes commonsense steps to protect airline crewmembers and the traveling public from toxic fume events, which occur when air contaminated by engine exhaust, fuel fumes, deicing fluids, and ozone enters the aircraft cabin through the jet- engine intake or the auxiliary air intake at the stern of the aircraft when on the ground. Exposure to even low levels of these contaminants can incapacitate passengers and crew. Long-term exposure could lead to serious, debilitating health issues.

Our bicameral, bipartisan legislation would better protect airline passengers and crew by mandating training on how to respond to toxic fumes, requiring the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) to record and monitor reports of toxic fume events, ensuring that investigations occur following reported toxic fume events, and installing air quality monitoring equipment such as carbon monoxide sensors on commercial aircraft as standard equipment.

At the start of the global COVID-19 pandemic, the FAA under the Trump Administration claimed it could not set standards to ensure cabin air quality and protect public health. Our reintroduced ``Cabin Air Safety Act'' for this Congress makes clear that the FAA can indeed set standards for cabin air quality to safeguard the health of airline crewmembers and the traveling public.

Madam Speaker, I urge all Members of the House to join me in cosponsoring this bicameral, bipartisan legislation. As a senior member of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Subcommittee on Aviation, I plan to make the ``Cabin Air Safety Act'' a major priority in the next FAA reauthorization.