Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, the United States, Russia, and China are aggressively engaged in a new nuclear arms race. The rapid development by all three nations of new bombs, new stealth delivery systems, and near total reliance on space for observation and communications makes this new nuclear arms race far more dangerous than the previous arms race.

Therefore, in an effort to slow the pace and to create time for arms control negotiations to move forward, I rise to offer an amendment to the fiscal year 2022 National Defense Authorization Act that pauses the development and prohibits the funding for the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent, the GBSD, program and the associated W87-1 nuclear warhead for the fiscal year 2022.

This amendment also extends the service life of the Minuteman III Intercontinental Ballistic Missile, which is in place today, the current missile system that the GBSD is slated to replace, until at least 2040.

My amendment also requires the use of nondestructive testing methods and technologies similar to those used by the Navy for the Trident II D5 submarine-launched ballistic missiles.

There has been much debate over the ground-based leg of the nuclear triad recently. I have frequently argued for a longer pause for the GBSD program to help defer the cost of over $240 billion that will occur in the next 20 years for not only this, but the remaining nuclear enterprise monitorization initiatives and to slow the pace of the ongoing arms race with Russia and China.

However, this amendment does not seek to permanently resolve the question of the future of the land-based ballistic missile systems. While that debate is of utmost importance, my amendment only seeks a 1- year pause in the funding.

Why a 1-year pause? The answer is because a short pause is practical and prudent, given the Biden administration is currently undertaking a new nuclear posture review, which is expected to be completed in the early calendar year of 2022.

The NPR will establish the future role of the nuclear arsenal. Further development of the GBSD, therefore, can occur after that time period.

Now, before we spend billions of dollars in fiscal year 2022 on the GBSD and the W87-1 warhead, and over $276 billion when accounting for the total lifecycle cost on a nuclear missile system that is not yet needed, we should wait until the President completes the NPR so that we have a complete picture of the overall requirements.

This pause will have absolutely no impact on our deterrence capability, now or in the near future. We know that the Minuteman III ICBMs can be safely life-extended until at least 2040. We know that because that is exactly what the Air Force intends to do with more than half of that arsenal. The U.S., Russia, and China, as they rush to modernize their nuclear arsenals, the tripwire is becoming more taut each and every day.

Observation and communication satellites and systems are increasingly vulnerable to attacks. All three countries are fielding stealth and hypersonic nuclear delivery systems designed to evade detection. The risks of a false alarm or a political miscalculation has always-- always--haunted the nuclear landscape, and they do even more today.

While we must recognize the need to preserve a safe, secure, and effective deterrent as long as nuclear weapon systems exist, some aspects of the current modernization programs are simply not required.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Oh, my good friend from Ohio, how often have I heard you say that President Biden has been wrong so many times over the last 6 months. And, indeed, he is wrong in this respect, also. So let's agree on that.

The fact of the matter is the extension of the Minuteman III for the next 15 to 20 years is not more expensive than the GBSD. In fact, the GBSD cost estimates compared to the Minuteman III are based on a 50- year period of time until 2075.

Oh my goodness. When did we last take up that period of time in any of our cost calculations here? We don't. It is simply a false way of addressing the cost differential.

It is, in fact, cheaper in the next 15 to 20 years to do a life cycle extension when necessary on the Minuteman III missiles, and it is entirely feasible to do so, as said by the military themselves.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, today I rise in support of the fiscal year 2022 NDAA. I would like to start by thanking Chairman Smith; Ranking Member Rogers; and my colleague on the subcommittee, Mr. Lamborn; and, of course, the House Armed Services staff who have worked many long nights putting this NDAA together. The bill that is before the House is a good bill, and I encourage my colleagues to support it.

The jurisdiction of the Readiness Subcommittee covers a broad range of topics from civilian personnel, sustainment, and contested logistics to military construction, energy safety and environmental policy. With that in mind, I would just like to highlight some of the issues we have dealt with.

Consistent with our work over the last 2 years, the readiness provisions continue efforts to address the climate change challenges of extreme weather and the necessity to reduce the greenhouse gas emitted by the U.S. military--the largest single emitter in the world. We require each installation to develop a master plan to do these things.

The health and safety of our servicemembers will always be a top priority of the subcommittee. The bill elevates the department's focus on safety by establishing the Joint Safety Council and requiring the DOD to develop a plan for the establishment of a Mishap Investigation Review Board to provide oversight and independent review of safety and mishap investigations.

This mark continues the subcommittee's work to improve the conditions for the servicemembers and their quality-of-life infrastructures, such as military family housing, barracks, and child development centers.

We also step up the military's requirement to address the PFAS contamination on and off bases.

The bill helps advance our military's near-term readiness goals and drives the department to plan for and take action against long-term threats.

Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the fiscal year 2022

Madam Speaker, it is my honor and privilege to pay tribute to an outstanding leader and warrior, Army General Stephen R. Lyons, Commander of U.S. Transportation Command. General Lyons is soon retiring, having served this great Nation for 38 years and completing a most distinguished career.

General Lyons graduated from Rochester Institute of Technology in 1983, where he received a degree in Criminology. He began his career in Germany during the Cold War and subsequently held a wide range of operational assignments to include command at company, battalion, brigade, and major command levels. Since 2003, he has spent over 40 months deployed to the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility in support of Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom. He often speaks of his time in command of the 703d Main Support Battalion, 3d Infantry Division at Fort Stewart, Georgia as being one of his most rewarding assignments. While in command, his battalion provided mission critical necessary support during the initial ``thunder run'' into Iraq in 2003.

A constant voice of reason, motivation, and inspiration, General Lyons has devoted his life to this Nation. He has provided sound counsel to leaders at all levels, and built trust with the American people through his impressive actions. I have personally sought his advice, as have my colleagues. The Members of this Chamber and workers across many parts of the Federal Government will miss his leadership and candor.

General Lyons' illustrious career is culminating with his current position, where he leads the 144,000 men and women of U.S. Transportation Command. He is responsible for coordinating the Department of Defense's global deployment and distribution enterprise. His transformational leadership has bolstered warfighter readiness, increased cyber awareness and security, and prepared the Department of Defense for challenging transportation and logistics missions in the future. General Lyons' leadership abilities were on full display as he successfully oversaw the largest Non-combatant Evacuation Operation airlift in U.S. history. He challenged deliberate planning assumptions from day one and compelled the Joint Force to adapt and evolve for the dynamic and uncertain operating environment of tomorrow.

In addition to General Lyons' service, Maureen, his wife of 32 years, also selflessly served this great Nation. She devoted her life to caring for families under his command and in their community. I cannot overstate the importance of the support the spouses and families provide to their service members in our Armed Forces. Service and sacrifice are not limited to just the service member, but often extend to the entire family. On behalf of the U.S. Congress and a grateful Nation, we thank Maureen and their children, Kara and Dylan, for their continued and dedicated service to our military and our Nation. Although the Army will say goodbye to General Lyons and Maureen, we know that the Lyons family's legacy and devotion to the service of this great Nation will continue for years to come.

I would like to help close out the final chapter of this inspiring Soldier and Joint Force leader's career with a heartfelt thank you from all the men and women of the U.S. Congress and Nation. General Lyons, Godspeed. We thank you, Maureen, and the entire Lyons family, for your service over a remarkable 38-year career. We wish you well in your future endeavors.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the memory and life of Jay Robert Sorensen, a U.S. Navy veteran, dedicated public servant, and lifelong outdoorsman. Jay's passion for the outdoors was not limited to his own fishing, as he took any opportunity to share California's natural wonders with those around him. His endless love of the water led him to become one of California's most outspoken conservationists, constantly working to protect the state's complex ecosystems.

Born on September 28, 1936, Jay grew up in Stockton before enlisting in the Navy in 1954. Upon the conclusion of his service, Jay returned to Stockton where he spent the next 17 years working for the Stockton Unified School District. When presented with the opportunity to turn his lifelong passion for the outdoors into a career, Jay purchased a local bait shop where he spent decades helping others enjoy the Delta as much as he did.

Jay's passion for fishing led to him becoming an outspoken conservationist. He was among the earliest leaders to draw attention to declining fish populations and the loss of crucial spawning environments in the Delta. In order to protect the Delta's fragile ecosystem, Jay helped found the California Striped Bass Association and wrote about the need to protect fish populations in numerous publications. I was lucky to work alongside Jay for many years in my efforts to protect California's unique natural gems. His passion for the Delta was unmatched, and his legacy will live on through the continued efforts to preserve its wildlife populations.

He is survived by his two step-daughters Sandi Smith and Theresa Forbes. I know that they, along with the rest of his extended family and friends, join me in celebrating his life and his memory.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce legislation expanding the Maritime Administration's (MARAD) federal ship financing program-- commonly referred to as ``Title XI'' of the Merchant Marine Act of 1936--to include re-flagging, repair, or conversions of US-flagged civilian vessels for commercial and military purposes.

Currently, MARAD's Title XI program only provides federal loan guarantees for the construction of new civilian vessels in U.S.-based commercial shipyards or facility and equipment upgrades at those shipyards. My legislation would allow MARAD to also provide loan guarantees for corrective or preventative maintenance or re-flagging work at US-based shipyards, including to convert a commercial vessel to a more useful military configuration to carry out federal contracts.

As chairman of the House Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness and the former ranking member of the Transportation and Infrastructure Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation, I have long supported our domestic shipbuilding and U.S.-flagged international fleet.

The legislation I introduced today builds upon my work in the William M. (Mac) Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021 (Public Law 116-283), in which I helped to secure Congressional authorization for the new tanker security fleet and strengthened the military's U.S.-flagged preference for seaborne cargo contracts. It also complements my work with U.S. Senator Tammy Baldwin (D-WI) in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 (Public Law 116-92), in which we implemented ``Buy America'' requirements for MARAD's small shipyard grant program.

Madam Speaker, American shipyards are ready, willing, and able to take on this additional work. Expanding MARAD's Title XI loan guarantee program to support that work means more well-paying jobs for American workers and better maintained vessels flagged in the United States, useful for military and commercial purposes.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Make It in America Act.'' I thank U.S. Senator Debbie Stabenow (D-MI) for sponsoring the companion legislation, which was passed recently by the Senate in the bipartisan ``Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act'' (H.R. 3684).

Our ``Make It in America Act'' would prevent federal agencies from utilizing unnecessary waivers to get around ``Buy American'' requirements. Longstanding Congressional direction under the Buy American Act of 1933 (Public Law 72-428) requires the federal government to give preference to domestically produced goods and services. This ensures that taxpayer dollars are spent in support of American-made products and American jobs.

Despite this law, federal agencies routinely waive ``Buy American'' requirements without cause to purchase foreign-made products even when domestically made alternatives are readily available. This must end.

The ``Make It in America Act'' would close loopholes in our nation's ``Buy American'' laws and require that any waiver of the Buy American Act be publicly posted online with detailed justifications by the respective federal agency.

Our bicameral legislation also supports President Biden's Executive Order No. 14005, by providing Congressional authorization for the new Made in America Office within the White House's Office of Management and Budget. This new office is charged with reviewing all waivers to the Buy American Act sought by federal agencies and ensuring compliance with other ``Buy American'' laws. I strongly support President Biden's executive order creating this much-needed central office dedicated to enforcing ``Buy American'' laws, and I thank him for his leadership on this critical issue.

Congress must further strengthen our nation's ``Buy American'' laws to better support American manufacturing and competitiveness. The legislation I introduce today builds upon the ``Make It In America'' agenda I have advocated for throughout my tenure in Congress and during my earlier service in State government. When the federal government spends taxpayer dollars, those dollars should be spent on goods made by American workers. It's that simple.

Madam Speaker, I encourage all Members to cosponsor my ``Make It in America Act,'' to support well-paying manufacturing jobs and help rebuild the American middle class.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize Lieutenant General John F. Gonge for his long and distinguished military career as well as the establishment of the Gonge Innovation Center at Travis Air Force Base's Phoenix Spark Lab. Lt. Gen. Gonge was born in 1921, in Ansley, Neb., where he graduated from Ansley High School in 1938 before his desire to serve led him to enter active military service as an aviation cadet. He attended the U.S. Army Air Corps Flying School at Lubbock Army Air Field, Texas, where he received his pilot wings and commission as a second lieutenant in December 1943. During World War II, he flew the ``Hump'' in the China-Burma-India campaigns with the Army Air Corps Air Transport Command, ensuring crucial resources could be transported through the treacherous Himalayas to American allies.

A career transport pilot, General Gonge has filled innumerable roles during his career, remaining with airlift forces through Air Training Command, Military Air Transport Service, and Military Airlift Command. At each stop along the way he has imparted his experience and wisdom to many others who seek to serve their country. In July 1969 he came to Travis Air Force Base as vice commander of the 60th Military Airlift Wing before he was assigned as commander of the 63d Military Airlift Wing at Norton Air Force Base, Calif., in February 1970. Subsequently, General Gonge commanded the 22d Air Force at Travis Air Force Base from August 1972 to August 1975, when he became vice commander of the Military Airlift Command.

General Gonge is a command pilot with more than 13,000 flying hours. His military decorations and awards include the Distinguished Service Medal, Legion of Merit, Distinguished Flying Cross, Meritorious Service Medal, Air Medal, Air Force Commendation Medal with oak leaf cluster, Army Commendation Medal, and the Distinguished Unit Citation Emblem. These recognitions and his promotion to the grade of lieutenant general in September, 1975 make it clear that General Gonge's legacy will continue to guide and inspire generations to come. On behalf of the people of California's 3rd Congressional District, I offer my sincere gratitude for his many decades of dedicated service.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 2021,'' with Congressman Dusty Johnson (R-SD). Our bipartisan legislation would better support American exporters by ensuring reciprocal trade to help reduce the United States' longstanding trade imbalance export-driven countries like mainland China.

This would be the first major overhaul of federal regulations for the global ocean shipping industry time since Congress passed the Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-258). There has since been considerable consolidation amongst the `` foreign-based ocean carriers, coinciding with the continued decline of the U.S.-flagged international fleet. In late 2001, the People's Republic of China was granted permanent normal trade relations with the United States, so-called ``most-favored nation'' status, following the country's admission to the World Trade Organization.

Foreign businesses' access to the American market and our consumers is a privilege, not a right. California's agricultural exporters and other businesses are willing to pay to ensure that their products reach emerging markets in the Asia-Pacific. In turn, companies looking to offload foreign-made products at West Coast ports must provide opportunities for American exports. Congress must ensure reciprocity in trade with other countries to reduce the United States' trade imbalance, particularly with cheap imports from Asia. Even during a global pandemic, trade must be mutually beneficial, and that is exactly what our bipartisan bill would ensure.

On March 9, 2021, Congressman Johnson and I joined over 100 Members of Congress in a bipartisan letter urging the Federal Maritime Commission to crack down on anti-competitive, unfair, and likely illegal business practices by some ocean carriers during the height of the pandemic in 2020. Dozens of agricultural exporters contacted my office reporting that ocean carriers simply refused to accept cargo bookings for U.S. exports, instead choosing to send cannisters empty back to the Asia-Pacific, as quickly as possible. Outright refusing to take U.S. exports at seemingly any price is simply not an acceptable business practice by the ocean carriers.

On June 15, 2021, Congressman Johnson and I announced our intention to pursue this legislation, at the Maritime Subcommittee's hearing on the ``Impacts of Shipping Container Shortages, Delays, and Increased Demand on the North American Supply Chain.''

On July 20, 2021, the Federal Maritime Commission established a new audit program to assess ocean carriers' compliance with federal regulations on detention and demurrage and increase the agency's monitoring of the marketplace for ocean cargo services. This action underscores the need for our bipartisan legislation.

Madam Speaker, I urge all members to cosponsor the ``Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 2021.'' As a member of the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, where I serve with Congressman Johnson, and the former ranking member of the Maritime Subcommittee from the 113th to the 115th Congresses, I plan to make this legislation a major priority. Specifically, I hope to include our bipartisan legislation in the maritime title of the next Coast Guard Authorization Act for fiscal years 2022 to 2023.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in deep appreciation of Ms. Tessa E. Browne for her service to the American people as a member of my staff.

Ms. Browne joined my office in February 2019, having worked previously for former Secretary of Energy Dr. Ernest J. Moniz following his departure from the Obama Administration. She was referred to us by the office of U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), and after just one meeting we hired her on the spot.

The Scheduler is widely considered to be one of the most demanding and critical staff positions in any Congressional office. From ensuring that I made it to cast votes on the floor of the House of Representatives, join Committee proceedings, or attend meetings with foreign dignitaries and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Ms. Browne's work each day ensured that I was able to carry out my duties as a Member of Congress.

In addition to serving as my Scheduler, Ms. Browne has also served as my Digital Director. From day one in that role, she helped to revitalize and significantly increase our online engagement across my social media channels. Many of my highest-performing social media posts occurred during her tenure, for which I am grateful. She raised the bar for my office's social media presence and set an example that I will hold my staff to for years to come.

This fall, Ms. Browne will be pursuing her Master of Public Administration at Columbia University's School of International and Public Affairs in New York City. I and all the members of Team Garamendi wish her the very best in her graduate studies. During her tenure on my staff, Ms. Browne demonstrated an unfaltering work ethic, approached every task with upbeat enthusiasm, and cared deeply for her colleagues and those around her. These same qualities will serve her well in her future endeavors.

While we will miss her deeply, we all look forward with anticipation to what Ms. Browne will do next and expect great things. She will remain a deeply valued member of Team Garamendi, always.

Madam Speaker, today I introduced the Fair COLA for Seniors Act of 2021, which would require using the Consumer Price Index for the Elderly (CPI-E) when calculating cost of living adjustments (COLAs) for federal retirement programs. The proposed index would adjust the benefits programs such as Social Security, Supplemental Security Income, civil service retirement, military retirement, veterans' pensions and compensations, and other retirement programs.

Current law uses the Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W) which measures costs solely of working individuals--unlike most Social Security beneficiaries. Using CPI-W does not adequately consider the rising expenditures of retirement, such as housing and healthcare costs. This inadequate accounting amounts to an effective decrease in benefits for those who rely on these federal programs. The proposed change will lead to increased COLAs, ensuring that seniors are able to keep up with the rising costs of their real-world expenses.

Madam Speaker, I thank Representatives Pingree (D-ME), Beatty (D-OH), Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Strickland (D-WA), Moulton (D-MA), Boyle (D-PA), Sablan (D-MP), Napolitano (D-CA), Deutch (D-FL), McNerney (D-CA), McCollum (D-MN), Kilmer (D-WA), Brown (D-MD), Pocan (D-WI), Kuster (D- NH), Speier (D-CA), Eshoo (D-CA), Moore (D-WI), and Cohen (D-TN), Sires (D-NJ), Kaptur (D-OH), Lieu (D-CA), Wasserman Schultz (D-FL) for their support as original cosponsors. I look forward to working with the Chairpersons of the Ways and Means, Veterans' Affairs, Oversight and Reform, and Armed Services Committees to ensure this critical piece of legislation becomes law.

Madam Speaker, the Investing in Commonsense Ballistic Missiles (ICBM) Act of 2021 bill will pause the development of the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent (GBSD) Intercontinental Ballistic Missile program, the planned replacement to the current Minuteman III missile, and the associated W87-1 nuclear warhead. Additionally, it requires the service life of the currently deployed Minuteman III missiles to be extended until 2040--something that is both technically feasible and more cost-efficient.

The world is witnessing a new nuclear arms race, and this one is extremely dangerous as tensions rise between the Great Powers. As the United States, Russia, and China rush to modernize their nuclear arsenals, the trip wire is growing more taut. Observation and communication satellites and systems are increasingly vulnerable to attacks. All three countries are fielding stealth and hypersonic nuclear delivery systems designed to evade detection. The risk of a false alarm or a political miscalculation has always haunted the nuclear landscape and they do even more today.

As long as nuclear weapons exist we must have a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent. The simultaneous modernization efforts across all three legs of the nuclear triad are an unnecessary and costly way to achieve our deterrent. The modernization includes the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent (GBSD), the B-21 bomber, the Columbia- class submarine, the Long-Range Standoff (LRSO) air-launched cruise missile, the sea launched nuclear cruise missile, and new nuclear warheads. The costs are extraordinary: a 2017 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report estimated that the 30-year cost of nuclear weapons spending would be $1.2 trillion ($1.7 trillion adjusted for inflation). As the Government Accountability Office recently noted, the current plan to modernize every part of the arsenal at the same time is a recipe for schedule delays and cost overruns.

The ICBM leg of the Triad deserves special attention. The total price tag to procure the GBSD is projected to be at least $95 billion, and $264 billion when accounting for total life-cycle costs. A GBSD pause will help defray short-term costs for the Air Force and will also defer a long-term expenditure. Additionally, the W87-1, the warhead that is being designed for the GBSD, will cost at least $12 billion to build-- and is not part of the estimated GBSD procurement cost of $95 billion. To build new warhead cores for the W87-1, the National Nuclear Security Agency (NNSA) is expanding plutonium pit production, which will cost at least another $9 billion through the late 2020s according to the Congressional Budget Office.

We do not need a new ICBM to provide a robust deterrence. The existing MMIII can serve until 2040 with one more life extension, which is technically feasible. Lieutenant General Richard M. Clark, then-Air Force Deputy Chief of Staff for Strategic Deterrence and Nuclear Integration, noted in testimony before the Committee on Armed Services of the House of Representatives that we have ``one more opportunity'' to conduct life extension on the Minuteman III intercontinental ballistic missile, indicating the technical feasibility of extending the Minuteman III missile.

Other independent experts have confirmed the feasibility of a MMIII life extension. In fact, the Air Force intends to do just that. It will upgrade and extend the life of existing MMIII missiles while it is replacing others with the GBSD. The swap out plan is an admission that the life extension is not only possible but has already been factored into the existing plan.

Maintaining and upgrading the current Minuteman III missile is technically possible, and according to a 2017 CBO report, it would cost $37 billion less than developing and deploying the GBSD through 2036.

Budget analysts who watch Pentagon budgets have warned that an unaffordable ``bow wave'' would occur as the Pentagon plans to upgrade every weapon system at the same time. Former Secretary of the Air Force Heather Wilson noted in December 2020, ``the next fiscal year (FY22) will see a steep increase in the cost of refurbishing our nuclear deterrent, and with a flat budget, the Air Force can't do this without crushing its ability to handle all of its other missions.'' The current leadership of the military must answer the question, ``What critical weapon, defense system, or benefit for the troops and their families could be funded with the $37 billion saved by pausing the GBSD Missile program?''

Any discussion of the GBSD and the MMIII must include the question ``Do we need ICBM's sitting in 400 silos in the upper midwest to have an effective deterrent?'' There is a powerful argument that they are not necessary. The bomber fleet, together with America's Trident II D5 Submarine Launched Ballistic Missiles, can deliver several times more nuclear bombs to any part of the globe than the 400 silo-based ICBM's. Moreover, it is argued that the silo-based ICBM's are inherently dangerous because their location is known and they must therefore be launched within minutes of notification of a nuclear attack or be lost to an incoming missile attack.

In every ICBM silo lies the existential risk of a false alarm or a miscalculation. Both have happened in the past but fortunately the errors were discovered in time to save human life on our planet. Bombers can be recalled and subs cannot be found as they hide in the oceans, thereby providing critical time for a thoughtful and fully informed decision before pressing the button.

The ICBM Act bill will strengthen our national security and save billions of tax-payer dollars by:

Prohibiting the use of funds for the GBSD program and W87-1 warhead modification program for fiscal years 2022 through 2031;

Extending the service life of the Minuteman III missiles until at least 2040, and requiring use of nondestructive testing methods and technologies similar to those used by the Navy for Trident II D5 SLBMs; and

Transferring back to the Air Force all unobligated funds for the GBSD program, and transferring unobligated funds for the W87-1 warhead modification program from the National Nuclear Security Administration to the Treasury.

I shall end this with a personal memory of a visit to a United Kingdom submarine that was about to deploy with 16 ICBM's and multiple nuclear bombs. The captain took great pride in his ship and its role in deterrence. As we were leaving the sub I asked him, ``Suppose you are ordered to launch your missiles and their nuclear bombs. You follow the order and launch your missiles. Then what do you do? Go home? To what?'' He did not reply.

Madam Speaker, today I introduce the ``Pipeline Safety Study Act'' to direct a National Academy of Sciences study and report to Congress on the vulnerabilities in our oil and natural gas pipeline infrastructure. This bill is based on legislation I cosponsored last Congress with former Congressman Harley Rouda (D-CA-48). I also want to thank the National Society of Professional Surveyors, Subsurface Utility Engineering Association, and U.S. Geospatial Executives Organization for endorsing my bill.

Specifically, the legislation I introduce today would direct the National Academy of Sciences to review current federal regulations for pipeline safety and identify risks to pipelines from earthquakes and climate change-related weather events, whether by their design or their location. The federal guidelines for earthquake-resistant construction of gas and liquid fuel pipelines have not been meaningfully updated since 1992.

Since then, the proliferation of hydraulic fracturing for natural gas has been linked to increasingly frequent earthquakes in states with virtually no prior history of naturally occurring earthquakes. Because California is riddled with active fault lines and has experienced increasingly regular and severe forest fires due to climate change, my home state's energy infrastructure is particularly vulnerable to these threats.

In 2010, eight people died in San Bruno, California when a defective pipeline exploded, but this tragedy was eminently avoidable. Residents had reported smelling a gas leak days ahead of the explosion, and investigators later found evidence of shoddy welds that had rendered the pipeline vulnerable to any number of potential disruptions. While this event was not directly linked to an earthquake and instead caused by shoddy maintenance and failure to replace an antiquated line, the federal government can and must do better to improve pipeline safety.

Madam Speaker, Congress cannot begin to strengthen the safety and resiliency requirements for federally regulated pipelines before we understand the gaps in the government's own outdated regulations and industry practices. The National Academy of Sciences study authorized in my bill would do just that, so that Congress can understand the scope of the problem and begin to legislate the solution.

I thank Chairman DeFazio (D-OR) for including my bill in the hazmat title of the ``Investing in a New Vision for the Environment and Surface Transportation (INVEST) in America Act'' (H.R. 3684).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for his leadership and his partnership in this vital $715 billion INVEST in America Act. This bill will modernize our Nation's roads, bridges, transit, rail, water systems, and hasten the transition to carbon-free mobility and resilience to climate threats in America.

My amendments to the bill ensure that projects will be built by well- paid American workers with American made services and products. It does extend the NEPA timelines to ensure a timely project completion, and it also prioritizes evacuation routes and invests in corrosion resistance.

This bill also invests $27 billion for roads and transit in California over the next 5 years and three critical projects in my own district: $8.5 million for the 505 highway over crossing in Winters, California; $4 million for a multimodal transit/highway improvement in Vacaville; and a $7\1/2\ million project in Fairfield, and--I would dare say, for my colleagues on the Republican side--a whole lot of their community-based projects which apparently they want us to vote for but they don't have the willingness to vote for on their own.

Madam Speaker, today I introduced a bill to extend the statutory deadline for submitting a management plan for the six National Heritage Areas designated under the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act of 2019 (Public Law 116- 9).

Current law directs the local coordinating entity for each National Heritage Area to submit a management plan to the National Park Service within three years of the date of enactment: March 12, 2022. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, many of the local coordinating entities need additional time to finalize their management plans, including completing a robust public engagement process not possible during much of 2020.

As Deputy Secretary of the Interior during the Clinton Administration, I know that local coordinating entities for National Heritage Areas need sufficient time to prepare effective management plans that reflect substantial public feedback. The John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act of 2019 (Public Law 116-9) included the House sponsor of the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta National Heritage Area Act, of which I sponsored with Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA). More time will allow California's first and the other newly designated National Heritage Areas to conduct greater public engagement, preform fulsome tribal consultations, and complete all necessary field work to ensure these new National Heritage Areas are set up for success.

Madam Speaker, I thank Representatives McKinley (R-WV), Smith (D-WA), Schrier (D-WA), Kilmer (D-WA), Jayapal (D-WA), Grijalva (D-AZ), and Strickland (D-WA) for their support as original cosponsors. I look forward to working with Natural Resources Chairman Raul Grijalva to ensure this critical piece of legislation becomes law.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution.

The United States Congress has the sole constitutional power to declare war and, therefore, a constitutional duty to consider, debate, and, if necessary, repeal an Authorization for Use of Military Force.

The very title of this AUMF shows how much it has strayed from its original purpose. The 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq was designed to address the threat posed by an Iraq run by Saddam Hussein. He has been dead for many years.

We have the responsibility to members of the Armed Forces who risk their lives, and the American public who fund these seemingly endless conflicts, to terminate the current 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force. Since 2009, I voted consistently to revoke this open- ended authorization and to reassert Congress' role.

For too long, we have failed this responsibility. Congress must act now to repeal the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq.