Madam Speaker, we have several of my colleagues here to join us. We will just continue the discussion that we had before. I think I'll move to the other side so I will have the easel available to me. If Ms. Jan Schakowsky will come join…
Madam Speaker, we have several of my colleagues here to join us. We will just continue the discussion that we had before. I think I'll move to the other side so I will have the easel available to me. If Ms. Jan Schakowsky will come join us. Mr. Ellison can carry on. I see Mr. Tonko is now in the Chair.
We've got things we want to talk about here. Let's just continue this discussion that we had a few moments ago. Our friend on the Republican side is either late or has decided it wasn't worth continuing to discuss their position. We were covering the Medicare issues here in some detail over the last hour, and some of that we want to continue and make sure that people understand what's happened in Medicare. We want to also talk about the rest of America, those that are not yet 65 or will not soon be 65. We'll go through those issues.
I want to just start off by laying out what's happening here in Congress. I'm a newbie. I haven't been around all that long, and I'm going, Wow, how's this all work? And as I've watched it, I've listened to what our Republican colleagues talk about, ramming through this legislation. And I'm going, gee, I was the Lieutenant Governor in California until November 5 when I was sworn in here. And as near as I can recall, this debate started 14 months ago.
It was the President standing right there in the Well here giving his State of the Union--it wasn't the State of the Union at the time. It was his first speech to the House. He said, We have got to reform the health care system. And immediately, this House and the Senate took up the issue, debated it. We all listened to that debate. All year long it went on and on and on and on and on and on. And it was my good fortune, following my November 3 election, to come back here, and on November 6, be one of the people that were able to put before Americans from this House, the Democratic version of health care reform. It was Christmas Eve that the Senate finished their work and put that out on a 60 vote-- not a simple majority, but on a 60-vote bill.
So now you've got both Houses having completed their work and doing what has been the tradition of Congress since the very inception of our government--more than 200 years--doing the conference work, putting together the House and the Senate versions and finding the compromise between the two of them. And the mechanism that's going to be used is a majority vote of both Houses--51 in the Senate and 216 I think it is now because some of our Members have retired--to pass an extraordinarily important piece of legislation. So the process is not jammed down anybody's throat. This has been debated more than most bills will ever be debated, and the debate actually goes back to the turn of the 20th century. It's been here for a long time. So we're moving, as we should, in a way of openness.
It was the President who had his health care summit for 7 hours on television. That has never happened before. Discussing all the issues. Republican ideas, many of which are going to be in the final rescission vote that we'll take up this week. So this is not ramming anything through. This is a very deliberative process. It's gone on for a long time.
So I want the public to understand that. I want them to understand that as somebody that watched it from the outside and now somebody that's watching it from the inside, this is an extraordinarily open public debate that's gone on for 14 months this session, and this issue has been around for a long, long time--decades. So here we are. Let me call upon my colleagues. What's that sign behind you, Mr. Ellison?
I'm joined with three individuals that have done that throughout their entire career here. Mr. Holt, I know you're going to have to go off to another meeting shortly, so you wanted to fill us in and carry on part of the conversation we were having early about the Medicare program.
Mr. Holt, you raised a very, very important point, and I want to just follow up. And Ms. Schakowsky also raised this point, and it's the rescission issue.
Now, I was the insurance commissioner in California 2003 to 2007. And during that period of time, we received complaints about rescission, about people that had health insurance, had an illness and suddenly the insurance company canceled them.
And I'll tell you that we took action against the largest insurance companies, Wellpoint Anthem, that Blue Cross program in California, and others on this specific issue. And it is a very, very, real issue. I am so happy to be here in Congress and to vote on a bill that says no more, no how, will you be able, Mr. Insurance, to continue that very pernicious, very, very damaging and grossly unfair practice. Lawsuits have gone on. This bill will put a stop to that practice.
Let me just take one other thing. Mr. Ellison had a chart: 45,000 die for lack of insurance. Yes, but there are other things here. America, because of the way in which we've structured our health insurance programs, we rank 19th among the industrialized nations of the world in preventing illnesses. And in the general health care statistics, we ranked below the country of Colombia on how healthy our population is.
We also know--and this is one that has really upset us as it came to all of our attention--I knew this in California, but now America knows, that over the last 2 years, in California alone, and in most other States, and I think in your State, 94 percent rate increase for individual policies. Ninety-four percent. How in the world can they do that when health care inflation has been less than 10 percent? Well, they do it because they're more interested in their bottom line profits. And I think Mr. Ellison's going to come to that in the next few moments.
In California, a study done by the State government, the six largest health insurance companies in California have denied 21 percent, this is the average, 21 percent of all claims. The range goes from 39 percent down to about 20 percent. So if you take the six largest companies, the number of times that they denied claims--you want to talk about a death panel, then you talk about the insurance companies that deny necessary treatment to keep people alive. That's what they're doing in California. One-fifth.
And, finally, the number of Californians, 24 percent of Californians, without insurance.
Ms. Schakowsky.
Mr. Ellison, what's that thing behind you?
Well, we all know the stories of the insured. We all know the stories in our own districts and our own States about those people that have health insurance, but they blow through the deductible and then they blow through the annual, or they hit the maximum benefit package of that insurance, and then they're on their own. At that point they sell their house, and they often wind up in bankruptcy.
The other part of what's happening is the downturn of the economy. Millions of Americans have lost their jobs. You lose your job, you lose your health care, you have no way of paying for COBRA. Even though this bill and the previous bills that this House has passed and the Senate has passed and become law do provide a subsidy to help people stay on COBRA, if you're unemployed, you have a heck of a time trying to make that payment.
So people lose their jobs. They lose their insurance. They lose their health. They go bankrupt. And 45,000 Americans die because they've lost their insurance, or they never had it to begin with. So this is the story of America.
The legislation that will be before Congress in the days ahead specifically deal with that problem. They deal with it, as Ms. Schakowsky has said, by saying that no longer will you lose your policy when you get sick with medical underwriting or post-event underwriting. That's one thing.
Secondly, you will not be denied insurance because you have a preexisting condition. And who doesn't have a preexisting condition?
It was at the summit that Representative Miller held up three pages, and he read. Each of these pages, in small type, was from an insurance company that listed the preexisting conditions that they would use to deny coverage. Everything from acne, the story that you told earlier, to kidney illnesses or colds or whatever.
I know a young lady, 23 today, that came off her family insurance, tried to go back to the insurance company that she had been with for her whole life, from the day she was born. They had all of her medical records, denied her coverage because she had acne. I think the real reason was that she was a female in that child-bearing age. She wasn't pregnant, wasn't married, wasn't likely to have a child anytime soon. But she was in that child-bearing age.
I said, This is not right. What's going on? She said, Well, I tried to go online to get a policy. I said, That couldn't be. I said, Give it a shot. So we went online, put down her name, female, the health statistics: denied, no coverage available.
I said, let's try something. Let's just change one thing here. Let's say instead of a female, you're a male. Bingo, she got coverage.
The present system discriminates in the most pernicious ways. If you're a young female, you're likely to be expensive, medical care of different kinds; you're going to give birth to a child. You talk about family-friendly policies? Not from them. So these are things that are corrected in this legislation.
Exactly.
Before you go there, let me just make this point. This is the point to the insurance companies. The day the President signs this bill, your discriminatory practices are over. You will not be able to discriminate against Americans because of their health status, their marital status, whether they are male or female. Those days are over.
Listen carefully, health insurance companies. I know why you are spending that hundred million dollars trying to oppose this bill, because you know that the day we pass this legislation, the day this is signed by the President, your discrimination is over and every American is protected.
Please go ahead.
Speak the truth, man. The Republicans did nothing.
Let me introduce to all of us a young woman from California who preceded me by about 9 months in a special election last spring, Congresswoman Judy Chu.
Thank you for joining us.
Thank you so very, very much for a very good and thorough description of the problem that women face in this issue and why this reform is so important to them.
I see our colleague from Illinois was getting kind of excited and wanted to get into this and add to this, so please do.
Let's take this just for a little more, and then I really want to come back to something that you talked about, and that is the bill that you introduced having to do with the rate regulation process.
But before we go there, the statistics just came out from the Labor Department that the majority of workers in America are now women. If we keep women healthy, then the productivity of America is substantially increased. And in order to stay healthy, women or men, you really need that health insurance that provides for the preventative care.
And that is in this legislation that there is an expansion of the preventative care services. For seniors, they will be free. For the rest of the public, the insurance policies will have to offer that preventative care. So if we keep women healthy, the productivity of the Nation is going to increase.
So for many, many reasons. We'll come back and deal with the issue of the overall economy in a few moments, but I really would like you to pick up the issue that you raised about rate regulation as a result of the extraordinary announcements that the insurance companies made about their rate increases.
Tell us about what you have introduced.
That's California.
I think in the testimony that you talked about here in Congress--and I know in California that when Blue Cross Anthem raised their rates about 39 percent on the average, or 39 percent maximum, about 25 percent on the average, and then had done that previously just in the previous year, so it's actually--the 2-year period is actually 12 months over 2 years, 2 calendar years.
What happened, the profits of the company went from about $300 million to over $2.2 billion profit. And that's probably why this CEO came before--and correctly, because I suspect she was under oath; you don't lie to Congress--told that she now has a $2 million salary plus an $8 million bonus because she was able, by raising the rates, to obtain a higher bonus for herself and obviously an extraordinary increase in the profitability of the company.
Now, if this bill passes, there will be a national standard for rate increases. It also says that if the State governments--and many State governments already do this--that they will be able to continue their rate regulation process.
Now, in California, as insurance commissioner in 1991, there was a proposition passed that set up a rate regulation system for the property, casualty. This is auto and homeowner and business insurance. It didn't cover health insurance. But the effect of that rate regulation over a 20-year period as described by the Consumers Union is over a $30 billion savings to consumers.
Now, I was able to do that because I became insurance regulator. I set up the rate regulator system. The insurance companies are allowed a profit. They have a steady 10 percent profit. The extraordinary swings in the system, eliminated. The extraordinary increases and then some decreases were eliminated. A steady state was put in place so that the market actually became more competitive. There were more insurers. The policy costs were held down for consumers. We were unable to get that for the health insurance industry. We were unable to overcome the political strength, the contributions, the advertising of the health insurance industry. California remains today a State where consumers in the private individual market in California faced this rate increase because there was no rate regulation.
I am so thankful that you have introduced the legislation. This has been the heart and soul of my work for more than 8 years over a 20-year span of time, and if this comes into place, I know from my experience as insurance commissioner, it will be a substantial improvement to the cost of insurance. It will bring rates down, not just over time, but immediately, because the insurance companies no way, no how can they justify the kind of increases that they're imposing upon the public. And that's now in this legislation.
Which side are you on?
Okay. I prepared a chart. I have got my donkey up here. This is the Democratic proposal, and, yes, this is a very partisan thing. There is not one Republican vote for our reform, but here's what our proposal will do: 31 million Americans will have access to insurance, and if you already have an insurance policy that you like, keep it. Nobody is going to take it away from you. Keep your insurance policy.
If you happen to be of low or moderate income, there will be a substantial--the single largest personal tax cut ever is in this legislation. You mentioned it earlier. It is the tax credit. We're not talking about a deduction for medical care. We're talking about a tax credit. It is taken right off your bottom line taxes, and its up to $53,000--or excuse me, $5,300 for a family of four with a $50,000 income. This is a substantial tax cut going right to the middle class, middle America.
Secondly, denial of coverage. We have talked about this over and over again. Those days are over. Hey, insurance industry, it's done. The day the President signs this bill, you will end your discrimination. It's over. Millions of seniors will see the prescription drug--we've talked about that--and millions of Americans will have access to coverage.
We haven't talked about the insurance exchange. But before we go there, you mentioned the Republicans. Okay. Here we are.
Let's talk about the Republican program. What's the Republican program? And this is in the next 10 years.
If the Republicans have their way, 67 million Americans will remain uninsured. That's an increase. Some 40 million, in that range, today are uninsured. But if Republicans have their way, we're talking 67 million Americans.
Single and family health care policies will double over that period of time. We're already paying more than can be afforded today, and if they have their way, the Republicans have their way, you will see a doubling.
Employer premiums, the cost to employers will double.
And you want to talk about the American economy being uncompetitive; this is where you will find it, right here, out-of-pocket expenses. We'll go from $315 billion today to over $564 billion in the year 2020. And insurance availability from small businesses' employers will be cut in half.
That's the Republican program.
I hope to be 65. Well, I actually am 65.
Yes.
Thank you.
So what you're saying is this is the do nothing, the best case Republican scenario. But if they actually were able to pass a bill, they're going to take men and women that are 54 now, that in 10 years will be 65 going for Medicare, they're going to take those men and women and toss them into the shark pool with the insurance companies?
So for my Republican friends, this is the best deal they have to offer, the do nothing deal?
Let's take a moment, and we can go back and forth with the dialogue here for a moment about the American economy.
This debate has been focused principally on individuals and families and the effect of this, of our program, and how it will help families. Prior to, oh, the last month or so, there was a debate in America, at least there was a discussion in America about the effect of health care and the cost of health care on the American economy.
I don't have a diagram here. I thought I would bring it, but it didn't get over here. And it's the fact that the American economy, we're now spending somewhere close to 17 percent of all of our wealth, our GDP, on health care. It's an extraordinary number, particularly when you consider what other economies are doing around the world.
Our competitors, Japan, Korea, the European countries, all of the European Union countries, have universal health care. All of the people in their societies, including visitors, have access to health care. Their health statistics are better. They live longer. They don't have as many diseases. Their children don't die as often as our children die. So yet the most any of those countries spend is 11 percent. Most of them are 10 percent or 9 percent of their total wealth. So we are at an extraordinary disadvantage.
One of the numbers I heard is like it's writing a check to our competitors for about $800 billion a year, an advantage that we're giving them in our economy because we're spending so much more on a health care system that is so grossly inefficient in so many, many ways.
Part of what is taking place with the reforms we are putting forth here is an effort to hold down the costs in many, many ways, including making sure that people have access to health care in the most efficient, effective way; not waiting until they are very, very sick, uninsured, very sick, going to the emergency room, which is the most expensive place, and being extraordinarily sick when they arrive but, rather, getting preventative care, getting the early care.
I will never forget a young man about 35. We were doing this debate about 4 years ago in California and he was a speaker at this thing, and he said, I want you to know that I am a glazer. I put glass up in buildings. That's my business. I put glass up in buildings, and I worked for a company for 12 years. We had good health insurance. And the company hit upon a hard time and so they cut the health insurance, and they then decided that they would reduce our health program. I said, I'm a healthy young guy and I've got good health, but I will get my children covered.
So he covered his children, and he eliminated his own coverage. He came down with a cold, simple cold. The cold got worse. He didn't have coverage so he didn't go to get care. He wound up with pneumonia, and he wound up then with a collapsed lung; wound up in the hospital for 3 or 4 weeks, became bankrupt. It could have been taken care of with a very simple antibiotic that would have cost $50. It became a $50,000 event.
This is happening across America. Those 45,000 people that die every year, this is the young man that didn't get care.
This is the extraordinary cost in our system because we don't cover everybody. We intend to deal with that and over time bring down the percentage of our economy that we are spending on health care as we make it more rational, more universal and more efficient.
Let me give a personal example. My son is married with two children. He worked for the University of California for almost 19 years. In the last 5 years, he wanted to start his own business. He and his wife wanted to start their own business--actually it has been about 10 years. They hesitated, hesitated year after year and didn't start their own business until finally he just said, I'm going to do it. I'm going to run the risk. Why did he wait all that time? One very important factor: Two young children. Obviously there were some pregnancies and deliveries involved in that, during that period of time. He could not afford, and he could not get, his personal health insurance, so he stayed with the university for an extra 5, 7 years. And the entrepreneurial spirit, his entrepreneurial spirit, was dampened because of his inability to get health insurance in the private individual market because of a preexisting condition that his wife had. He knew that if he left the university, they would be uninsurable.
That is repeated a million times across America, the great entrepreneurial society stifled by this health insurance industry that we have. We are going to change that. And if the Republicans want to join us in changing and freeing the American entrepreneurial spirit, then come and join us. Join us on this bill. Join us on a bill that eliminates the discrimination against women, join us on a bill that eliminates the ability of the insurance companies to discriminate against individuals of all kinds. Free the American entrepreneurial spirit. Give people health care. Make it affordable. We haven't talked about the subsidies that are in this. There are extraordinary subsidies for individuals, for small businesses, so that it becomes affordable, available, and honest insurance.
That's our promise. That's in this bill. And we are going to pass it, because it is the right thing for America. Thank you for joining us. Thank you so very, very much for the leadership and all you have brought to us.
And to the American people, pay attention. This is important. America for more than a century has tried to get to the point that we are going to be voting on in the days ahead.