Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to enter into a colloquy with my colleagues from Arizona, Alabama and New Hampshire. Mr. President, we come to the floor today to talk about the sequestration and the looming fiscal cliff.…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to enter into a colloquy with my colleagues from Arizona, Alabama and New Hampshire.
Mr. President, we come to the floor today to talk about the sequestration and the looming fiscal cliff. Unfortunately, the White House missed an important deadline last week by failing to provide Congress and the American people with a required report that details the administration's plan for implementing the $1.2 trillion sequester that is scheduled to take effect on January 2 of next year, less than 4 months from now.
That report on both defense and nondefense cuts came about because the administration ignored repeated requests to provide Congress and the American people with details about the impact that sequestration is going to have on critical programs, particularly with regard to our military and national defense. Members of both parties agreed that it was necessary for the White House to produce this information, and so we were glad to see that Sequestration Transparency Act bill passed, a bill with which Senator Sessions, Senator McCain, and others of us were involved. The law required the administration to produce by September 6, last week, a report on how they intended to implement sequestration. Yet so far we have not seen that report. Here we are, it is a week later, and so far President Obama has chosen to ignore a requirement that he signed into law just over a month ago.
All Americans are required to play by the rules and follow the laws of the land. It seems to me, at least, the administration owes the American people and the Congress, under the law that was passed, a report that would detail the proposal they have with regard to the sequestration that is going to occur the first of next year.
I think the reason that is important--it is important for a lot of reasons, but we do not have a lot of time here. If we are going to do something to avert what would be a catastrophe for our national security interests, we have to take the steps that are necessary to do that. Well, it is very hard to come up with a replacement or an alternative to what the administration proposes when we do not know what the administration is proposing.
So we are hoping that when we get this report, which I hope will be soon since it is now a week overdue, we get an idea about what the administration proposes to do and then Congress can move forward, hopefully, with an alternative that would avert what would be a major disaster, as has been described by our military leadership in this country, to America's national security interests. I know the Senator from Arizona, the Senator from Alabama, and others will detail some of that, but I think it is important to point out what some of the President's own advisers have said.
The Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta has issued repeated warnings about the negative impact these cuts will have on our military, saying, ``It would do catastrophic damage to our military and its ability to protect this country.''
General Odierno, Chief of Staff of the Army, said that ``cuts of this magnitude would be catastrophic to the military.'' He went on to say that ``these cuts would incur an unacceptable level of strategic and operational risk.''
It is interesting, there is a book out now by Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward, who describes President Obama and then-OMB Director Jack Lew when they were going through this process as insisting on these defense cuts during the debt ceiling negotiation. It is clear they wanted to use these defense cuts as leverage to get tax increases.
In fact, if we breach the fiscal cliff, if we go over the fiscal cliff, it is now being predicted by the Congressional Budget Office that that will drive unemployment beyond 9 percent next year and plunge the country into yet another recession. In fact, they project--CBO does--that the GDP will contract by 2.9 percent during the first half of next year and by 5 percent over the entire year. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has also said that estimates ``do not incorporate the additional negative effects likely to result from public uncertainty about how these matters will be resolved.''
We are heading toward a train wreck. We are heading toward a disaster for America's national security interests. It all started with the fact that this Chamber has not produced a budget for now 3 years in a row. This is what you end up with when you do not have a budget. We do not have a blueprint on how we are going spend $3.6 trillion of the American taxpayers' money, so we ended up with a budget control act which was cobbled together at the last minute to avoid a crisis on the debt limit last summer which put in place a supercommittee designed to come up with these cuts. When the committee failed, this sequestration process was triggered. That was last November. We have had almost a whole year now for the administration to put forward their plan about how they would implement this sequestration, these across-the-board cuts that disproportionately impact our national security spending.
It is a disservice to the American people, disservice to the Congress for the administration not only to have not put something out prior to, but now since we passed legislation that was signed into law just a month ago that required the President to put forward this report, not to have received it yet so that we can have the time that is necessary to take the action that is necessary to avoid what would be a catastrophe and a disaster for America's national security interests.
I hope we will receive that report. This fiscal cliff is real. It is not just the Congressional Budget Office; a lot of the outside analysts have looked at this and come to the same conclusion; that is, if something is not done to avert these cuts and to deal with the tax increases that will occur on the first of next year, we will go over a fiscal cliff, and that could be incredibly dangerous and have catastrophic consequences for America's national security interests but also for our economy and for jobs.
I would like to yield to my colleague from Arizona, Senator McCain, one of the most respected voices on national security issues and someone who has been very active on this sequester issue and trying to get the Defense Department to at least let us know what they are intending to do with regard to the cuts that are going to impact the national security interests of this country.
I yield to the Senator from Arizona.
If the Senator from Alabama will yield on that, I think it is important again to point out this could be avoided. Actually, the House of Representatives passed a budget trying to avoid it. They addressed this in their budget. They restricted these reductions, did away with the 50 percent whack the Defense Department would get, which is disproportionate relative to their share of the budget. Defense represents 20 percent or about one-sixth of the budget, as the Senator from Alabama pointed out, but it gets 50 percent of the cuts.
But the House of Representatives passed a budget that the Democrats have been down here attacking for the last couple days--the ``Ryan'' budget or the House-passed budget. At least they had a budget. We haven't had a budget for 3 years in the Senate.
Right, and it passed months ago. We all talk about the jobs impact, the Warren Act notices that are going to go out, and all the uncertainty created by not knowing what the impact of this is going to be, but the House of Representatives passed a budget months ago which spelled out in clear detail how they would avoid these Draconian cuts to the national security budget, replaced them with alternatives by finding reductions in spending in other areas of the budget, and put a budget out that actually accomplished that objective and avoided what we all know is going to be a disaster and a train wreck at the end of the year.
So what happens? The Senate--the world's greatest deliberative body-- doesn't pass a budget for the third year in a row. Here we are, at the eleventh hour, less than 4 months away from when this would take effect, with defense contractors sending out pink slips to employees in the very near future, and the Senate has done nothing to avoid what we know is a very predictable crisis.
Everybody knows this is coming. The Congressional Budget Office is predicting it, the Federal Reserve is predicting it, outside analysts are predicting it. Everybody knows the combination of tax increases on January 1 and the dramatic cuts in the Defense Department are going to take the country into a place economically that we don't want to go. In most cases, according to the CBO, they have said it is going to take us back into a recession. They are predicting a 2.9-percent contraction in the economy in the first 6 months of next year and unemployment over 9 percent.
It is not as though we don't see this coming. Yet here we are, as Senator McCain pointed out, talking about small-ball stuff. We are doing things that in somebody's opinion I am sure is important, but we know we have a disaster looking us right in the eye, and we aren't doing anything to address it.
Again, it all starts with the failure by this institution, the Senate--the world's greatest deliberative body--not able to pass a budget, its most fundamental responsibility. The ranking member of the Budget Committee, the Senator from Alabama, knows full well. The Senator from New Hampshire is also a member of that committee. I am not sure why our committee exists if we aren't going to pass a budget, but we haven't done it now under the Democratic leadership here in the United States for 3 consecutive years.
On that point, it looks as if what they are doing is running out the clock, doesn't it? They have a requirement by September 6--last week--to produce at least their proposal. It is by law. We passed it. He signed it into law back in August. It was required last week, and we haven't seen it yet. It looks to me what they are doing is trying to run the clock out, hoping Congress is going to go home to campaign and they will not have had to do anything to deal with this-- until the lameduck, at which point they can use defense cuts as leverage to try to get tax increases.
It is pretty plain what is going on here. But they have a requirement under the law to produce that. They haven't done it. The Senator from Alabama and I were authors of that legislation. The Senator from New Hampshire has been a great leader in trying to get the administration to put their proposal for implementation in front of us. That hasn't happened. That is, I think, the only conclusion anybody can draw.
Mr. President, I yield back the remainder of our time.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to speak as if in morning business.
Mr. President, all week my Democratic colleagues in the Senate have been coming to the floor and using scare tactics and demagoguery on the so-called Ryan budget. Of course, what they are referring to is the budget that was passed by the House of Representatives months ago.
I suppose it is fair anytime someone produces something to have that criticized, critiqued, scrutinized, looked at, and discussed. But at the same time it seems if someone is going to attack the product that somebody else had put forward the natural follow-up question would be: So what are you proposing? Where is your budget proposal?
I think it begs the question on behalf of the American people that the Democrats in the Senate who want to attack the House-passed budget haven't produced a budget of their own.
It has been over 1,200 days--1,232 to be precise--that we have not considered a budget in the Senate. For those who are trying to do that arithmetic in their minds right now, that is 3 years and 4 months--3 years and 4 months without a budget in the U.S. Senate. That, at the same time that we continue to get bad news about the economy.
This week we received news that Moody's intends, if we end up going over the fiscal cliff next year, to downgrade America's credit rating. That would follow with other credit rating agencies that have already made that assumption about the American economy and the American fiscal situation. We also received notice last week that the World Economic Forum had downgraded America's global competitiveness.
When President Obama took office in January 2009, America was ranked first in the world when it comes to global competitiveness. We dropped down to fourth or fifth in the last year or two. But just in the last couple of weeks, the World Economic Forum has dropped the United States even further. We are now seventh in the world when it comes to global competitiveness.
The reasons they cite for that are many, but it comes back to the basic issues of spending and debt and taxes and regulations and redtape and the cost of doing business in this country. It seems as though the Democratic solution is to tax more so we can spend more. Raise taxes to grow government. That seems to be the only solution the other side is willing to put forward.
Now, when I say that is the only solution, that is what we hear coming out of the White House in terms of the so-called fiscal cliff and in terms of the response to dealing with the sequester: Well, we could do away with the sequester if we just had more revenues. If Washington could just raise more money--more tax revenues--from the American people, this problem would all go away.
But what it misses is the fact that the real issue in Washington, DC, isn't that we tax too little; it is that we spend too much. Washington has a spending problem that needs to be corrected. At least the House of Representatives put forward a budget plan that addressed the fundamental problems that plague our Nation's fiscal situation.
You look at what we are facing in terms of obligations, liabilities, responsibilities in the years in the future--Medicare, Social Security, Medicaid, other programs--they continue to grow at two or three times the rate of inflation. That is not sustainable. That is going to lead us to bankruptcy. We are on an unsustainable fiscal path. The trajectory we are on today cannot be sustained over time. Yet we have not seen any proposal put forward by the Democrats here in the Senate-- not just for this last year but the year before that and the year before that. It has been 3 years and 4 months now since the Democrats in the Senate have put a budget on the floor that we would have an opportunity to vote on and to give the American people at least an idea about where we want to lead this country.
So when they come down here, hour after hour, day after day, night after night, attacking the House-passed budget, I think the American people have to say to the Democrats here in the Senate: Where is your plan? Where is your budget? Show us what you would do. Show us how you would address the fiscal crisis we are facing.
The answer is, there is none, it is nada, it is zero. There is not one, no budget, no plan, not this year or the year before or the year before that. For 3 years and 4 months now there has not been a budget put on the floor of the Senate for us to vote on, for us to discuss, for us to have any kind of conversation about the future of this country and what we are going to do to address the fiscal crisis that we all acknowledge exists.
This is the most predictable crisis, as has been pointed out, in American history. We all know where we are headed. You can look at the numbers. It is not complicated. It is not rocket science. It is simply a function of math and the math is working against us, and every day we wait it becomes more complicated, difficult, and problematic, I believe, for us to solve this problem, and it further threatens the future and puts at risk our children and grandchildren and the quality of life and the standard of living they are going to experience and enjoy in their lifetimes.
When the ratings agencies such as Moody's come out and say that this fiscal cliff, if we go over it, means a downgrade in the credit rating of the United States, when you have organizations such as the World Economic Forum say that the United States is now seventh when it comes to global competitiveness as opposed to first--which is where it was when the President took office--we all should take notice. It is another flashing light, another warning sign, another red flag, if you will, that things are not well in the United States of America. Yet the only proposal that has been put forward that would address that is the budget passed by the House of Representatives. Why? Because the U.S. Senate again has not passed a budget. We have not produced a budget now for over 3 years.
It is interesting because one of my Democratic colleagues who was down here talking earlier this week described the budget as a set of values; in attacking the House-passed budget, that somehow the House- passed budget represented the wrong values. It did not represent, somehow, American values. If the budget represents a set of values, what does it mean, then, when you do not have one? If you do not have a budget, what does that say about your values?
It seems to me, at least, that at least the House of Representatives, to their credit, has put forward a proposal that, whether or not you agree with it, does address the fundamental problems we have as a Nation; that is, out-of-control Federal spending, a trajectory with regard to entitlement programs that literally will bankrupt the country, and a Tax Code that is overly complicated that needs to be reformed. Those were all addressed in the House budget. A lot of people attacked the whole idea in the House budget with regard to Medicare reform, which is referred to as premium support. Premium support is not a new idea. It is something that was popularized by liberal think tanks years ago. In fact, this year the House-proposed idea, when it comes to premium support, was something advanced by Representative Paul Ryan and Senator Wyden here in the U.S. Senate. It was a bipartisan idea.
It was also something advocated by the Rivlin-Domenici task force that looked at our fiscal situation, made recommendations, and when it came to the notion of how to reform Medicare, premium support was something that was put forward as something that could be a new idea that can save the government--the taxpayers--money, introduce competition in the same way that the Medicare Part D Program has introduced competition and actually saved money over what it was proposed to cost.
It is not a new idea. It is an idea that has been tried. When Medicare Part D was adopted, the premium support concept was included as part of that and you can see the results of that have led to lower costs, much lower costs than were predicted. Frankly, that is, I believe, because it introduced the element of competition into the whole way we deliver health care services under Medicare. That was something that was proposed and built upon, developed as part of the budget that was passed in the House of Representatives. But, again, it is something that is not new around here. It has had lots of support in the past from Democrats.
It seems to me at least that if we know what we have today is not working, we ought to be willing to at least entertain a discussion and conversation about some ideas that might actually solve the problem and might work. Yet here in the Senate for 3 years we have not had a budget.
Some would argue that the President of the United States has put forward a budget. In fact, as a matter of I guess delivering a set of papers to the Congress, he did do that. But I would argue and I think most would agree it was not a serious effort. It certainly was not a meaningful attempt to address
the issue of spending and debt or entitlement reform and that was evidenced by the fact that when it was put on the floor in the Senate to be voted on, it was defeated by a vote of 97 to 0. In the previous year the House of Representatives had a vote on the President's budget. That year it was voted down in the House by something like 419 or 420 to 0. The President's budget for 2 consecutive years here in the Senate has not received one vote from any Democrat in either the House or the Senate.
That should speak volumes about the President's attempt to do this. I think what it suggests is it was not serious, it did not make a real effort at trying to address the issues of spending and debt and getting the economy growing again and reforming our Tax Code and driving down the cost of doing business in this country instead of increasing the costs, which is something that seems to be happening every single day. As I travel across my State of South Dakota and listen to businesses from other parts of the country, I hear over and over again that the cost of doing business is making us uncompetitive. We continue to be saddled with regulations, with requirements, with mandates, with taxes. Those sorts of things, the redtape of doing business, are making it incredibly difficult for our small businesses and job creators to get this economy back on its feet and get it growing again.
I would simply say in response to the attacks that have been leveled by my colleagues on the other side on the proposal that was advanced and put forward by the House Republicans, that it would bode well if you want to have a debate about priorities, if you want to have a debate about values and if you want to have a debate about budgets, to have one. It starts with a budget. We don't have one. We do not have any plan for how we are going to deal with the very factors, the very elements that led organizations such as Moody's and the World Economic Forum to determine that the United States credit rating is in jeopardy and that our global competitiveness has dropped from first in the world to seventh.
Those are things I think we ought to be talking about, and you cannot start talking about those things unless you have a plan, unless you have a budget that describes what you would do to address the drivers of Federal spending, the drivers of Federal debt.
Again I cannot emphasize this enough: the only thing I hear coming out of my colleagues on the other side to address it is we need more revenues. We need to raise more taxes. We don't have enough revenue. If we could raise more revenue we could solve all those problems. I say to my colleagues what we have here in Washington, DC, is not a revenue issue, we have a spending problem. Washington does not tax too little, it spends too much. That is why we need to get spending under control, but it starts with the budget.
I think it behooves our colleagues on the other side, as they come down here day after day and berate and attack and suggest somehow that the budget that was passed by the House of Representatives is not representative of American values, to come down here with something of their own that might lay out a plan that actually does address Medicare reform, Medicaid reform, tax reform--the things that we know have to be dealt with in the future if we are going to hand a better and more prosperous and stronger Nation to our children and our grandchildren. That simply has not happened.
They can come down here and say what they want, but when there is no budget, there is no blueprint, there is no plan, then there is no path forward that addresses these difficult, complicated challenges and problems that face us and face our Nation in the future. I hope we eventually see that. I hope the President will come to the table and that we can sit down and talk about how we are going to solve the fiscal cliff we are headed over at the end of this year. Again, it is not just the credit rating, it is not just global competitiveness, it is the American economy that is at stake as well. The Congressional Budget Office has said if we go over this fiscal cliff where taxes go up on January 1, where these disproportionate cuts take effect on the military budget, we are looking at an economic recession next year, a contraction of the economy of 2.9 percent and unemployment above 9 percent. This is about America's standing, about our competitiveness, and it is about jobs in the economy, fundamentally. It is high time that we had help and cooperation and an idea, perhaps, from the other side about how they would solve these problems. I hope we will get that.
I yield the floor.