Mr. President, I express a deep sense of gratitude to all those involved in this magnificent recognition of those who served in World War II, not only the 16 million men and women in uniform, but the homefront by ten times that number.…
Mr. President, I express a deep sense of gratitude to all those involved in this magnificent recognition of those who served in World War II, not only the 16 million men and women in uniform, but the homefront by ten times that number. Every American was involved.
This weekend was magnificent. I was privileged to have a very modest role in this event with Senator Dole and many others, joining in the feature of the weekend, the afternoon, 2 to approximately 3:30, when on The Mall over 150,000 individuals gathered to pay their respects to what is referred to as ``the greatest generation'' and hear from those who had taken a leading role, including Senator Dole, the American Battle Monuments Commission under the former commandant of the Marine Corps, Fred Smith, who was a key part of the team that raised the money, and, of course, we were fortunate the President of the United States came and addressed not only the crowd, not only our Nation, but addressed the world as a reminder of the human sacrifice all over the globe as a consequence of that struggle for the preservation of freedom.
Of course, we all remember the United States involvement started on December 7, 1941, with the attack on Pearl Harbor. Prior thereto, the Nazi armies had marched into Poland in late 1939, and the war in Europe was well underway. Then on September 2, 1945, the Japanese signed the official surrender aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay, and prior thereto, May 8 or 9, or a little later, the formal recognition of the surrender of the German forces.
So the great war to end all wars, as it was referred--as was also referred in World War I--had come to an end, with 16 million uniformed, over 400,000 of whom died, and triple that number bearing the wounds of that war.
It is interesting how this all started. On May 25, 1993, nearly 48 years after the end of the war, Public Law 103-32 was signed, authorizing the American Battle Monuments Commission to establish a World War II memorial in Washington, DC, or its environs to honor the spirit, sacrifice, and commitment of those people. And 11 years have followed after that fundraising, design, selection, and debate.
It is legitimate and important that we have voices on both sides express their views with regard to the utilization of the precious few acres between the Washington Monument and the Lincoln Memorial and, indeed, the Capitol on the other end.
Primarily under the leadership of Bob Dole and Fred Smith--Bob Dole, having been an extraordinary hero in the closing days of World War II, having suffered wounds in Italy in September of 1945 that required him to undergo many years of medical treatment and sheer mental determination to survive and to go on and provide America with his very distinguished career, including a seat he occupied as majority leader once in the Senate. The design by Friedrich St. Florian, Rhode Island architect, was chosen after reviewing approximately 400 design submissions, and Leo A. Daley, an internationally known architect who resides in Washington, DC, a very distinguished American, was selected to give overall management to the project.
I also acknowledge the name Carter Brown. He was at that time the foremost figure at the National Gallery of Art for many years as its director. He had a keen sense with regard to artistic matters. I remember calling him--I think others did, too--but prevailing him to enter the debate about the design of this memorial.
Some years before, I had again been a participant in the construction of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, and it was a very strong and, at times, ferocious debate. In my office, as a U.S. Senator, right here in the Capitol, one time it erupted almost into fisticuffs over the design of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. The debate on this memorial was equally serious, equally thoughtful on both sides, but, nevertheless, I have always believed that Carter Brown, through his strong hand and enormous respect, entered the fray and quelled the waters such that a design finally emerged. So we owe a debt of gratitude to so many.
Bob Dole and Fred Smith and others had raised more than $195 million from the private sector, incidentally from more than 600,000 separate contributions; that is, from individuals, some of them for a dollar, some for many dollars, but that is an extraordinary number of individuals. I also recognize that every State in the Union, all 50 States and Puerto Rico, contributed $1 for every citizen of that State who wore the uniform, male and female, in World War II. What a remarkable record of the breadth of participation across the land.
Some $16 million was provided by the Federal Government, again not necessarily for the construction and design of the memorial, but really for a lot of the infrastructure that had to be put in place. I refer to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2001. On October 30, 2000, we were able to find within the Armed Services authorization bill some $6 million to be transferred to the American Battle Monuments Commission. I will put into the Record the technical details of how we did that and the purpose for the funds, but basically it was for infrastructure. Congress had a modest hand, but I believe the important emphasis should be put on how the private sector came forward to make possible the construction.
As I reflect on this weekend and my opportunity to observe and walk among the many veterans who were gathered there on Saturday afternoon, on a fairly warm and intense day, and the joy in their hearts--and of the 16 million, I think, somewhere between 6 or 7 million, perhaps, are still on planet Earth. So many of their colleagues, therefore, who had passed on in that period of time and since that period of time were on their minds. But there was joy in everyone's heart. It was a coming together, to use the words of Bob Dole, paralleled, really, only by the World War II period when all of America was so united strongly behind the men and women of the Armed Forces. It was a magnificent reenactment, so to speak, of that cohesion that prevailed throughout America in that critical period from 1941 to late 1945.
Those of us who were privileged to be part of it--and I was just a young sailor at the tail end of the war in training command, but, nevertheless, I remember so well how America opened its arms to the veterans of that period and how this country perhaps made its best investment, for educational purposes, the best investment in the history of the Federal Government's participation in education, which was the GI bill, from which I benefited and many others.
I have often said, standing at this very spot on the Senate floor, that I would not have been privileged to serve in the Senate had it not been for the GI bill I received for modest service in World War II and then modest service again in the second period during the Korean conflict, with service in the Marines. I mention that only in the context of the value of the GI bill to those of us who received that gift of the American people. That is why I try to work hard today with many others, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee, to do what we can for this generation of young men and women who are in the Armed Forces and their families as a means of payback for what was done for previous generations. I am proud of the record of the Armed Services Committee over the many years I have been able to participate and serve on that committee.
I will come to the phrase momentarily. Bob Dole said it I think best of all when we chatted together quietly, and I think he also said it publicly in a number of interviews he found the time to give; and that is, perhaps it is time to pass on the baton of the ``greatest generation'' to this generation of young men and women who are now serving in the Armed Forces of the United States because the Nation, I believe, is behind them. It is strongly behind them. There may be differences of view, honest differences of viewpoints about the war-- should we have done it, should we not have done it--but we will save that debate for a later date and just look forward.
It was remarkable when we arose this morning, after a weekend of deliberations by many people in Iraq, the United Nations, Ambassador Bremer, and others, that we suddenly realize that the Iraqi Governing Council, which I think has done some very credible work in its short lifetime, has suddenly decided to dissolve, pick a President, a Prime Minister, some 20-odd ministers, and begin to lay the foundation for Iraq to govern itself. I personally am very heartened by these moves, widely reported in today's press.
But also in today's press again is the expression of many--I am not suggesting it is thoughtless, but, nevertheless, it is strongly in conflict with my own views--that we ought to establish a pullout date. Our President has steadfastly said we are going to remain until such time as the Iraqi people have enabled themselves to establish their government, hopefully to hold an election, before any dramatic withdrawal of the coalition forces in large numbers because that security system must be in place.
These are going to be critical, stressful, and difficult times after the transition on July 1. But we have to all remain steadfast in our conviction that we have to give this fledgling new Iraqi government a chance to put its roots into the ground and grow and gain strength and train their own force structure for the purposes of security.
But, nevertheless, as widely reported, a number of groups say, let's establish an arbitrary date--well, maybe not arbitrary but establish a date for pullout. To me, that would be a grave mistake. It would set a target, and targets are not a wise step in these types of situations, not at all. It is better that we go day by day, week by week, month by month, and gradually see how quickly the Iraqi government can constitute itself, establish its training programs, and eventually establish its own security forces. In the meantime, citizens of this country and other coalition nations have provided the funds for the refurbishment and, indeed, the modernization of their economic infrastructure.
So this must go forward, recognizing, again, that it is going to be a stressful and dangerous period because there are, regrettably, many engaged in open warfare to stop the evolution of a new and free Iraq.
Mr. President, I close with those remarks, saying only that I believe it was an opportune time for this memorial to be dedicated this weekend, to bring America together, to instill in
America a consciousness of the sacrifice that has preceded in our own Nation. Hopefully that measure of sacrifice can be extrapolated into the challenges that face America today and the sacrifice now of over 800 young men and women who have died in the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, primarily Iraq, and the many more thousands who have been wounded. Yes, that does not compare, certainly by way of numbers, with the over 400,000 in World War II, but in my heart it compares. Every soldier counts. Every sailor, every airman, every marine counts.
It is not just the total number. To the family who bereaves the loss of their loved one, it is painful, irrespective of the total. It is a big total in my judgment, a significant total, a serious total and a serious loss to the country. Each us in this Chamber deeply grieves those losses.
Coming together this weekend, focusing on the sacrifices, on where our Nation is today as the leader of the free world, I hope will better enable Americans to understand the sacrifice of these young men and women, be they killed or wounded, and the hardships to the family. It is worth it because it is all part of a long, step-by-step trek toward not only achieving freedom for other nations but maintaining our freedom here at home, freedom against terrorism and other threats throughout the world.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.