Mr. President, I would like to thank my colleague from Oklahoma. He did a tremendous job on what he just laid out, and he has also been working tirelessly on this for the last few months, in particular the month of August, along with…
Mr. President, I would like to thank my colleague from Oklahoma. He did a tremendous job on what he just laid out, and he has also been working tirelessly on this for the last few months, in particular the month of August, along with myself, Senator Eric Schmitt, Senator Ted Budd, Senator Ron Johnson, all trying to coalesce on how to make this place work again.
This is about preserving the institution, not about partisan advantage. Unfortunately, this is where we are today.
I think it is important that we rise to continue to talk about this, about Senate Republicans working to restore order to this Chamber. The Senate has a constitutional obligation to provide the President advice and consent on his nominations for key professions. This role is a cornerstone of the checks and balances system created by our Forefathers, and it is a process we must ensure continues to function, no matter who is currently serving in the White House.
I understand being in the minority, and it is certainly frustrating when your party doesn't win the general election. But as we have heard our colleagues say a number of times, elections have consequences. And while we have seen power change back and forth from Republican and Democratic administrations, the Senate was specially designed to uphold our constitutional obligation of advice and consent.
We serve 6-year terms with one-third of the Senate being up for reelection every Congress because we want to make sure that we are not shortsighted or partisan acting, but unfortunately this year, we have seen that unravel due to historic obstruction by Senate Democrats, a theme that goes back nearly 25 years.
Over the August recess, as we have worked on this, I spent a great deal of time studying the history of Senate confirmations to better understand inflection points and how we actually got here.
This is a common theme. The Senate slows confirmations when there is a Republican in the White House. It started in 2003 when President Bush nominated Miguel Estrada, a brilliant attorney, to serve there, and he received bipartisan praise from the likes of future Biden White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain. Democrats, concerned that Estrada might be soon nominated to the Supreme Court, used the filibuster to block him-- the first time in history an appellate court nominee was blocked.
What started with Estrada continued to shape Bush's term. While President Clinton had 98 percent of his nominees confirmed by voice vote or unanimous consent, President Bush had 90 percent in his first term--a small but noticeable dropoff.
Much to the disappointment of conservatives around the country, President Obama was sworn into office in 2009. In his first term, how many nominees do you think Obama had confirmed without a rollcall vote? Ninety percent--the exact same as his Republican predecessor, President Bush.
Next, President Trump. He took office in 2017. Senate Democrats dusted off their same playbook that they wrote during President Bush's term, and while Obama had 90 percent of his nominees approved without a rollcall vote, President Trump actually received just 65 percent. This slowed the Senate down and, more importantly, kept well-qualified leaders out of key roles for our country.
President Biden took office in 2021. He nominated a number of people controversial not just to Republicans but actually to many Democrats too. In fact, one in particular was his Secretary of Labor. His nominee to be Secretary of Labor couldn't get confirmed by his own party and actually was in an acting role for over 680 days--nearly 2 years without a confirmed Cabinet Secretary. Despite all of this, 57 percent of President Biden's nominees were confirmed without a rollcall vote.
Now, this takes us to President Trump's second term, where he won, obviously, an overwhelming majority of Americans with the popular vote and the electoral college, but, as you know, he has received zero percent of his nominees without a rollcall vote--not one.
Look at this chart. This lays it out for you. You have H. W. Bush, 98 percent; Obama, 90 percent; you have Clinton here, 98; you have Trump 1, 65; you have Bush again, 90. I mean, look at this: 98, 98, 90, 90, 65, 57, 0. Does this seem like people are trying to make this place work or does this seem like they are trying to bring it to a screeching halt?
For me, I came here to actually do something. So we have 120 pieces of bipartisan legislation on really incredible things that have been marked up in committee and are ready to see time on this floor. They are things like social media to protect kids online, to finally stand up to Big Tech and say: The safety and security and mental well-being of our children comes first, not the profits in your pocket.
We have bills on affordable housing, knowing that now, when you look at the American dream, almost everyone's piece of that comes through owning their own home. While previously you would buy your first home between 26 and 28 years old, now that number has moved to 38 or beyond. Making sure that we make that more tangible for Americans, that we figure out how to actually address those prices, is critical, and we have a bill waiting to see the floor.
Yet Senate Democrats continue to try to prolong this, to try to put every roadblock in place just to keep President Trump from getting his people in place.
At the end of the day, last November, the American people were actually faced with two options, and this, to me, was the most well- informed election we have ever had in American history because they were two very known entities. You knew what you were getting. You had seen Kamala Harris serve as Vice President, you had already seen President Trump serve in one term, and so you knew what you were getting. And the American people overwhelmingly said: We want President Trump back in office.
Kamala Harris said she wouldn't do anything differently--I think you all remember that on ``The View''--anything differently than Joe Biden. So they said: This is what we want. But yet we are not allowing him to get his people in place to actually do the things that he needs to do for the country.
I understand voting against nominees that you disagree with. I even understand requiring a cloture vote on some. What I can't understand is the blocking, is the delay tactics on every single nomination. These are bipartisan nominees--many of them. The ones we will be talking about here came out of committee with a bipartisan vote.
Now, during President Biden's term, there were certainly a lot of nominees that I did not agree with, but a President deserves some deference. Give him an up-or-down vote and move on. Senate Democrats have given no such deference to President Trump and, just like the 2024 election, in my opinion, have failed to present the case to the American people. This is not obstructing nominees; this is a protest of an election that didn't go their way.
We have spent an unreasonable amount of time just trying to confirm largely uncontroversial nominees when we could be using it to see those bills that have been marked up in a bipartisan fashion on this floor. We could be using it to work through appropriations bills, which, in my opinion, are so critical to the job that we do. We could be using it to continue to move the NDAA and make sure that our forces are the best trained, ready, and equipped across the planet. Instead, we are nearly 9 months into this administration, and President Trump has less than 12 percent of his positions confirmed.
The Senate has worked hard these last 9 months. We have actually held a record number of rollcall votes. We have been in session a record number of days. Unfortunately, we have another record, and that is that we have zero voice votes here for President Trump at this point in time.
But it doesn't stand to reason that a historical effort is being put on us for continuing this lowest number of nominees confirmed through the Senate. President Trump is on pace to have confirmed just 426 nominees by the end of this Congress--426. Look at this. You have President Biden at the end of his first Congress, the end of the first 2 years--919 nominees confirmed.
Now we hear our colleagues on the other side of the aisle consistently say that we did everything possible to create an impediment for President Obama. That is clearly not true when it came to letting his people have an up-or-down vote or giving them an opportunity to get in his Cabinet.
You look at President Trump, you see what they did here--715 nominees by the end of Congress. Then you go to President Biden--817 at the end of the first Congress. At the current rate we are at now--and you heard my distinguished colleague from Oklahoma say that if we kept doing this, it would be 900 more hours that we would spend just in the near future--we will have only 426 nominees confirmed into his administration by the end of this Congress at the rate we are going.
Now, do you know how many people serve in a Cabinet? serve in an administration? Over 1,200. Over 1,200. So what you are saying essentially, then, is that at the end of his first 2 years, you are going to give him a third of the people, at best, that he needs to complete the mission that the American people very clearly said on November 5 they wanted to see enacted.
It is not right. President Trump deserves the men and women he has nominated to be in place today, and that is exactly why our conference has been working diligently to find a solution.
The Democrats' behavior in requiring a cloture vote on almost every single nominee is, in fact, a change in rules. Their behavior has set a new precedent. It is one that will last with this body on and on and on and on.
We want this Senate to work again. We want it to function once again. We want to be able to bring this important legislation that we worked on in committee in a bipartisan fashion to the floor and get things done for the American people once again. And we are not going to allow the obstruction by the Senate Democrats to continue.
It is important to understand that a significant number of these nominees that we will be talking about this week and next came out of committee on a bipartisan basis. Some are individuals whom many of us have known and have worked with for years. They deserve an opportunity to serve, and I think many of my Democratic colleagues would actually agree.
Now, before we discuss the rules changes our conference has coalesced around, we have obviously made sure that we have been thoughtful about a number of different avenues.
People have brought recess appointments up, amongst a number of different things. When recess appointments are made, they only fill a position for this Congress, so you are not fixing it for the entirety of President Trump's tenure. Also, many times, these recess appointments are generally unpaid positions. For these outstanding nominees, it would be unfair to ask to make many of them move across the country with their families for an unpaid job that expires at the end of a Congress, not even at the end of President Trump's term. Therefore, we landed on another solution--the Klobuchar-King proposal.
Now, look, this solution would allow us to vote en bloc, to confirm multiple nominees at one time--so not so dissimilar to how the Senate used to work for every other President--passing dozens of nominees at once through unanimous consent. We haven't had any of those packages here.
Look, there is no perfect solution, but one thing we do know is that we have to get this place back functioning again.
So I want to point out that when the Klobuchar-King proposal was introduced, the Senate was regularly confirming batches of nominees by voice vote--clearly something that is not happening now.
This was when the Senate was keeping the same pace confirming President Biden's nominees with Senate Democrats' pace confirming President Trump's in his first term.
The blame for the delay of President Trump's nominees lies solely with Senate Democrats. When President Trump first took office, he became the first President to not have at least 90 percent of his nominees confirmed without a rollcall vote.
I mean, this chart speaks for itself.
Now that they have exhausted every tool, they keep chipping away until nothing is left--not a single nominee more to obstruct. This is truly ridiculous, and it is actually no way to run a country. This is not what our Founding Fathers intended when they gave the Senate the power of advice and consent, and it is not what our voters sent us to Washington, DC, to do.
So, alongside Senate Republicans, I remain committed to finding a pathway forward to get the Senate back to working, to put institutional reform ahead of partisan politics, and to make sure this body is actually working for the American people.
I yield the floor.