Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I wanted to get down here and spend a few minutes continuing the conversation about this infrastructure package that is before us and…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I wanted to get down here and spend a few minutes continuing the conversation about this infrastructure package that is before us and that we will be voting on soon or at least the next step of that.
I think, to start things off, I, first of all, want to express my great disappointment that we have squandered not minutes, not hours, but now several days. For several days, we have been negotiating, evidently, on an ``amendments package.'' I am in my third year here and I still don't understand the way the Senate cannot do things as opposed to do them. And I get that every Senator has these incredible powers and authorities and can obstruct whatever they want, and I honor that. When the time is right, maybe I will do the same; I don't know.
But I do think it is unfortunate that we have what is really a pretty good bill to start with, but now that we have opened it up for the last week or so to the opportunity for the rest of our Members--who weren't on the committees of jurisdiction, who heard a lot of this and who are seeing a lot of this for the first time several days ago--to now improve upon it--and I say improve because I am familiar with a number of the amendments, and they are really good amendments, and they should be passed. Some aren't as good. I would vote against them. Maybe we would kill most of them.
The point isn't whether we pass them or kill them. The point is that we should be voting on them--we should be voting--and I know there are hundreds of them, and that could take a long time, and absent an agreement, we don't have the time. Either way, we ought to be voting on them. We ought to be taking the time to vote on amendments, and so I am disappointed we aren't. I am still hopeful that, in these waning hours, maybe we could get a couple of them. I just find it frustrating that we are sitting here, speaking, instead of voting.
That said, I want to, again, express appreciation to the leadership of the bipartisan group. Senator Portman and Senator Sinema have done incredible work, proving that the Senate can work, building on the framework that was passed by the Environment and Public Works Committee and the Commerce Committee; and some of the work that is being done by other committees, building on that framework, adding some more infrastructure to the already robust infrastructure package, with high priorities for Republicans, high priorities for Democrats, and, in many cases, high priorities for both. I think that is the way a 50-50 Senate should expect to work and, I think, does work.
I think one of the things that is most heartening to me that I have seen so far is not even so much the work that has been done, but the work that has been acknowledged. I mean, when I look at the list of organizations that support this--it is a list--I don't know--that is 140, 150 organizations long, and what I like about it is the diversity of the list.
I see, for example, that the Business Roundtable supports it. Well, you know, those are the biggest companies in America. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, they represent a wide range of businesses, but so does my local convenience store and the paving company; so does the AFL-CIO; so does the Small Business Roundtable. I love the fact that the Farmers Union and the Farm Bureau support this infrastructure package. That tells you a little something about how compromise and common ground is found not just by Senators; we are a reflection of the people who we work for.
I love looking at the list of agriculture entities besides the Farmers Union and the Farm Bureau--but the commodity groups. Just about every one that is represented in North Dakota, even the Beekeepers-- North Dakota is No. 1 in honey production. The Beekeepers support this, as do, like I said, pretty much every other commodity group.
I think one of the other things that encourages me, as somebody who believes strongly in federalism, as somebody who believes strongly in self-governance as a reflection in Washington of the people back home, is the fact that the Conference of State Legislatures supports this. That is where the rubber meets the road in many cases.
And if that is not close enough to home, how about the Association of Counties supports this legislation?
Now, those are the guys who really know about roads and bridges. They are the ones who are hearing from their constituents on a regular basis. And when they aren't hearing about it from them, they are driving them themselves, and they know where the potholes are; they know where the crumbling bridges are; they know where the roads need repair or where a good road might be built.
And if that is not close enough to home, how about the League of Cities?
Our mayors in our big cities and our small towns support this legislation. That tells you they are the ones who have their ear to the ground. And, of course, our Governors--the National Governors Association supports this.
My point being that this isn't something that came from on high. This is
not some sort of an ivory tower, you know, contrived under the dome of the U.S. Capitol. These are Senators, leaders, who are a reflection of the people back home--the folks back home: small business, large business, medium-sized business, local government, county government, State government.
Even the Association of State Departments of Agriculture supports it. Our agriculture commissioners support it.
Why would an agriculture commissioner care about infrastructure? Why would a commodity group care about infrastructure?
I think it is pretty obvious. Infrastructure is what moves our products to market. Oh, and by the way, in case you wonder if broadband is infrastructure--I know there are some people saying: That is not infrastructure; that is not hard infrastructure--you can't do a transaction today without broadband.
You know, even if you order a load of soybeans or you sell a load of soybeans, it is going to take a broadband internet connection to do the transaction at some point. You know, you might make a deal over the phone, and somebody will send you a check--I don't know--but your local elevator needs high-speed internet, and on and on it goes.
I always like to use the illustration of food because I think food, which we grow a lot of in North Dakota--and, by the way, if we had to eat it all, it would be impossible. If we had to just use it all in the United States of America, it would be impossible. We grow food for the world--for the world. Hungry people all over the world need what is grown in places like North Dakota and Ohio and other parts of our great country.
You know, we talk a lot about soybeans. Remember, in the last couple of years, we have heard a lot about the importance of soybeans and getting soybeans to market, getting them to the Pacific Northwest.
Well, guess how that happens?
The way it happens is the farmer combines the soybeans after they have, of course, been planted and nourished and then harvested--the soybeans--and they get them to an elevator, a grain elevator, and it takes a truck to do that.
By the way, the trucks that go out in the field now--these aren't little pickup trucks. These aren't even big grain trucks. These are big, big semi-trailer trucks, and they need good roads and bridges. And they get those beans to the elevator, and the elevator markets them, or in some cases they put them in their own bins and wait for the price to go up and protect them.
But at some point they get on a train and they go to a place, like Seattle or someplace in the Pacific Northwest, and then they get on a ship from there. Well, you can't get on a ship unless you have a railroad track that gets you to the port--oh, and then you need the port; you need an adequate waterway; and then those soybeans go someplace else in the world to feed hungry people.
My favorite illustration, of course, is the pasta. And the reason I like to brag about pasta is not because there are a lot of Italian foods and Italian restaurants in North Dakota, but we are the No. 1 producer of durum wheat. And durum wheat is produced in these massive fields in the Midwest--mostly in North Dakota, a little bit in Montana, and some in Canada. With that durum wheat, again, the farmer takes it off the field and takes it by truck to the grain elevator. But from there, it has to go to a mill where it is milled into semolina flour, and the semolina flour is sent somewhere where it is then made into pasta of all types.
But the 750,000 people in North Dakota can't eat all the pasta that is made in the United States of America, so that pasta has got to get to other places. In some cases it is Manhattan, Los Angeles, or it might be some country overseas. Once again, pasta is lightweight. It can even go by hangar. Oh, that brings in the airports, which, by the way, bring a lot of the tourism traffic to and from our great Nation.
The point is that the reason there are some 150, 200 organizations-- large and small and medium-sized--and the reason that the overwhelming people in the United States of America support this infrastructure package is because they know of the importance of it.
The other thing that I love about infrastructure is that it pushes against inflation. We are experiencing real inflation in this country, and some call it ``transitory,'' which, I guess, is a cooler word for temporary. I think inflation is always temporary. Hopefully, it is always temporary. The question isn't whether it is transitory, temporary, or permanent. The question is, When is it over? When is it going to be over?
Well, one of the challenges--and, by the way, rightfully, so--I mean, we spent a lot of money last year--lots of money to keep our economy afloat, and not just so much to keep the economy afloat as much as to keep people afloat. We didn't know what this crisis was going to bring, this pandemic of ours. We didn't know how long businesses would be shut down. We didn't know how long the global businesses would be shut down and global markets would be inaccessible.
And so to keep people whole, we borrowed a lot of money. We printed lot of money. Our Federal Reserve, you know, provided a lot of liquidity into the marketplace. That is all contributing to the demand side of our economy, the demand side.
Well, when you have a lot of liquidity, a lot of cash again--call it stimulus, call it safety net, whether it is the Paycheck Protection Program for small businesses or direct payments to families or, you know, forgiveness of loans or moratorium on evictions for landlords and renters--whatever you want to call it, it is a lot of money, and it is money on the demand side of our economy.
The problem with that, of course, is there is not a supply to support that demand. When you can't shop, that is a problem. When the supply chain of manufactured goods is broken or you can't get lumber from a neighboring State or from Canada, that is a supply problem.
But infrastructure, see, spends the money on the supply side of the economy. It pushes back against inflation by doing that.
How does it do that? Well, it does it by all the ways I have talked about, obviously, opening up the supply chain. Guess what. Infrastructure is--that is the means of the supply in the chain. That is how you get inputs. It is how you get finished products back out to the market. It is on this infrastructure. So it helps the supply chain side for sure.
But it also puts people to work in a big way. Obviously, if you are moving commerce to market, that is people. That is people working. Whether it is working on the train or on the railroad, whether it is working on the building of bridges and roads or building out the infrastructure, stringing the fiber optics and burying them under the ground and hooking them up to homes and businesses and institutions, or whether it is driving the trucks or working at the factory, you are helping the supply side. And at the end of it, you have an asset. The great thing about a 5-year spending package like this--a 5-year authorization package--is you are building an asset that is going to last well beyond the 5 years.
Now, when you just give cash as a stimulus, it may last a day, it may last 6 months, and maybe it gets saved for a couple years. But we are talking about a transportation infrastructure that lasts decades-- decades.
That is why the Penn Wharton study shows that it actually pays for itself, even if you didn't have any pay-fors, and we can talk about that in a little bit.
Over the course of time, the economy actually pays back the government for infrastructure. That is what pushes against inflation. That is what helps keep inflation down. That is what balances the demand with the supply.
And so there are lots of good reasons for us to do this.
I want to talk a little bit about the pay-fors because it has been so talked about and, I think, in many cases grossly misrepresented.
The pay-fors for the $550 billion new spending are real. I know that everybody waited with bated breath for the CBO to prove us wrong, and yet the CBO proved exactly what we thought it would prove. It proved that where they can score--and, by the way, can I just say these are word salads. Words like ``score,'' ``pay-fors,'' you know, ``filibuster,'' these are word salads that if you stopped 100 people at the mall in Fargo or Bismarck, 99 wouldn't even
know what you were talking about. But this is what we are trapped with here--these archaic processes.
So, anyway, we will talk about new spending pay-fors and what the Congressional Budget Office can score. They are confined to what they can score, and some of it makes sense. They are accounting terms. They are government accounting terms, and they make sense. They identify a whole bunch of legitimate pay-fors, or at least what they call, you know, scores.
But they also recognize that there are a lot of things they can't score that actually do pay for this infrastructure--for example, the $53 billion from certain States that would come back as unused unemployment insurance benefits. That is real money. They can't ``score'' it because, of course, it has already been appropriated, and there is, in theory--nowhere in reality; there is, in theory--that somehow that $53 billion might not be spent by the government. I have never seen that happen, but, you know, I suppose theoretically it could. But believe me, it is a pay-for. It is real money. So they don't call it a score. They call it an estimate.
There is another estimate: $67 billion from proceeds from the C-band spectrum auction. Now, the reason they can't call it a pay-for, can't score it, is because that $67 billion has already come in. The auction was in February of this year. So it is already in.
Theoretically, it could maybe not be spent. Therefore, it can't be ``scored.'' But it is going to be real money. It is real money that exists that doesn't require taking it from anybody else--no tax increases, no new taxes, $67 billion--and that is called ``an estimate,'' not a ``score.''
There is an analysis--I think a pretty conservative one, by the way-- of $53 billion in economic growth. Remember I talked about the Penn Wharton study that showed over the decades that the economy would literally pay for the entire investment. But that is not how we do government, and I understand that, and we shouldn't. But even the CBO, in their analysis, concludes that $53 billion would come back. Now, they can't score that. It is just an analysis, but it is real money. And, by the way, it is very conservative.
Now, I know there is a lot of political rhetoric that flies back and forth in these word salads that, you know, Republicans like to use and word salads that Democrats like to use to talk about the same things, and we tend to talk to our people, if you will, to rationalize or convince or persuade, and that is all good. That is all fine. But I know this much for sure: I don't think there is a single American that thinks we ought to fall behind our adversaries any further.
We are under real economic challenges, global economic challenges, by our adversaries, not the least of which, of course, is China. China is fast becoming the No. 1 economy in the world. They are by far the largest population, other than probably the only thing close would be India, and yet China has made it a strategic decision to overcome the United States as an economic powerhouse, along with, by the way, a very, very advanced and efficient military.
They don't pay people to join the military, they just make them join the military. Their money goes a long ways. And whatever technology they can't discover or create, they steal. This is not a small threat.
And one of the advantages they have is that they have been investing at a very fast and very aggressive rate in their infrastructure--all forms of infrastructure: highways, bridges, roads, internet, water, ports. And, by the way, they invest in a lot of other countries' infrastructure to both win them over and then to use it as leverage against other countries.
So there are lots of good reasons to support this bill as it becomes time to, first of all, finalize, of course, the substitute, the amendment that makes up the bill, and then get on to final passage.
I want to wrap up where I started, however, and that is to just stress how disappointed I am that we haven't been voting on amendments. There are some really good ones out there.
In fact, the best ones I know of were introduced by Republicans and Democrats together, equally. And we would be wise, all of us, to just agree. Maybe it is not the top 10. Maybe it is not the top 20 amendments, but even if it is the top 4 or 5, you know, let's recognize that the bill can still be improved in these final hours and get some folks down here.
Let's get the 100 of us together and make some decisions together while the hours are still in front of us, and improve this bill so we can get about the business of debating it, getting us to final passage, and sending it over to the House of Representatives, where I would implore, plead with the Speaker of the House, to take it up--take it up apart from this $3.5 to $5.5 trillion tax-and-spend wish list of the Democratic socialists. Take it up and do something good for the country. Then we will get about the business of debating the next big package.
I yield the floor.