Mr. Speaker, as co-Chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, it is my honor to be here again tonight with Congressman Ellison and other members of the Progressive Caucus who will come down to talk about the Federal budget and our…
Mr. Speaker, as co-Chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, it is my honor to be here again tonight with Congressman Ellison and other members of the Progressive Caucus who will come down to talk about the Federal budget and our progressive priorities.
When we talk about the budget, it's easy for people to have their eyes just glaze over because they automatically think we're going to be talking about a bunch of numbers on a page. But, you know, this budget and every budget is so much more than that. While you will hear a bunch of numbers being thrown around here for the next hour, the important thing that must be remembered is that all of these figures represent what we believe. They represent what we, as a Nation, have as our priorities, what that says to every citizen of this country and every nation around the world.
The funding decisions that are included in the budget are the choices that every Member of Congress must make on what our priorities as a country should be for the next--not 1 year, but 10 years. These are choices that affect the lives of every single American. It is choices like whether or not we ensure that everyone will receive adequate health care, or whether or not we build yet another weapons system that we don't need. And these choices speak as loudly as anything on who we are as a Nation. That's why it's so important to talk about this and to understand what the numbers in the budget mean for our constituents, and to let them know that all this isn't set in stone, but that there are real choices to be made.
For the past 2 years, and again this year, the Progressive Caucus will be offering a full budget alternative, an alternative that will bring defense spending under control, that will balance our tax code to ensure that everyone is paying their fair share, and invests in renewable energy, in education, transportation, housing, veterans benefits, and health care for all.
These are our priorities; they're priorities that we, as progressives, have laid out. And I look forward to discussing all this with my progressive colleague, Mr. Ellison, and others who are here tonight
Well, the first thought that comes to my mind is, the Cold War is over, it's been over for a long time, and why are we still investing in weapons systems and equipment to fight the second generation of Russian weapons that aren't even being produced in Russia? Why are we doing that? What is it costing us? And what can we do with that money instead of wasting it?
Over 10 years.
Yes.
Well, I have some.
Probably because I am a peacenik, I just am, have been, I think I was born that way.
But, you know, before we talk about the savings, I think we should, first of all, know that this is the third Progressive Caucus alternative budget in the last three budget cycles that we have introduced, and all of our budgets have been around what our President said in his speech, reforming our defense budget so that we are not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems that we don't use. You said that, I am going to emphasize that.
Now we are working with Congressman Barney Frank. This budget is going to be wrapped around cutting 25 percent of the defense budget so that our colleagues will have an option. They will have an alternative. They will be able to vote their conscience if they want to cut the defense budget. I am not saying they won't vote for the base budget, but they will have a chance to vote for a budget that cuts defense and invests in our national priorities.
But here is why we know we can do this. The United States doesn't just lead the world in defense spending, we almost outspend the rest of the entire world combined.
That's right, and a full 43 percent of the world defense spending comes from the United States alone. When we add NATO allies into it, it's over 50 percent.
So our annual defense budget dwarfs that of all our biggest rivals, and we spend four times as much as China and eight times as much as Russia. Why? That's what I ask you, we don't need to do that.
And if you want to put this in perspective, every single person spent, when we add up our Pentagon budget, that's 40 percent of the taxes that every single person pays, 40 percent of their taxes go to the Pentagon. Why, I ask you? It does not make it safer and, in the end, you are less safe.
So what kinds of weapons are we cutting? You have got your chart up there, we are saving $15 billion a year by reducing the number of nuclear warheads that we have in our arsenal. We are going from 10,000 to a thousand. We don't think we need 10,000 warheads. We need 1,000 to keep us safe, even with the rest of the world. Over time, we should be working to have a nonnuclear world because it's nuclear weapons that can actually do all of humanity in, and shame on us for not knowing enough to stop that.
So we also, in this budget, get rid of the F-22 Raptor. We save $4 billion because this fighter jet was designed to fight, as I said, the next generation of Soviet planes, which were never even built.
It makes sense to build a plane that fights ghosts? I ask you, no, it doesn't.
There is the Virginia Class Submarine that, like the F-22, was built to fight the Soviets. It's more expensive than the submarines we currently have, and it doesn't have any new capacity or capability.
So there is so much about this that makes no sense.
And the other thing that we have to know is an investment in defense spending on weapons does not nearly enough for our economy. If you want to invest in the economy, invest in jobs and infrastructure and education.
Right. Health care. Invest in what gives back to the people of this country.
Will the gentleman yield?
Read it again. That would be beautiful.
Well, I believe it with all my heart. That's why I have introduced every year for the last 5 years SMART Security, which has war as the very last option when countries aren't getting along, if we even need that option, and it cuts military spending and invests in soft power and in diplomacy and international relations.
I want to read something out of an article that Barney Frank has in The Nation.
The March 2 edition of The Nation. And I would like to enter this article into the Record. It's a great article, and it supports his and our 25 percent cut in defense spending in our budget. And he says, in the middle of this article, ``Spending on military hardware does produce some jobs, but it is one of the most inefficient ways to deploy public funds to stimulate the economy.''
Then he went on to talk about when he was talking with Alan Greenspan. He said, ``When I asked'' Alan Greenspan ``what he thought about military spending as stimulus, to his credit, he said that from an economic standpoint military spending was like insurance: If necessary to meet its primary need, it had to be done, but it was not good for the economy, and to the extent that it could be reduced, the economy would benefit.''
There is no question. President Eisenhower, before he left office, said beware of the military industrial complex, Americans, because it's got us going in the wrong direction. And we have a chance now to turn it around. We have a new President who does believe in diplomacy. We have a majority in the House and the Senate and we have our President in the White House, and now it is time for us to stand up and put together plans that will meet Martin Luther King's promise to us, and that's that we would have a world of peace as the world we want to live in.
[From the Nation, Mar. 2, 2009]
Cut the Military Budget--II
(By Barney Frank)
I am a great believer in freedom of expression and am proud
of those times when I have been one of a few members of
Congress to oppose censorship. I still hold close to an
absolutist position, but I have been tempted recently to make
an exception, not by banning speech but by requiring it. I
would be very happy if there was some way to make it a
misdemeanor for people to talk about reducing the budget
deficit without including a recommendation that we
substantially cut military spending.
Sadly, self-described centrist and even liberal
organizations often talk about the need to curtail deficits
by cutting Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and other
programs that have a benign social purpose, but they fail to
talk about one area where substantial budget reductions would
have the doubly beneficial effect of cutting the deficit and
diminishing expenditures that often do more harm than good.
Obviously people should be concerned about the $700 billion
Congress voted for this past fall to deal with the credit
crisis. But even if none of that money were to be paid back--
and most of it will be--it would involve a smaller drain on
taxpayer dollars than the Iraq War will have cost us by the
time it is concluded, and it is roughly equivalent to the
$651 billion we will spend on all defense in this fiscal
year.
When I am challenged by people--not all of them
conservative--who tell me that they agree, for example, that
we should enact comprehensive universal healthcare but wonder
how to pay for it, my answer is that I do not know
immediately where to get the funding but I know whom I should
ask. I was in Congress on September 10, 2001, and I know
there was no money in the budget at that time for a war in
Iraq. So my answer is that I will go to the people who found
the money for that war and ask them if they could find some
for healthcare.
It is particularly inexplicable that so many self-styled
moderates ignore the extraordinary increase in military
spending. After all, George W. Bush himself has acknowledged
its importance. As the December 20 Wall Street Journal notes,
``The president remains adamant his budget troubles were the
result of a ramp-up in defense spending.'' Bush then ends
this rare burst of intellectual honesty by blaming all this
``ramp-up'' on the need to fight the war in Iraq.
Current plans call for us not only to spend hundreds of
billions more in Iraq but to continue to spend even more over
the next few years producing new weapons that might have been
useful against the Soviet Union. Many of these weapons are
technological marvels, but they have a central flaw: no
conceivable enemy. It ought to be a requirement in spending
all this money for a weapon that there be some need for it.
In some cases we are developing weapons--in part because of
nothing more than momentum--that lack not only a current
military need but even a plausible use in any foreseeable
future.
It is possible to debate how strong America should be
militarily in relation to the rest of the world. But that is
not a debate that needs to be entered into to reduce the
military budget by a large amount. If, beginning one year
from now, we were to cut military spending by 25 percent from
its projected levels, we would still be immeasurably stronger
than any combination of nations with whom we might be
engaged.
Implicitly, some advocates of continued largesse for the
Pentagon concede that the case cannot be made fully in terms
of our need to be safe from physical attack. Ironically--even
hypocritically, since many of those who make the case are in
other contexts anti-government spending conservatives--they
argue for a kind of weaponized Keynesianism that says
military spending is important because it provides jobs and
boosts the economy. Spending on military hardware does
produce some jobs, but it is one of the most inefficient ways
to deploy public funds to stimulate the economy. When I asked
him years ago what he thought about military spending as
stimulus, Alan Greenspan, to his credit, noted that from an
economic standpoint military spending was like insurance: if
necessary to meet its primary need, it had to be done, but it
was not good for the economy; and to the extent that it could
be reduced, the economy would benefit.
The math is compelling: if we do not make reductions
approximating 25 percent of the military budget starting
fairly soon, it will be impossible to continue to fund an
adequate level of domestic activity even with a repeal of
Bush's tax cuts for the very wealthy.
I am working with a variety of thoughtful analysts to show
how we can make very substantial cuts in the military budget
without in any way diminishing the security we need. I do not
think it will be hard to make it clear to Americans that
their well being is far more endangered by a proposal for
substantial reductions in Medicare, Social Security or other
important domestic areas than it would be by canceling
weapons systems that have no justification from any threat we
are likely to face.
So those organizations, editorial boards and individuals
who talk about the need for fiscal responsibility should be
challenged to begin with the area where our spending has been
the most irresponsible and has produced the least good for
the dollars expended--our military budget. Both parties have
for too long indulged the implicit notion that military
spending is somehow irrelevant to reducing the deficit and
have resisted applying to military spending the standards of
efficiency that are applied to other programs. If we do not
reduce the military budget, either we accustom ourselves to
unending and increasing budget deficits, or we do severe harm
to our ability to improve the quality of our lives through
sensible public policy.
And it kills somebody.
Well, first of all, there's a big fear of looking like you're not patriotic around here. The second thing is it's very embarrassing when you ask the question and nobody has the answer and you're talking about billions of dollars. And that's why Barbara Lee and I have been working with the GAO to have the DOD implement the over 2,000 recommendations that the GAO has made to the DOD to cut waste, fraud, and abuse. So they now know they have to do it, and we are counting on those cuts of those 2,000 wasteful expenditures in our Progressive Caucus budget.
I just want to say you also should put the cost of not doing those things, the cost of not having a healthy community, not having an educated constituency, not having people ready for jobs for the 21st century. Those costs, we never look at that when we are doing our budgeting.
I have a question, if I may, to just throw out to the three of you. Sam, before you came down here we were talking about 150,000 contractors in Iraq and why our military, which is one-third of the cost, each one of our troops, why we just didn't have them doing it all.
My question is, wouldn't we have to have a draft in order to have that many troops available? I don't think we have volunteers that would be able to double the size of the troops in the units over in Iraq and Afghanistan, because I don't think people are that excited about going over there for $50,000 a year, for one thing.