Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be here today to advance the Justice for Juveniles Act. I thank Chairman Nadler, Leader Hoyer, and my colleague, Congressman Armstrong, for their support and partnership on this effort.

The Prison Litigation Reform Act, or PLRA, was passed in 1996 in an effort to decrease so-called frivolous lawsuits brought by prisoners. Chief among the PLRA's mandates was a requirement that before seeking relief for civil rights violations in court, a detained person must exhaust administrative remedies.

Whatever the merits of that underlying legislation, we now have broad bipartisan agreement that the language is overbroad in its application to juveniles.

Studies have consistently shown that juveniles are both more likely to be abused while in detention and less likely to navigate the administrative remedies that bar them from seeking relief.

For those of us who have kids or who have worked with children, it is easy to imagine the difficulty a young person in detention might have navigating complex legal systems necessary to raise a complaint.

Young people in the criminal or juvenile justice system are more likely than not to be functionally illiterate, and science has shown that the brain is not fully developed until a person is in their mid- twenties. It is one of the many reasons our justice system makes a distinction between juvenile and adult offenses.

That is what we hope to acknowledge with the Justice for Juveniles Act by exempting juveniles from the requirements of the PLRA.

In addition, the PLRA also limits the kind of relief that juveniles might seek for civil rights violations while in detention. They cannot seek relief now for emotional injuries without physical ones as well, but studies show that youth are especially prone to psychological injury and abuse, which they often face in detention.

Finally, the PLRA limits the recovery of attorney's fees in such cases. Again, juveniles are less likely to have

independent resources to fund an attorney, so that makes it harder for young people to find an attorney to vindicate their rights.

To those who might question whether we need to correct the PLRA, I offer the story of the Glen Mills Schools, which inspired this bill.

For almost 200 years, youth from across the United States were sent to Glen Mills when they ran afoul of the law. But the school's bucolic campus and renowned athletic teams masked serious daily violence inflicted upon children placed there.

An explosive 2019 report by The Philadelphia Inquirer revealed years of sexual, physical, and psychological abuse of the young residents, including broken bones, threats of retaliation, and sustained physical assaults at the hands of staff members. Although the stories from Glen Mills are heartbreaking, they are not unique.

Reports show that mistreatment of young people in juvenile facilities happens all the time across the country.

Just this past March, despite the recent example of Glen Mills, children were removed from yet another juvenile detention facility, just a few miles away, after horrifying new allegations of abuse.

This commonsense, bipartisan legislation passed unanimously on the House floor last Congress and has the support of over 60 organizations.

I, again, thank Chairman Nadler and the committee members and staff who helped advance this bill, and I thank the dedicated leadership team who brought the bill to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation again.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to share a letter to the editor from a constituent published this morning. Here is what he said:

I worked the polls for 10 years, which included 20 elections and over 25 hours of training. As the years passed, technology improved, training got more efficient, and communications were state of the art. I am so proud to be an American and contributing to our system of democracy.

At my poll, five of us work together. There are also two

watchers from each party. The results are posted on the door

of the polling place immediately for residents to see. Votes

are checked against duplications and death certificates. We

have a paper ballot that can be matched to a voter machine.

The machines are not hooked up to the internet, preventing

interference and hacking.

My heart breaks with every utterance of voter fraud. Please

don't let the GOP erode voting rights.

Signed: Former Republican.

I share this constituent's frustration. We are both fed up with people repeating lies about the security of our elections in order to justify voter suppression.

Madam Speaker, I thank my friend and colleague, Representative Cicilline, for organizing this Special Order hour and for his leadership in introducing and passing the Equality Act, and I look forward to it being signed into law.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of Pride Month and to celebrate the rich history of LGBTQ activism in the greater Philadelphia area.

In 1965, years before the Stonewall uprising, protestors borrowed from the tactics of the civil rights movement and staged a sit-in at Dewey's lunch counter in Philadelphia in opposition to its policy of refusing service to ``homosexuals,'' ``masculine women,'' ``feminine men,'' and ``persons wearing non-conforming clothing.'' Can you imagine what they would think today?

Philadelphia is home to this--the first and oldest LGBTQ bookstore in the United States--Giovanni's Room,

as well as Philadelphia Gay News, the oldest LGBTQ publication in the United States. As early as 1981, activists were meeting with the local Department of Public Health to discuss the virus that would eventually become known as AIDS and put pressure on them to address this growing crisis.

In more recent history, Amber Hikes, in the City's Office of LGBT Affairs introduced a more inclusive Pride flag in 2017, adding black and brown stripes to represent LGBTQ people of color.

Today, activism within Philadelphia's LGBTQ community continues through groups like the William Way Community Center, and people like my friend, Kendall Stephens, who is pushing for Pennsylvania to update its hate crime statute to finally include LGBTQ people as a protected class.

From early protests to the continued advocacy of today, the Philadelphia region has plenty to be proud of during Pride Month.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 479 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time is yielded for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, today, the Committee on Rules met and reported a rule, House Resolution 479, providing for consideration of S. 475, the Juneteenth National Independence Day Act, under a closed rule.

The rule provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Oversight and Reform and one motion to recommit.

Mr. Speaker, we are here today to consider an important and timely bill, S. 475, which parallels H.R. 1320 introduced by our colleague, Sheila Jackson Lee from Texas. This bill would make Juneteenth a Federal holiday.

We are happy and not a little surprised to see that the Senate was able to quickly pass this bill with unanimous consent. It is not every day that one sees the Senate move more quickly than the House, and it is my hope that today the House of Representatives would be able to act with similar swiftness.

Juneteenth, a portmanteau of June 19th, celebrates a seminal moment in Black American history, and it is well past time that our country recognizes the importance of this day by making it a Federal holiday.

While the Emancipation Proclamation outlawed slavery in the South, and the Civil War effectively ended with the surrender of the Confederacy in April of 1865 at Appomattox, slavery did not immediately end throughout the United States.

During the Civil War, many slaveholders migrated to Texas to avoid conflict and continued to hold Black Americans in bondage after the formal end of the Civil War.

On June 19, 1865, Union troops finally arrived in Galveston Bay, Texas, to ensure that slaves were freed, a full 2\1/2\

years after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed by President Lincoln.

On that date, Major General Gordon Granger issued General Order No. 3, which announced that, in accordance with the Emancipation Proclamation, all slaves are free.

In the years following, Black Texans began to celebrate Juneteenth, also known as Emancipation Day, Jubilee Day, and Juneteenth Independence Day. Over time, they developed time-honored traditions for celebration, including parades, cookouts, family reunions, prayer gatherings, historic and cultural readings, and musical performances. As Texans emigrated to other parts of the United States, those traditions came with them and became enshrined in Black communities across our country.

Today, Juneteenth is celebrated by communities throughout the United States. Forty-eight States and the District of Columbia recognize Juneteenth. It is time for the Federal Government to do the same.

My own district in southeastern Pennsylvania takes great pride in its Juneteenth celebrations. From parades and flag raisings and picnics to musical performances and community gatherings, our community will celebrate at dozens of events throughout the district this weekend.

On a planning call this week for one of our local celebrations, a resident from the Eastwick neighborhood in southwest Philadelphia proclaimed that ``Juneteenth is the holy grail'' of celebrations for the community because it represents America's true day of freedom.

Upon hearing the news that this bill would come up for passage today, one of my staffers said: ``As an African-American woman raising five beautiful children, it would mean so much to make Juneteenth a Federal holiday. . . . It allows people to reflect on what my ancestors had to deal with. It gives the history of how they fought and continued to fight as they passed the torch on to the next generation.''

Another community member just shared: ``I hope this provides an accessible, teachable moment so people across the country can talk with their neighbors about why we need this holiday and how it helps to address the erasure of Black contributions to humanity and history.''

I know that this move to make Juneteenth a Federal holiday will mean so much to members of the Black community in my district, and I am so excited to have the great honor of returning home to celebrate this weekend after we pass this bill.

Juneteenth, like many of our other Federal celebrations, serves as a day of remembrance and reflection and a celebration of emancipation and freedom.

So, as we consider the rule today, and as we approach this year's Juneteenth celebrations, I ask my colleagues in this Chamber to think and reflect on our Nation's complicated history, the events that led us to where we are, and what we need to do to reckon with our past and continue to work toward creating a more equitable and inclusive society.

America has historically failed to fully address the horrors of the abuse wrought upon enslaved people during the early years of our country, and to this day, we live with the long-term effects and consequences of slavery in America.

Racism, both interpersonal and institutional, continues to plague our country. And despite monumental efforts, from the Civil War to the civil rights movement and beyond, to get our Nation to live up to the ideals proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, Black Americans still face disparate treatment and disparate outcomes across our society, from housing and healthcare to education and the workplace.

To move forward with the work of dismantling institutional racism that continues to disenfranchise Black Americans, it is essential that we start by looking critically at how we get here.

If we all truly commit ourselves to striving toward a more perfect Union, where all people are not only legally equal but actually have a fair shot at achieving the American Dream, we must recognize our current failings and take the necessary steps to end racial discrimination, the racial wealth gap, and racial injustices in our social, economic, environmental, and judicial institutions.

While some may feel that making Juneteenth a Federal holiday is a purely symbolic act, symbols hold power. Holidays hold power.

While millions of Americans already celebrate Juneteenth and use the day to reflect on our collective past and future, this is an important step to formally commemorate a crucial part of our culture and history that for too long has been canceled.

I look forward to working with my colleagues on other meaningful steps we can take to honor the legacy of enslaved people who contributed so much to our history and to address the lasting impacts of this cruel chapter in our history that still persist today.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I now recognize my distinguished colleague, the chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security in the House Committee on the Judiciary. Representative Sheila Jackson Lee is a tremendous advocate and leader in the fight for racial equity and an inspiration to many of our colleagues, including myself. Coming from the great State of Texas, she is all too familiar with the history and importance of Juneteenth for African Americans and for all Americans to recognize and reconcile our history.

In Congress' past, Representative Jackson Lee led the charge to recognize Juneteenth as a national holiday by introducing legislation to federally recognize this historic day. In the 117th Congress, she, again, introduced H.R. 1320, which I understand formed the basis for the Senate bill.

Through the tireless work of her and her Senate colleagues, we now have the privilege of voting on this historic legislation. I applaud the tremendous work of the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I want to echo the remarks of my distinguished colleague, Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, in mentioning Pennsylvania's history in this moment. I want to highlight Philadelphia's role in our Nation's abolitionist movement, the Quakers, Lucretia Mott, who embraced that movement and pushed this country forward, the role of our residents in fighting and winning the Civil War, and being the birthplace of American ideals at Independence Hall.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that in passing this rule and the underlying bill we will take a collective step forward in achieving those goals that all Americans are equal under the law, treated fairly in our schools, our workplaces, our courts, and our public institutions.

Symbols hold power. Holidays hold power. While millions of Americans already celebrate Juneteenth and use the day to reflect on our collective past and future, this is an important step to formally commemorate a crucial part of our culture and history. I urge, again, that all my colleagues vote for the rule and the underlying bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Dr. Ala Stanford from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

On Wednesday, April 28, 2021, President Biden delivered his first address to a Joint Session of Congress, 100 days into his first term.

When President Biden took the oath of office, he pledged that help was on the way. Thanks to our work together to enact the American Rescue Plan, help is here.

Hardworking people in Pennsylvania and all across the country have been the heroes of the pandemic, and now they are leading our recovery. Dr. Stanford is one of those heroes.

The Black Doctors COVID-19 Consortium was founded by Dr. Stanford in 2020 to educate and advocate for the Black community in order to reduce the incidence of disease and death from coronavirus.

The group originally focused on bringing testing to underserved communities, and now they also run vaccination clinics in these same areas. Dr. Stanford and her team are intentional about targeting their resources to the Black community because Black Americans have been disproportionately impacted by the coronavirus and are still underrepresented in the number of people who have received the COVID-19 vaccine.

After more than a year of having our lives consumed by COVID-19, I could think of no better person to represent our region at President Biden's Joint Address to Congress than Dr. Stanford. When the pandemic hit, she figured out what needed to be done, and then she did it. She has dedicated herself to the work of serving her community and reducing racial disparities in access to testing and vaccines.

In a typical year, I would have invited Dr. Stanford to join me in the House Chamber for the Joint Address. COVID-19 safety protocols limited this year's in-person attendance, and I--along with many other Members of Congress--instead watched the address from home.

However, I couldn't miss this important opportunity to honor Dr. Stanford and people like her all across Pennsylvania.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate Pennsylvania's Fifth District class of 2021 and wish them well in their next adventures.

As we watched the world change before our eyes over the past year- and-a-half, we also saw the strength and determination of young people in our district, throughout the U.S., and across the globe.

We saw students pick up jobs to help support their families, take to the streets to support causes they believed in deeply, and contribute their time and savings to help others in need.

Whether they realized it or not, their energy and activism have shifted the national conversation around issues like gun violence, racial justice, and the climate crisis.

We are at an inflection point of history, science, and technology, and I have never been more inspired or hopeful than I am for this generation.

I also want to acknowledge our debt of gratitude to all the teachers and school staff who showed such dedication and resilience as they guided our students through the challenges of a pandemic with patience, courage, and innovation.

Graduates, the world is waiting for our next wave of leaders, and we know that you are ready for the challenge. Congratulations.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the rule we are considering and to speak to the necessity of Congress repealing the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force against Iraq.

Repealing the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force is a good first step towards Congress reasserting its constitutional authority over when and if the United States goes to war. This country has been in a state of perpetual war for almost 20 years. We now have members of the Armed Forces deployed overseas who are the children of soldiers who were sent to war under the 2002 AUMF.

Under Article I of the Constitution, Congress has the sole authority to decide whether to allow the President to take the country into a prolonged war. Before this Nation sends our children, our servicemembers into harm's way, Members of Congress have the duty to consider and approve or disapprove such use of force. Americans have the right to hold us accountable for those decisions.

Repealing the 2002 AUMF does not impede the President's ability to use military force without congressional approval in the event of a sudden threat or imminent attack, but we cannot continue to operate under a system where U.S. Presidents can place American troops in harm's way with no checks or balances. That is unacceptable.

Congress' failure to repeal or replace the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs for two decades has done lasting damage to the constitutional separation of powers between Congress and President. It is time for this practice to end.

I urge all of my colleagues to approve this rule and vote to repeal the 2002 AUMF.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and underlying bills before us today.

It has been over 4 months since the attack on the Capitol, an attack which disrupted a joint session of Congress and threatened one of the most essential pillars of our American Government: the peaceful and democratic transfer of power. That lawless assault threatened not just the foundations of our government, but also the lives of those who served their fellow citizens here. That assault shattered the illusion of security and sanctity of this building, the United States Capitol.

We remain eternally grateful for the bravery and patriotism of the members of the U.S. Capitol and D.C. Metropolitan Police who heroically defended this building, its occupants, and our democracy.

But it is long past time to launch an independent, bipartisan examination of what occurred on January 6, why it occurred, and how to prevent it from ever happening again. We need a commission with the power and authority to collect evidence and make recommendations across multiple agencies, committees, and branches of government impacted by the attack.

Almost as soon as the tear gas and broken glass had been cleared in the wee hours of January 7, we began hearing calls for unity. But what has remained illusive is a shared set of facts behind which the Nation can unify and forge a path to healing and accountability for the events of January 6. That path starts with these bills.

We cannot repair the damage to our government and the rule of law so long

as we have national leaders or those who seek to be propagating lies about why our government was attacked and the gravity of the events of January 6. Those falsehoods are incredibly dangerous, and so long as they remain unchallenged by a bipartisan, independent commission, we are never going to get past the dark part of our history.

In addition to creating this bipartisan commission, we also need to pass the emergency supplemental appropriations bill to fund the many additional expenses which were created by the Capitol attack, including overtime, staffing, training for law enforcement, reimbursing the National Guard, and so much more.

I strongly urge my colleagues to vote for this rule.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to encourage young people in my district to learn more about the opportunities offered by our U.S. service academies.

One of the greatest honors of being a Member of Congress is having the ability to nominate outstanding students for appointment to West Point, the Naval Academy, the Air Force Academy, and the Merchant Marine Academy.

As high school students contemplate what they will do after graduation, I encourage them to consider the benefits of attending one of our service academies, including the unique opportunities for leadership and entry to a range of careers, at no cost to the student or their family.

The process is competitive, so it is never too early to get started.

I encourage any students in Pennsylvania's Fifth Congressional District who might be interested in attending a service academy to attend our next virtual information session hosted by my office on May 27 at 7 p.m. They may sign up at scanlon.house.gov.

I look forward to nominating another amazing group of young leaders to the service academies this fall.

Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 403 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Mrs. Fischbach), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Madam Speaker, yesterday, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 403, providing for consideration of H.R. 1629, the Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act, under a closed rule. It provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce. It also provides for one motion to recommit.

The rule also provides for consideration of H. Res. 275, the condemning the horrific shootings in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 16, 2021, and reaffirming the House of Representatives' commitment to combating hate, bigotry, and violence against the Asian-American and Pacific Islander community, under a closed rule.

It provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Oversight and Reform.

The rule deems as passed H. Res. 398, a resolution recognizing the forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre.

The rule amends H.R. 188 to provide recess instructions, suspension authority, and same-day authority through July 1, 2021.

Finally, the rule provides the majority leader or his designee the ability to en bloc requested rollcall votes on suspension bills considered on May 17 or 18. This authority lasts through May 20.

Madam Speaker, we are here today to consider two timely and important bills. The first is a resolution from our colleague, Congresswoman Judy Chu, condemning the horrific, shootings, in Atlanta, Georgia, in March, and confirming the House of Representatives' commitment to combating hate and violence against the Asian-American and Pacific Islander community.

I want to start by offering my condolences, prayers, and support for the family and friends of the eight people murdered in Atlanta on March 16 and the thousands of Asian Americans who have been physically or verbally attacked over the course of the pandemic.

The horrific act of gun violence that took eight lives in Atlanta, including six Asian women, is a tragedy unambiguously rooted in hate. It is a tragedy that followed 4,000 reported hate crimes against Asian Americans over the past year, and it is a tragedy that followed decades of bigotry, discrimination, and indifference toward the AAPI community.

We must recognize that physical and verbal attacks against people of Asian descent are not a new phenomenon and that our country has a shameful past of violence and discrimination directed against Asian Americans. From the Chinese Exclusion Act to the internment of Japanese Americans, to the innumerable acts of individual violence that have cost so many their lives or livelihoods, a vile and persistent racism has denied many people the basic safeties and individual freedoms that some others take for granted.

But we also need to recognize that at a time when we are all dealing with the hardships caused by the pandemic, Asian Americans have had to deal with additional pain, fear, and loss brought on by the callous and careless rhetoric of opportunistic politicians and bigots. I have heard from my constituents and staff members in my office about the pain that the increase in verbal and physical attacks has caused throughout our community.

I admire the incredible work being done by AAPI advocates and organizers in southeastern Pennsylvania and across the Nation to bring attention to anti-Asian discrimination and to call for change. Groups in my district, such as Asian Americans United, Cambodian Association of Greater Philadelphia, Laos In The House, VietLead, and others across the United States, have mobilized whole communities to come together and stand firm against hate and racism.

The anti-hate rallies and vigils organized in response to this year's shocking attacks are a resounding reminder that hate is not welcome in our cities and towns, but also that standing up to hatred requires more than just thoughts and prayers. It requires all of us to recognize and call out racism when we see it, to work with our neighbors to protect everyone in our communities, and to lift up voices that aren't always heard.

As we continue to confront the systemic racism that plagues so much of our culture, the passage of this resolution by the House must be part of a greater holistic effort to provide all Americans with prosperity, justice, and freedom from fear.

Congress cannot keep waiting for problems to boil over in order to do something about them. I ask that all of my colleagues keep that in mind as we work to address systemic racism and the other pressing problems of our day.

I thank Congresswoman Chu for her leadership, and I thank her and the

members of the Georgia delegation for introducing this important resolution.

Madam Speaker, I also rise in support of H.R. 1629, the Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act. This bill is sponsored by my good friend and colleague from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Congresswoman Dean, who has bravely shared her family's experience with the hardships caused by substance use disorder, and who has been a tireless advocate for Federal solutions to the opioid epidemic.

This much-needed bill would close a loophole in our Federal drug approval laws, promoting greater competition and lower prices and allowing more medications to treat opioid use disorder, as well as other diseases, to come to market. Closing this loophole would increase access to low-cost treatments and would prevent pharmaceutical companies from abusing the current law to boost drug prices for medications that could be sold by competitors at much lower prices.

In particular, this bill would reduce the price of buprenorphine, a drug that is critically important for medically assisted treatment, or MAT, of opioid abuse disorder, but which has been made more costly and less available due to abuse of the current laws.

The opioid epidemic has devastated families in my district and across the country. Too many communities have experienced the terrible toll of opioid addiction, and I am glad this is an issue on which Democrats and Republicans have been able to work together and achieve real results for the American people.

Since 2018, Congress has been able to pass multiple bipartisan bills to increase funding for substance use disorder, provide more treatments and medications for those suffering from opioid addiction, and improve access to mental health services.

The Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act is a straightforward bill with bipartisan support and sponsorship that passed the House of Representatives last Congress, and it was on track to pass this Congress last week before inexplicably being derailed when one of its former sponsors whipped votes against it.

I thank my Pennsylvania colleagues, Representatives Dean and Fitzpatrick, for their bipartisan leadership on this bill, which is so important, not just for Pennsylvanians, but for families across this country who have struggled to obtain effective and affordable treatment for loved ones suffering from substance use disorder. I urge its prompt passage.

Lastly, I want to voice my support for H. Res. 398, a resolution introduced by Congresswoman Jackson Lee to recognize the forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. This event was one of the most abhorrent instances of racial violence in our Nation's history, and it is history that we should not ignore or forget.

With this resolution, we can at least recognize the people, families, and descendants irreparably harmed that day, even if we cannot give them the justice they deserved.

I thank my colleague, Congresswoman Jackson Lee, for her work to bring this resolution to the floor and to ensure that we recognize this terrible moment in our collective past.

I thank all of my colleagues who helped craft the bills we are considering today. I look forward to supporting this rule, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, like many, I am so excited to see our country begin to unwind many of the COVID-19 precautions of the last year, but we are not in the clear yet.

It is no secret that many Members of this body have refused to be vaccinated, and many of the same Members have also shown repeated disregard for the dangers posed by the pandemic. We need to extend certain measures in the House to provide the House with flexibility to ensure that Congress can expeditiously respond to the future needs created by the pandemic and the economy and to keep all of those who serve here safe.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Matsui), a former member of the Rules Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, with all due respect to my colleagues, I must respectfully decline to chase the red herring that has been lobbed onto the House floor.

A vote on the PQ is strictly a procedural vote to move a bill forward. And as our colleagues know, voting ``no'' would simply mean that we would hand control of the House floor to them, which I decline to do.

As our colleagues know, they are under no obligation to offer any specific amendment, even if they faithfully promise to do so. So let's not distract from the bills that we are here to move forward today.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), the lead sponsor of H. Res. 398, recognizing the forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa massacre.

Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the majority whip.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford).

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Johnson).

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

I wanted to mention that Senator Elizabeth Warren, a native of Oklahoma, carries the Senate version of H. Res. 398 recognizing the Tulsa centennial.

When I go home and meet with constituents, they want to know what we are doing here to make their lives better, not whether we have succeeded in obstructing the passage of necessary or popular legislation or in shutting down Congress. I suspect that is true for most Members, and I value those with whom I can work in good faith.

This Congress has already seen its fair share of parliamentary tricks to disrupt the legislative process, and I applaud the leadership's efforts to keep Members and staff safe, to advance legislation that will end the pandemic, and to serve the American people.

Let's be honest about why we are taking up floor time to debate and pass the orphan drug bill today, a bill with broad bipartisan support that passed without a single objection last term.

Last week's ``no'' vote by some of our colleagues on the other side of the aisle was incredibly disrespectful to the Americans we are all here to represent. Those Members voting ``no'' effectively told their constituents that they care more about whose name goes on a bill than they care about actually passing legislation.

Like my colleagues, I am frustrated that this bill did not pass on suspension last week. The opioid epidemic is a serious issue. Families in my district and across the country know firsthand the hardships caused by opioid abuse and addiction, and this issue deserves to be taken seriously and addressed by Congress, which is why we are bringing this bill back to the floor a week after one of its former sponsors blocked its

passage because his feelings were hurt when he wasn't asked to lead the bill this term.

Our colleagues extol, when convenient, the virtues of unity and bipartisanship, but it is important for them to realize that bipartisanship relies upon trust. And in the wake of January 6, despite having witnessed the carnage created by falsehoods about the election results, the majority of our Republican colleagues voted with no evidence to cancel the electoral votes of several States.

For those of us who represent Pennsylvania, which was ground zero for those falsehoods and the efforts to undermine and overturn our electoral process, it is particularly tough to trust Members who have shown more interest in silencing those who would challenge the lies than in defending the Constitution.

It is a shame that a bipartisan bill to combat opioid abuse needs to be reconsidered under a rule, and I hope this time around my colleagues do what is right and pass the bill to improve access to low-cost medications to combat opioid addiction.

We are here to pass legislation for the American people, not to put our names on things. Stunts like what we saw last week are disrespectful to the House, to its Members, and most of all to the people we are here to represent.

I thank all of our colleagues who helped craft the bills we are considering today. I look forward to supporting this rule, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule and the previous question.

I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the Yeadon Police Department, which recently started the first police-community garden in the country as part of an ongoing program to develop positive relationships between police and community members.

The garden gives officers and residents an opportunity to meet in a cooperative environment, to open lines of communication and foster understanding.

Officers and residents work together in the garden throughout the growing season, and the food grown there is shared with those who work the soil, as well as area food banks. They hope to start six or seven more gardens through the community.

The mayor of Yeadon, Rohan Hepkins, says that his community has seen a decrease in crime during the pandemic. He credits police outreach efforts, including the department's reliance on community-oriented policing and outreach to the school district and younger folks so that they look at the police not as enemies but as allies.

I commend Police Chief Anthony ``Chachi'' Paparo and Mayor Hepkins for their efforts to improve community policing and to ensure that everyone in the community feels safe.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to talk about the exciting new child tax credit that is part of the American Rescue Plan. I know the words ``exciting'' and ``tax credit'' don't usually belong in the same sentence, but this is different.

With the child tax credit, families with children under the age of 17 will receive $250 per child per month and $300 per month for kids under 6. These monthly payments can help cover everyday child-rearing expenses--things like food, diapers, or shoes for the teenager who outgrows his every 6 weeks.

More than 119,000 children in my district will benefit from the new child tax credit, including thousands of children who will be lifted out of deep poverty.

Let's be clear: The child tax credit is a special refundable tax credit, so even families who don't earn enough to pay taxes will get the automatic payment. But it is important to file a tax return before the May 17 deadline so you can begin receiving payments as soon as possible.

I look forward to making the child tax credit permanent.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the incredible staff of the Delaware County COVID-19 task force, led by Rosemarie Halt, for their amazing work, along with the thousands of volunteers from the DelCo Medical Reserve Corps and the DelCo Citizen Corps who have created and implemented new systems to test, feed, and vaccinate tens of thousands of people in our community.

These folks have been working day and night to help guide the residents of Delaware County through the challenges of a once-in-a- century pandemic. In an ever-changing landscape, they have distributed supplies, coordinated communication, and are now helping to ensure that everyone gets vaccinated.

I am proud to honor them today during National Volunteer Week to celebrate those working behind the scenes to get us back to normal.

Rosemarie, her staff, and the DelCo volunteers have been critical to the response and relief efforts in our district. For over a year, it has been all hands on deck, and we cannot thank them enough for their service.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule providing for consideration of the NO BAN Act, the Access to Counsel Act of 2021, and the Washington, D.C. Admission Act. All three bills advance important policies that I am proud to support.

I will never forgot the night in January 2017 that the Trump administration's ban on travel from Muslim countries went into effect. I was not yet in Congress, and my job involved coordinating free legal services across the U.S., including representation for immigrants.

As foreign citizens landed in the U.S., they were told that their travel papers were revoked while they were in the air, and some were taken into custody and some were immediately deported. Families were separated, and friends and relatives arriving to pick up loved ones at U.S. airports frantically tried to get information about them. Many were denied the right to counsel, who were trying to reach them.

Attorneys and immigration agencies across the country immediately mobilized to help those impacted by the illegal and ill-conceived ban. I spent the next few weeks working around the clock, dispatching volunteers to airports, mobilizing translators, and organizing legal efforts.

Having seen the chaos and cruelty caused by the Trump administration's ill-fated ban, I am particularly pleased by the opportunity to pass the NO BAN Act and the Access to Counsel Act.

First, the NO BAN Act would ensure that no future administration would have the authority to discriminate against people based on their religious background or national origin when choosing to restrict the entry of immigrants into our country.

Having witnessed the chaos and cruelty of the Muslim ban, I wholeheartedly support this legislation, which would prevent future administrations from similarly abusing their executive authority.

I am also proud to support the Access to Counsel Act, which would ensure that individuals at ports of entry can seek legal advice, whether from volunteers or at their own expense, during the screening process. Access to counsel is critical for ensuring the fair and equitable enforcement of our laws, but especially in immigration matters where the law is so complicated and the consequences so grave.

Madam Speaker, I support these three bills, which would make our immigration laws more fair and protect due process.

Madam Speaker, I send to the desk a resolution and ask unanimous consent for its immediate consideration in the House.