Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following staff of the Finance Committee be granted the privilege of the floor for the remainder of the 2013 calendar year: Melanie Rainer, Erik Hansen, Swarna Vallurupalli, Anderson Heiman, Tyler Evilsizer, Aaron Tjoa, Elizabeth Karan, and Peter Sokolove.

Madam President, the Committee on Finance has adopted rules governing its procedures for the 113th Congress. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 2, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying rules for the Senate Committee on Finance be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, thanks in part to filmmaker Steven Spielberg, there is renewed interest today in America's 16th President, Abraham Lincoln.

A century and a half ago, during one of the most critical times in American history, Lincoln faced a nation divided by ideology and war. Only through fierce determination and moral courage was Lincoln able to preserve the Union.

Today, we again are in an ideological divide. Too often, Congress fails to agree on key social and economic issues.

Politics is winning out over progress. Like the America of the 1860s, the unwillingness to compromise has crippled our ability to move forward as a nation.

As we discuss America's fiscal responsibility today, I would like to share the words of Lincoln. One of my favorite quotes is this: ``You cannot escape the responsibility of tomorrow by evading it today.''

As a nation we have a responsibility to fulfill existing commitments to pay our bills, and it is a responsibility we cannot evade. As we know, the Federal Government officially hit its current authorizing spending limit--also known as the debt ceiling--on December 31, 2012.

Over the past month, the Treasury Secretary has been using extraordinary measures to continue funding the government and sending out Social Security checks and veterans' benefits. Treasury's action only bought limited time. The debt limit deadline was moved from December 31 to mid-February or early March. Needless to say, a feeling of uncertainty has spread across the country. However, on January 23, the House of Representatives approved a plan to ensure America can meet our obligations through May 18.

The bill, H.R. 325, which we have before us today, also provides an incentive for action on the Federal budget. The legislation includes a provision that would withhold the pay of lawmakers in the House or the Senate if their Chamber fails to pass the budget blueprint by April 15.

Since 1917, Congress has always taken appropriate action to avoid defaulting on America's bills. We must continue to fulfill our responsibility. We must not fail now. There is too much at stake.

Failure to pass this bill will set off an unpredictable financial calamity that would plunge not only the United States but much of the world back into recession and more. Every single American would feel the economic impact. There would be radical cuts in military salaries, veterans' programs, Social Security benefits, and education. Tax refunds may not be issued, and our country's credit rating would almost certainly be downgraded significantly.

I understand the concern over America's deficits and debt. I share those concerns, and I strongly believe we must develop a long-term plan to cut the debt and get America's fiscal house in order.

Let me remind you, over the past 2 years we have made real progress at cutting deficits and debt. We have done so working together across the aisle.

In 2011, we passed $1.4 trillion in spending cuts. Earlier this month, Congress passed legislation that reduced the deficit by another $600 billion. Together, with interest savings, these two actions will cut the deficit by about $2.5 trillion over the next 10 years.

Add to this the savings from winding down the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the savings to America's Federal budget reach almost $3.5 trillion over 10 years--all together $3.5 trillion over 10 years-- which we already are doing as a consequence of winding down the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. That is real progress.

In the coming weeks we will have to confront the deficit issue again when sequestration of spending programs starts on March 1. March 27, the day the continuing resolution for appropriations expires, brings tough choices. That is why we are here, to make the tough decisions, to do the hard work.

The threat of defaulting on our fiscal obligations is extremely dangerous. It puts America on unstable ground. We all are aware how our political brinkmanship of 2011 led to the first ever downgrade of our country's credit rating. It sent shock waves in stock markets across the globe and nearly crashed the American economy.

We have the opportunity today to avoid that calamity. We have the opportunity today to avoid another destructive budget battle. H.R. 325 ensures America can meet our obligations through May 18 and provides the Congress with a necessary calm between fiscal storms.

The House of Representatives adopted the bill by a bipartisan vote, 285 to 144, and it is supported by the administration. The bill before us is necessary to remove the threat of default that would throw the U.S. economy into chaos. It gives us time to work together on a sensible, balanced solution to our Nation's fiscal challenges without undermining the Nation's economy. It deserves our support.

I congratulate Speaker Boehner on his leadership with regard to this issue and the House for its bipartisan approach to a tough but necessary vote. Let's pass this legislation today and move on to the debate over what further deficit reduction options we need to help keep America's economy moving forward.

In the words of Lincoln: ``The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.''

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise to speak on two amendments. It will be the first amendment offered by the Senator from Ohio, his first amendment, and also I will speak on an amendment offered by the Senator from Pennsylvania. I think the Senator from Maryland, the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, will speak on the second Portman amendment.

I chuckled this morning. I see two new Members, very able Members of the Senate, who are now members of the Senate Finance Committee, follow their urges to offer amendments immediately to bills before the Senate. Senator Portman is doing that, Senator Toomey is doing that, and I commend them, very much commend them for being so interested in the subject and allowing their intellectual juices to flow and come up with something that is new and different and in their view might make some sense. I think part of this is because of the newly found efforts here in the Senate, and desire in the Senate, certainly among rank-and-file Members, to do something.

What you hear around here is: ``Regular order.'' That is something I very much subscribe to, namely let the committees do their work. Senator Portman and Senator Toomey are certainly following that tradition by offering amendments so the Senate Finance Committee, or in this case the Senate floor, is doing its work with respect to the pending measure.

I want to start by saying how much I appreciate the efforts of the Speaker, Speaker Boehner. He has done a good job giving us a few months' breathing room here in the Congress with respect to the debt limit increase; that is, having the House pass on a bipartisan basis a measure which extends the debt ceiling limit for another several months, to May 18. That gives us a chance to figure out how we are going to get our fiscal house better in order, cut the debt, and deal with some other vexatious issues such as the sequester and the continuing resolution.

The amendment, I must say, though, offered by my good friend from Ohio is a throwback to an effort that was undertaken essentially a year or two ago. With all due respect, it didn't work. What was that? Namely, it was the Sanders amendment, which is for every dollar increase in the national debt there be a dollar cut in Federal spending. This was something that was tried, the House of Representatives tried, the Speaker negotiated with the President, and it didn't work. Frankly, it led to a big confrontation, if you will, on August 11, where the debt was reaching its limit, there was no agreement on spending cuts, and the credit agencies began to downgrade U.S. credit. It didn't work. I again say I am very proud of the Speaker for trying a different approach.

It is also important to point out that if this amendment were to pass, we would have to send this bill back to the House. We are already now on a good track for the Senate to pass, without amendment, the House-passed bill. If that happens, then the world knows that the U.S. Government will not be in debt until at least May 18, and because of measures the Treasury Secretary will not exceed the debt limit until sometime in August.

We will be in debt. We have a big debt. The debt is about a $16 trillion debt, but we will not reach our debt limit if the House bill is passed by the U.S. Senate. In my judgment, it is very important that we pass this House amendment so that we in the Senate and the House of Representatives can get to work on how we reduce the debt and how we get our house in order as best as we possibly can.

I thank my friend from Ohio for his approach. Dollar for dollar, this has been attempted in the past. It has been rejected by the Speaker in the House of Representatives, and it has been rejected by the majority of the House of Representatives. This is an idea that was once tried, but it didn't work. I submit, with all due respect, it would not work this time either for the reasons I just mentioned and for the additional reason that it would further complicate an effort to increase our debt limit for a short period of time, which allows us to do our work.

I now wish to turn to the Toomey amendment. Again, I thank my colleague from Pennsylvania, a member of

the committee, for industriously coming up with an idea. I must say, with total respect, I don't think the idea works. Basically the idea is that when the debt limit is reached, the limit would be increased only for the purpose of addressing principal and interest on the debt held by the public or Social Security benefits and military pay, and that is it. The debt limit is automatically increased only for those three reasons and not for other reasons; that is, not for other programs the U.S. Government has an obligation to fund.

What are some of the other programs? Medicare, veterans' benefits, disability benefits, Medicaid, Pell grants, special education for disabled children, and highway funding. The list is extremely lengthy. I just mentioned a few.

What happens if the Toomey amendment is law? First of all, we have reached our debt limit. What are the credit markets going to think? What are credit agencies going to think? They are going to think, oh, my gosh, the U.S. Congress has not increased its debt limit but for essentially on a daily basis Social Security, interest on the debt, and military pay. It is not for military procurement or men and women in the Air Guard. It is just military pay. It sounds as though it is just for active-duty pay. Think of what will happen. Think of the chaos. Other agencies are not going to know whether they will be funded. They have no idea. According to the Toomey amendment, it is up to the Treasury Secretary to prioritize. How can he do that when there is no money there and the debt limit is not increased? Frankly, I cannot believe this amendment is even offered. With all due respect to my friend from Pennsylvania, it is so nonsensical.

With respect to the two amendments that are offered here, the first being the Portman amendment, I say to my friends, it has been tried in the past and it didn't work. It didn't work when the President and Speaker were trying to negotiate a deal on August 11. It caused chaos in the markets. That is one of the reasons the markets fell so much in August of 2011.

If this amendment is agreed to, it will have to be sent back to the House. It will mean putting this issue of extending the debt limit increase for 3 months in tremendous jeopardy. I don't think we want to do that. I think it is the wrong thing to do.

The second amendment, the Toomey amendment, is totally unworkable. It will cause even more chaos at a time when we are trying to calm the markets, at a time when we are trying to get more confidence, more credibility, not less. In my judgment, both--especially the latter-- will result in a lot more worry in the markets, not more confidence. It will create more worry, more uncertainty, and for those reasons I think these amendments should be rejected.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, on January 23, something marvelous happened. What was that? The House, on a strong bipartisan basis, passed a bill which would raise the debt limit, which would extend the debt limit to May 18. It was bipartisan. Speaker Boehner is to be commended.

This town is criticized for its lack of working together because it is just too partisan. Speaker Boehner found a solution to help us relieve the pressure so we can get our job done and get the deficit spending under control.

The method suggested by the Senator from Ohio is a step backward. We have tried that. We tried that a couple of years ago, and it didn't work. We all remember August 11, when the markets basically collapsed when the credit agencies began to downgrade our debt.

So I say let's follow the lead of the bipartisan Speaker, who found a way through great leadership to pass a provision. We should pass the same provision because if we don't, then we will be back to chaos.

Amending the provision means it has to go back to the House. If you think the markets are in disarray today, just think of the lack of confidence that would prevail if this amendment were to succeed.

Madam President, I move to table the Portman amendment and ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, I appreciate the intent of the Senator from Pennsylvania. When we stop and think about this amendment, it reminds us of the movie and the book ``The Hunger Games.'' In ``The Hunger Games,'' you will recall, children were pitted against each other until one survived.

Under this amendment, there are three categories that are protected: military pay, Social Security, and bondholders. Everybody else is out for him or herself. The Treasury Secretary would have to decide who gets what money, what funds--whether it is food stamps, whether it is Medicare, whether it is Medicaid, whether it is the Coast Guard; whatever it is, it would be total chaos, and people who would find their food stamps cut would find themselves in greater hunger.

This is a very disruptive amendment. If you think the country is worried about a lack of confidence now, if this were the law, there would be less confidence, there would be total chaos in this country. I cannot think of a more disruptive amendment that would cause so many problems. It truly is a ``hunger games'' amendment and I urge that we table the amendment.

Madam President, I move to table the Toomey amendment and ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, we have essentially already voted on this. It is very similar to the Portman amendment, which lost by a vote of 54-to-44. This approach was rejected by the House of Representatives when the Speaker sent over the debt increase to us, which gives us breathing room. We tried the approach suggested by the Senator in August 2011--to tie in spending. It didn't work. This moves us backward, not forward.

I think we should give praise to the Speaker for putting together a bipartisan approach to, in a way, begin to resolve our debt and debt limit solutions, and so I ask that this motion be tabled.

I move that this motion, the Vitter motion, be tabled, and I ask for the yeas and nays.

I do agree with the majority leader. As we have discussed, it should be obvious that the overriding, critical purpose of this legislation is to suspend the debt limit and avoid the catastrophic implications of a default. This is an entirely different and severable issue from Section 2, which relates to the budget resolution and member pay.

Mr. President, it would make no sense to vitiate the suspension of the debt limit, and risk default, because of an entirely separate issue. It is hard to believe that many, if any, of my colleagues would want that result. In fact, were a court to strike down Section 1 because of problems with Section 2, there could be serious consequences, potentially including uncertainty about the validity of Treasury securities issued with the full faith and credit of the United States. Nobody would want that to happen.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on January 31, 2013, at 9:30 a.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Environment and Public Works be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on January 31, 2013, at 10 a.m., in room 406 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, a hearing entitled ``The Harbor Maintenance Trust Fund and the Need to Invest in the Nation's Ports.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be authorized to meet, during the session of the Senate, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Pension Savings: Are Workers Saving Enough for Retirement?'' on January 31, 2013, at 10 am, in room 430 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate, on January 31, 2013, at 10 a.m., in SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct an executive business meeting.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the following staff on the Finance Committee have the privilege of the floor for the 113th Congress: Ashtin Jeney, Daniel West, Eva Hampl, Gavin Mathis, Andrew Vondall, and Bryan Watt.

Mr. President, Senator Hatch and I would like to recognize the outstanding career of Mr. Larry J. Goldberg, Principal Deputy Inspector General for the Department of Health and Human Services, HHS. Mr. Goldberg retired on January 3, after more than 35 years of distinguished government service.

Mr. Goldberg began his career of government service in 1976 as Associate Legal Director for the National Center for Law and Deafness at Gallaudet College. He continued his work defending civil rights for persons with disabilities as a trial attorney in the Justice Department and later as an Assistant Attorney General for the State of Maryland's Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. In 1989, Mr. Goldberg joined HHS in the Inspector General Division of the Office of General Counsel. He transferred to the HHS Office of Inspector General, OIG, at the inception of its independent Office of Counsel in 1996, and has risen through the ranks to Principal Deputy Inspector General, managing a staff of more than 1,700 auditors, criminal investigators, analysts, and attorneys, and a budget of more than $300 million.

Throughout his career, Mr. Goldberg has demonstrated the essence of what it means to serve and protect the public. Most notably, he has accomplished systemic and institutional reforms that have enhanced HHS programs by strengthening protections against fraud, waste, and abuse and promoting efficient and effective program operations. His visionary leadership and perseverance in driving change has resulted in billions of dollars of erroneously paid and misused funds being returned to the critical programs that serve our most needy. Mr. Goldberg's career achievements also include establishing landmark legal rights for people with disabilities in employment, education, health care, and social services. His many contributions have had a far-reaching and lasting impact.

During his 23 years with OIG, Mr. Goldberg's efforts and skill in fostering collaboration within OIG and with government partners have positioned OIG to meet vastly expanded responsibilities and to achieve results in priority areas. The depth and range of his professional knowledge and expertise are appreciated and respected throughout HHS, by the larger OIG community, by Congress, and by the health care industry. His dynamic leadership has had a direct and measurable effect on OIG's ability to align its resources, work plans and products, compliance initiatives, and investigative and enforcement activities to carry out its mission.

Mr. President, Benjamin Franklin once said:

The noblest question in the world is, ``What good may I do

in it?''

I rise today to honor the service of Russ Sullivan, who was a distinguished member of my staff for more than a decade until his departure earlier this month.

Most of us come to the Senate because it is a place where, despite the many challenges, there remains a capacity to do great good. And too often people forget that. But Russ Sullivan never did. Every day he came to work in the Senate and for the Finance Committee, Russ led by asking our staff how can we do good here? And how can we make this country and the world a better place?

Russ's leadership proves that by working to do good and working together to find solutions we can get things done.

Russ is well known here on Capitol Hill. He has earned the respect and admiration of Senators and staff on both sides of the aisle.

Russ's political career started early. He was twice elected Student Body President--once at McClellan High School and again at Baylor University. He had his sights set on a life of public service in Washington. In 1995, he became tax counsel and Legislative Director to Senator Bob Graham. In 1999, he moved to the Finance Committee staff to serve as Chief Tax Counsel to Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan.

Russ stayed on at the committee when I became chairman in 2001. Through his proven abilities, he was promoted to the staff director of my team in 2004.

During the past 8 years, Russ led the Finance Committee staff to pass major bills that give real help to families across the country. We cut taxes for middle-class families and small businesses. We defended Social Security from privatization. We opened new markets to U.S. exports to create more jobs here at home. We passed health reform to bring top-notch, affordable care to millions of Americans. And we are currently at work on a plan to modernize the U.S. tax code to reinvigorate the economy and create jobs.

True to his style, Russ did all this without a hint of partisanship. He maintained a laser-like focus on solutions. That focus made the Finance Committee more productive, and it strengthened the bills we passed.

I know there are many people here--including my colleagues in the Senate--who share my deep respect for Russ. Senator Reid once called Russ ``instrumental'' and a ``problem-solver.''

Former Senator Blanche Lincoln once said, ``We could not do our job without him,'' and boy, is she right. Russ has earned the trust of his colleagues and the admiration of his staff.

People who meet with Russ are often surprised to see his desk tucked between filing cabinets and boxes right alongside interns, assistants and law clerks. Russ is a true team player.

It would be impossible to honor Russ without recognizing his public service off of Capitol Hill. In his life outside the Senate, Russ truly embodies the question of ``What good may I do?'' For many years, he has been a mentor to young people, making a difference in hundreds of lives.

Several years ago, Russ became a foster parent and legal guardian to help teenage boys secure a better future. Since then, he has been a legal or designated guardian for 18 teenage boys. Thirteen are currently in college, and several more have already earned degrees. One of Russ's sons, Abu Kamara, spoke to the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette when it profiled Russ in 2010. Abu said, ``[Russ] kept telling me, keep your head up.' He got people to tutor me because my grades weren't good. He kept me focused and made sure I was doing the right thing. He's the reason I graduated from high school.''

Abu is the first person from his family to go to college. And there are several other young men who could tell you similar stories.

Last summer, Russ lost one of his sons in a tragic incident. AJ Hassan, who was a student at the University of West Virginia, was assaulted one night and suffered a brain injury. Russ rushed to be at AJ's side, but AJ soon slipped into a coma.

Washington was in the midst of a contentious deficit reduction debate. Somehow, Russ spent months juggling work, AJ's medical condition, and the needs of his other boys. I will never know where he found the time and energy to have all these bases covered so well. But AJ's condition wavered, and there were complications. AJ passed away in July.

There was an outpouring of support for Russ and his family. Russ's friends and colleagues wanted to show him the same kind of caring and support he always shows others.

Russ continues to mentor and help young people, and he is still changing lives. He helped found the Capital Area REACH program, an organization dedicated to helping young people find success.

REACH connects students with job training, internships, tutors and scholarships. Some of these kids come from tough backgrounds. But REACH helps them find a pathway toward a stable and successful life.

In the spirit of extending the same opportunities he had early in his career, Russ started a program for interns, law clerks and fellows to serve on the Finance Committee. It now has hundreds of alumni who got their first shot at work in Congress thanks to Russ.

That includes a large number of people who have moved up the ladder on my staff. Russ fostered a culture where hard work gets the recognition it deserves.

Like any great staffer, Russ would not leave me without an ace replacement to take on his role. We have a deep bench on the Finance Committee, and I am thrilled to have Amber Cottle as my new Staff Director. She has been on my staff for 6 years, most recently as my Chief Trade Counsel. Amber is a pro. She is whip-smart. And she is a master negotiator.

Russ leaves some big shoes to fill. But Amber is more than capable and, as she likes to say, her shoes are much more stylish. I know without a doubt that she will do a great job.

There is one more thing I would like to say about Russ. Rule number one in my office is to remember the people we serve. They are hard- working people back in Montana and around the country, and it is our job to help them out. Russ never forgot that. A southern boy, Russ adopted Montana as his home State. He thinks of the people of Montana as his neighbors. And Russ always rolled up his sleeves and got results. I truly appreciate all he has done.

I know I am not alone in saying: thank you, Russ, for all your service all your hard work over the years. You did good, Russ.

Mr. President, last year the U.S. experienced the most severe and extensive drought in at least 25 years.

While the impacts of the drought affected both crop and livestock sectors, our commodity farmers have had some protection under crop insurance. With the House not passing a 5 year reauthorization of the Farm Bill last year, we have left one sector of agriculture to fend for themselves.

Our ranchers across the country and in my home State of Montana have experienced the most extensive drought since the 1950. About 80 percent of agricultural land experienced drought in 2012.

As last year came and went, a drought stretched across the United States.

Wheat and corn fields dried up. Without enough forage, ranchers faced the decision to either to sell their herds or purchase extra feed, cutting into their thin margins.

As of this week, over 2,000 counties have been designated as drought disaster areas by the USDA.

In my state of Montana, 36 counties, or well over half of our State, are in disaster. Compound that with one of the worst droughts in recent history and our cattle and sheep producers are hanging on by a thread.

Where our corn, wheat, and soybean farmers have crop insurance as a backstop, we have left our ranchers without any assistance.

Pastureland last year was scarce and the cost of feed, when it was even available, was often unaffordable. Many ranchers are responding by culling their herds.

That is why I have introduced the supplemental agricultural disaster assistance. This bill takes the three livestock disaster program I created in the 2008 Farm Bill and extends them for 2012 and 2013 losses.

Covering losses from 2012 and 2013 will give our livestock producers some assistance through one of the worst droughts anyone in this chamber can remember. It will also cover our ranchers until the House and Senate can complete the 2013 Farm Bill.

These livestock disaster programs expired in September 2011, leaving our livestock producers with no safety net. For over a year and a half, through one of the worst droughts in recent memory, our producers have been left to fend for themselves.

Congress must make the responsible decision and pass this standalone bill I introduce today with Senator Debbie Stabenow, Chairwomen of the Senate Agriculture Committee, and Senator Roy Blunt.

We must do our jobs and pass this basic safety net for ranchers.

Mr. President, last year the U.S. experienced the most severe and extensive drought in at least 25 years.

While the impacts of the drought affected both crop and livestock sectors, our commodity farmers have had some protection under crop insurance. With the House not passing a 5 year reauthorization of the Farm Bill last year, we have left one sector of agriculture to fend for themselves.

Our ranchers across the country and in my home State of Montana have experienced the most extensive drought since the 1950. About 80 percent of agricultural land experienced drought in 2012.

As last year came and went, a drought stretched across the United States.

Wheat and corn fields dried up. Without enough forage, ranchers faced the decision to either to sell their herds or purchase extra feed, cutting into their thin margins.

As of this week, over 2,000 counties have been designated as drought disaster areas by the USDA.

In my state of Montana, 36 counties, or well over half of our State, are in disaster. Compound that with one of the worst droughts in recent history and our cattle and sheep producers are hanging on by a thread.

Where our corn, wheat, and soybean farmers have crop insurance as a backstop, we have left our ranchers without any assistance.

Pastureland last year was scarce and the cost of feed, when it was even available, was often unaffordable. Many ranchers are responding by culling their herds.

That is why I have introduced the supplemental agricultural disaster assistance. This bill takes the three livestock disaster program I created in the 2008 Farm Bill and extends them for 2012 and 2013 losses.

Covering losses from 2012 and 2013 will give our livestock producers some assistance through one of the worst droughts anyone in this chamber can remember. It will also cover our ranchers until the House and Senate can complete the 2013 Farm Bill.

These livestock disaster programs expired in September 2011, leaving our livestock producers with no safety net. For over a year and a half, through one of the worst droughts in recent memory, our producers have been left to fend for themselves.

Congress must make the responsible decision and pass this standalone bill I introduce today with Senator Debbie Stabenow, Chairwomen of the Senate Agriculture Committee, and Senator Roy Blunt.

We must do our jobs and pass this basic safety net for ranchers.

Mr. President, Nelson Mandela, former president of South Africa once said ``Safety and security don't just happen; they are the result

of collective consensus and public investment. We owe our children, the most vulnerable citizens in our society, a life free of violence and fear.''

Today, I am proud to join with Senators Kerry, Collins, Cardin, Shaheen, Snowe, and Conrad to introduce the Protect Our Kids Act. This legislation would establish a task force dedicated to reducing child deaths from child abuse and neglect. Child welfare professionals, law enforcement officers, and other child abuse prevention experts.

Since 2002, more than 15,000 children have died due to abuse and neglect. This number is based on state-reported Child Protection Services data. But advocates predict the true number is far greater.

Unfortunately, we do not have clear facts about the number of child abuse and neglect fatalities.

Some children may have died from child abuse and neglect, even if they were not involved with the Child Protective Services system or their deaths were not reported as due to abuse or neglect. We know little about these deaths since there is no standard means of collecting this data across States. And not all State child protection agencies seek information considering child abuse or neglect fatalities from other agencies or offices like vital statistics, medical examiners, or law enforcement.

We need to learn more about the deaths of these children, so that we can prevent the senseless murders of other children. Our children deserve to be protected from fear and terror especially when the threat to their safety and well-being comes from those that should cherish them the most.

According to Child Protection Services data, in Montana we reported zero fatalities from child abuse and neglect last year. That is fantastic news. But there could be abuse or deaths not reported or not collected by Child Protection Services. So I am urging my State to lift the standard even higher. Child Protection Services needs to coordinate with other agencies for more data so that we can be sure that all Montana kids are safe.

Our Nation must embrace its responsibility to protect our children. And we need to provide our children with mental health challenges the support they need to not only survive but to thrive as members of our society.

We need to make sure that kids have access to physical and mental health services, so they can grow up into happy, productive adults. We need to help kids with mental illnesses by reducing the stigma surrounding mental health services and ensuring that kids know there is a support network backing them up. We have to use every resource at our disposal to prevent abuse and ensure mental health support. We should look at programs like home visiting, which currently provides professional assistance, right at home, for over 50,000 families across our nation, and see how they can be improved to do an even better job supporting vulnerable families.

This legislation is a step in the right direction to protect kids. I commend my colleagues Senators Kerry and Collins for their years of work on this issue. Our colleagues in the House of Representatives have already acted on this legislation. Let us now join together and create a life free of violence and fear for our most vulnerable citizens. Let us pass the Protect Our Kids Act.

I appreciate the Senator withdrawing his amendment. Had he not, I would have had to oppose it. It basically waives the Davis- Bacon requirements instruction for the Sandy rehabilitation projects. It is a bad idea, and we shouldn't have been on that road.

Second, it changes the Code with respect to giving rules and also with respect to penalties with respect to withdrawals from IRAs. I don't think that is a good idea.

More importantly, the fancy term is, it makes this bill blue-slipped; that is, because it is a revenue provision the Senator is offering and it did not originate in the other body, the other body would say: I am sorry, under the Constitution, revenue bills have to begin in the other body--in the House. This didn't begin over there. It began here, this provision, and so they would not even take up the bill.

For that reason, I am glad the Senator withdrew his amendment, because it would cause unnecessary problems for people who deserve a lot of help in the wake of Hurricane Sandy. I thank the Senator.

Mr. President, might I inquire of the Chair or the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, who is managing this bill, whether I might speak on a subject? Now, I don't want to speak out of turn, but I was going to make a brief statement with respect to the fiscal cliff and urging a resolution, showing with the chart I have here that we are not that far apart, but I don't want to get in the way here. Given the managers' preference in how they manage the bill, I defer to the managers because it is their bill.

I will speak within that period of time. Thank you very much, and I thank both Senators.

Mr. President, President Kennedy once said:

There are risks and costs to action, but they are far less

than the long-range risks of comfortable inaction.

Here we are on December 28, just 3 days from what some have termed the ``fiscal cliff''--trillions of dollars in automatic tax increases, across-the-board spending cuts, including cuts in Medicare payments, unemployment benefits, and more.

I rise today to call on the Congress and the President to take immediate action to resolve the year-end fiscal challenges. We can do it. We are very

close together. The proposals are not that far part.

I make this call on behalf of the people I work for in Montana. My bosses have given me clear marching orders, three simple words: Get it done. I believe their neighbors all across the country agree. It is about time we listened.

In all the hype and the rhetoric here on Capitol Hill, many have lost sight of our fundamental duty to serve the American people. It is time to put politics aside and remember what is at stake for working families, farmers, and small business owners across our country.

If Congress fails to act by the New Year's deadline, nearly every American will be hit with a tax hike, including 400,000 Montana families. That is approximately $2,000 out of the pockets of America's working families. About 125 million American workers will see smaller paychecks as a result of higher payroll taxes.

More than 2 million Americans will lose the Federal unemployment insurance that helps keep a roof over their heads while they look for work.

About 98,000 Montana parents will see a tax hike of $1,000 if they loose the child tax credit, and thousands more will be hit by the loss of the earned-income and American opportunity tax credits.

As many as 28 million Americans and 52,000 working Montanans will be forced to pay the alternative minimum tax.

Across-the-board mandatory spending cuts mean thousands of Federal employees will lose the jobs that put food on the tables for their families. Agencies in charge of keeping America safe, such as the FBI, Border Patrol, Department of Defense, and others, will be short- staffed.

Families may lose farms and ranches that have been passed down for generations because of the estate tax hike. These aren't wealthy aristocrats. They are honest, hard-working people who get dirt under their nails every day to put food on their tables. All they want in return is to pass the land they work on, on to their kids and on to their grandkids. These are not just numbers on a page. These are people. We work for them. They are our employers.

Montana families sit down together at their kitchen tables every month and make tough choices to make ends meet. They deserve a Congress that could do the same.

Unfortunately, the list of last-minute legislation doesn't stop with the fiscal cliff. Our rural economies will take a big hit if the House fails to pass a farm bill. Make no mistake, the farm bill is a jobs bill. Agriculture supports 60 million jobs nationwide. In Montana, one in five jobs is tied to agriculture, and the Senate farm bill supports those jobs while also cutting spending by $23 billion. This bill is part of a responsible solution.

There is absolutely no excuse for inaction. I call on the House to bring the Senate farm bill up for a vote immediately. Our farmers and ranchers break their backs to put food on their tables every day. At least they deserve an honest, fair, up-or-down vote on their jobs bill.

Failure to reach agreement on these critical year-end issues will certainly cause market volatility and shock the greater economy. Experts predict that failure to reach agreement on the fiscal cliff will cause the economy to contract in the year 2013 by one-half percent, likely causing unemployment to climb to 9.1 percent, pushing our Nation back into recession.

But it doesn't have to be this way. It is only because of stubbornness and stagnation on both sides of the aisle that we find ourselves facing this great challenge at the eleventh hour. The blame game has shifted into full gear, but there will be no winners if both sides continue to play this game of chicken.

The United States is at a critical juncture. We can come together and show the world America is still the leader of a global economy or we can let obstructionism turn this country into a second-rate superpower.

Just last week, I was doing some last-minute holiday shopping for my family. While in one store, I asked the sales clerk how business was going. We got to talking, and she told me how numbers were dramatically down this year. She said people were worried. With so much uncertainty about the future and the fragile economy, she said it was hard to convince people to spend their hard-earned money on gifts.

That word, ``uncertainty'' is one I have heard quite often lately. Whether it is industrial leaders on Wall Street, small business owners on Main Street or farmers and ranchers on country roads, they are worried about the future. They understand confidence matters in our economy.

It is time to act right now, today. We have a chance to earn back the confidence of the people we work for and show the world America is still the safest bet in the world.

To give families and businesses certainty to start down a sustainable fiscal path, Congress and the President must agree on a balanced plan. They must ramp up over time and cut spending, while at the same time asking a little more from those who can afford it. The math will not work any other way. The clock is ticking. It is time to stop campaigning and start listening. It is time to make the tough choices the American people sent us to make.

The President is meeting with congressional leaders at this very moment. My message to them is simple: We can do this. We can get this done, and we must. It is our responsibility.

Here is a comparison of the latest grand bargain proposals made by the President and Speaker Boehner. As you can see, we are not that far apart. There is not a lot of difference. There are compromises that can be made on both sides. We are not far from an agreement on a balanced plan--a plan that will bridge the fiscal cliff.

A balanced plan will encourage businesses to invest, enabling investors to return to the markets with confidence. Most important, a balanced plan will put Americans back to work in a growing economy.

I understand time is short, New Year's Eve fast approaching. But I believe in life we have only two choices: try or do nothing. To ask the question is to answer it: Of course we try. If we try, we have another question to ask ourselves: Do we try our best? Of course, to ask that question is to answer it as well: We try our best.

I choose to try, I choose to try my best, and I ask you to join me in that effort.

Our first choice is a grand bargain that puts this issue to bed once and for all. That is unlikely, to be honest, this late in the game. But it is still my first choice, and we should still try.

At the very least, we owe the American people a plan that addresses the immediate challenges and gives Congress additional time to reach a bigger deal. It will show we can work together across party lines, and it will set the tone for the tougher discussion we need to have to enact a long-term and comprehensive deficit solution.

The American people are calling on us to act. They are calling for compromise, for common sense. It is time to put progress ahead of politics.

As President Kennedy warned, we cannot be lulled into comfortable inaction. We need to face this challenge head on and use it as an opportunity to put our economy back on track. So let's get to work.

I thank the managers of the bill for giving me this time, and I yield the floor.

Mr. President, Nelson Mandela, the former president of South Africa, once said ``Safety and security don't just happen; they are the result of collective consensus and public investment. We owe our children, the most vulnerable citizens in our society, a life free of violence and fear.''

Today, I echo that call to protect our most vulnerable citizens as I join Senators Kerry, Collins, Cardin, Shaheen, Snowe, and Conrad to introduce the Protect Our Kids Act.

This important legislation establishes a special task force dedicated to reducing child abuse and neglect in America. Comprised of our Nation's top child welfare administrators and researchers, law enforcement officers, and other dedicated experts, this task force would study and evaluate federal, state, and private child welfare systems and develop a comprehensive national strategy to prevent and reduce these tragic acts of violence.

Since 2002, more than 15,000 children have died due to abuse and neglect. This number is based on state-reported Child Protection Services data. But advocates predict the true number is far greater.

We don't have clear facts because currently, there is no national standard for collecting data on these young victims. Many state child protection agencies do not share vital data and statistics with other agencies, officials, or law enforcement.

Clearly, more must be done to better protect our Nation's children. More must be done to protect them from the fear and terror of abuse, especially when the threat to their safety often comes from those that should cherish them the most.

We need to bring this issue out of the shadows. It starts by learning more about the tragic deaths of these children, so that we can prevent the senseless murders from happening again. That is what this task force will do. They will study the issue and develop a national strategy and recommendations for improvements throughout the child welfare system.

According to Child Protection Services data, in Montana we reported zero fatalities from child abuse and neglect

last year. While that of course sounds like good news, the story is more complicated. We have heard of at least three child deaths related to abuse or neglect. Some abuse is going unreported. And there are clear gaps in data between the agencies and in the reporting. So I am urging my state to elevate the standards of protective services even higher.

Child Protection Services needs to coordinate with other agencies. They need to share data so we can have a clear picture of the full scope of the problem. Everyone needs to work together to make sure that all Montana kids are safe.

Our Nation must tackle this issue head on. We must embrace our responsibility to protect our children. We need to provide them with safe, nurturing environments and the support they need to thrive and succeed in our society.

We need to make sure that kids have access to physical and mental health services, so they can grow into happy, productive adults. We need to help children with mental illnesses by reducing the stigma surrounding mental health services and ensuring that these young people know there is a strong support network backing them up.

We should look at programs like home visits, which currently provide professional assistance, right at home, for more than 50,000 families across our Nation, and see how they can be improved to do an even better job supporting vulnerable families.

We are blessed to live in the richest, most powerful country in the world. We have to use every resource at our disposal to strengthen our laws to ensure that all children are given a chance to succeed in life.

This bipartisan legislation we are introducing today is a step in the right direction to protect our kids.

I commend my colleagues Senators Kerry and Collins for their years of tireless work, fighting for the rights of our children. The House of Representatives has already acted on this legislation. Let us now join together and create a life free of violence and fear for our most vulnerable citizens.

Let us pass the Protect Our Kids Act.

Mr. President, Nelson Mandela, the former president of South Africa, once said ``Safety and security don't just happen; they are the result of collective consensus and public investment. We owe our children, the most vulnerable citizens in our society, a life free of violence and fear.''

Today, I echo that call to protect our most vulnerable citizens as I join Senators Kerry, Collins, Cardin, Shaheen, Snowe, and Conrad to introduce the Protect Our Kids Act.

This important legislation establishes a special task force dedicated to reducing child abuse and neglect in America. Comprised of our Nation's top child welfare administrators and researchers, law enforcement officers, and other dedicated experts, this task force would study and evaluate federal, state, and private child welfare systems and develop a comprehensive national strategy to prevent and reduce these tragic acts of violence.

Since 2002, more than 15,000 children have died due to abuse and neglect. This number is based on state-reported Child Protection Services data. But advocates predict the true number is far greater.

We don't have clear facts because currently, there is no national standard for collecting data on these young victims. Many state child protection agencies do not share vital data and statistics with other agencies, officials, or law enforcement.

Clearly, more must be done to better protect our Nation's children. More must be done to protect them from the fear and terror of abuse, especially when the threat to their safety often comes from those that should cherish them the most.

We need to bring this issue out of the shadows. It starts by learning more about the tragic deaths of these children, so that we can prevent the senseless murders from happening again. That is what this task force will do. They will study the issue and develop a national strategy and recommendations for improvements throughout the child welfare system.

According to Child Protection Services data, in Montana we reported zero fatalities from child abuse and neglect

last year. While that of course sounds like good news, the story is more complicated. We have heard of at least three child deaths related to abuse or neglect. Some abuse is going unreported. And there are clear gaps in data between the agencies and in the reporting. So I am urging my state to elevate the standards of protective services even higher.

Child Protection Services needs to coordinate with other agencies. They need to share data so we can have a clear picture of the full scope of the problem. Everyone needs to work together to make sure that all Montana kids are safe.

Our Nation must tackle this issue head on. We must embrace our responsibility to protect our children. We need to provide them with safe, nurturing environments and the support they need to thrive and succeed in our society.

We need to make sure that kids have access to physical and mental health services, so they can grow into happy, productive adults. We need to help children with mental illnesses by reducing the stigma surrounding mental health services and ensuring that these young people know there is a strong support network backing them up.

We should look at programs like home visits, which currently provide professional assistance, right at home, for more than 50,000 families across our Nation, and see how they can be improved to do an even better job supporting vulnerable families.

We are blessed to live in the richest, most powerful country in the world. We have to use every resource at our disposal to strengthen our laws to ensure that all children are given a chance to succeed in life.

This bipartisan legislation we are introducing today is a step in the right direction to protect our kids.

I commend my colleagues Senators Kerry and Collins for their years of tireless work, fighting for the rights of our children. The House of Representatives has already acted on this legislation. Let us now join together and create a life free of violence and fear for our most vulnerable citizens.

Let us pass the Protect Our Kids Act.

Madam President, I would like to say a few words about our close, beloved friend, colleague, Danny Inouye. I am hard pressed to think of anyone in this body I respected and loved more than Danny Inouye. His broad smile, his desire to work with you, help you, his interest in finding common ground, his decency, his honesty, his forthrightness, and his dedication to service is unsurpassed.

Someone pointed out to me that when Dan was first chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, he passed all of the measures through his committee virtually unanimously. We should stop and think about that for just a second. This place is now so polarized, it is so difficult to get measures passed. But Dan, as committee chairman, worked with his members so virtually every bill in his first year was passed unanimously. There was one that was 29 to 1.

If only we would stop and reflect on that a bit, it would help us to work better together. Dan also worked very closely with Ted Stevens. One time Ted was chairman of the Appropriations Committee, another time the ranking member. The two of them worked very closely together to get measures passed through the Appropriations Committee. Other committees do the same; the chairman and the ranking member work well together. Regrettably, those measures then come out to the floor and become very polarized. That toxic dynamic of this echo chamber, Washington, DC, takes over once measures get on the floor.

Everyone will talk about Danny as a military hero. He certainly was in so many respects. When Pearl Harbor was bombed, he tried to sign up, and he was refused because he was Japanese American. The Japanese were the enemy. But he and others petitioned the President and he was able to finally sign up.

Danny served his country, our country, fully over in Italy, losing an arm. He was such a hero, storming several German machine-gunner nests. He was so brave because he was American. He was fighting for his country.

Some may have mentioned, or some might in the future mention, Danny's statement to many of us who went to a Prayer Breakfast a few months ago. Dan did not ever go to any Prayer Breakfasts, but he went to one. He wanted to explain why he did something. It was one of the more touching moments in my memory here. It is when Danny went through a bit of his life, explaining how he was--in Hawaii, in a foster home or an orphanage, something similar to that, and a bishop would come by monthly to each of the young children, and say: What can I do for you, young lady; you, young man?

Danny right away said: I want a home. And Danny explained how he then went to live in the Security home, raised by nuns. That went a long way to help Danny appreciate and understand decency, working together, community. It meant a lot to him.

Later, at Pearl Harbor he wanted to sign up. He did and served. But when he explained all of this to us, he then mentioned how he stormed-- he was a very good shot. He was an excellent shot. He was a marksman. He was a sharpshooter. He recounted the first German he shot and killed in Italy.

At that moment he was pretty proud of himself, very patriotic. I am a good shot. I am an American. I got that German. They were engaged with the enemy frequently. He shot a few more Germans. One time he stormed a tower. There was a machine gunner up in the tower. Danny rushed up. Prior to that time, one of the solders threw a grenade or shot a bazooka. It blew up most of the Germans there in that tower.

Danny stormed up the stairway, got up there and there was one still alive. Danny's immediate reaction was to use the butt of his gun to hit the soldier so the soldier could not shoot him. Well, at that moment, the soldier then reached into his pocket and pulled out photographs, photographs of the soldier's family, the soldier's mother, the soldier's brothers and sisters and children.

Danny, in that instant, it was like an epiphany. He then realized he was not shooting the enemy, he was not shooting soldiers, he was not racking up statistics, he was killing people, a person, a real live person. It hit him so hard he then decided he had to leave. He had to stop this. He could not go on killing people.

He went to the chaplain and said: Chaplain, I have to leave.

The chaplain said: Well, I understand. That is your right. But maybe it is best if you stay in the service.

Danny stayed. Danny said a lot of people count sheep going to sleep at night. Danny stayed awake at night. He could not sleep. He was counting the soldiers he shot and killed, and that had a huge, profound effect on him.

Years later, the Senate was debating the Iraq war resolution. Senator Byrd walked up to Senator Inouye. Senator Byrd, as we will recall, was very much opposed to the United States entering the war in Iraq. He stood up on the Senate floor and very eloquently explained why it was the wrong thing to do--the United States should not send troops over to Iraq.

Well, Senator Byrd walked over to Danny and said: Danny, I have to ask you if you can support this resolution. I know you cannot because, my gosh, you are a war hero and given your military service.

Danny right away said: Oh, no, I will vote with you because it is the right thing to do. It is wrong for the United States to send troops over to Iraq.

Danny said it was largely because of that experience, when that soldier reached in his pocket and showed him photographs of his family, that it just changed him. It changed Danny and made Danny realize the importance of not going to war unless it is absolutely, totally necessary, and going to Iraq was not necessary.

I was so impressed with Danny in so many different ways. When I was first here, Danny was assigned to defend Harrison Williams who was charged with ABSCAM violations. I remember,

right over here on the side over here, Danny set up; that was his responsibility as a lawyer on the floor to defend Senator Williams. I was stunned at Danny's presentation. It was so good. It was so thoughtful. He spoke with such authority. Sure, he was a lawyer doing what lawyers are supposed to do, but as I said, it was stunning. He was an amazing man. It may be kind of a small thing. It may not be something that is repeated terribly often on the floor of the Senate, but I was stunned at how good he was. Other things I have also dealt with him personally on, matters dealing with the Appropriations Committee and sometimes on matters dealing with Montana.

I was really honored; we have this tradition around here called the secret Santa where we give presents secretly to one of our colleagues. I drew Danny Inouye's name. I was Danny's secret Santa. I thought: My gosh, what am I going to do to sufficiently honor Danny?

I thought a little bit. Years ago there was something in Montana called the Devil's Brigade. During World War II the U.S. military joined with Canadians and set up secret training for rugged men, mountaineers, miners and loggers, and so forth to go over to Europe and help fight the war.

It is interesting, this is a precursor to all of special operations: Navy SEALs and Rangers and all of the special operations sprung from this secret, joint U.S.-Canadian effort in Montana. It was called the Devil's Brigade.

They went over in their first big operation to scale a cliff that was outside Rome, a hill held by the Germans. The Germans thought no way in the world would someone come up the cliff, so we will not defend the cliff.

Sure enough, the Devil's Brigade climbed that cliff at night. They beat the Germans up on the top. I thought this was a great gift for Danny since World War II and Italy meant so much for him.

But, regretfully, when I went to the little ceremony, Danny was not there and I could not give him my Secret Santa gift--but it is a small thing. As I walked over here, the secretary in my office said: Senator, you should see this. A letter came in today, just today, this morning. It is from Danny, and it was wishing me happy birthday. My birthday is 4 days after Pearl Harbor, and it just poignantly hit me. This was something thoughtful Danny did. He did it himself. It wasn't an office letter. It was something he wrote himself.

I will just finish. There were a lot of things about Danny, but the one thing I think that is so appropriate, again, Dan was such a statesman. He was beloved, obviously a hero, and all the things we like to talk about.

I would like to read a little excerpt from a book. It is a preface Dan wrote. Dan wrote his own personal history. It is a ``Journey to Washington'' by Senator Danny Inouye.

There is a preface, written by Senator Mike Mansfield, at the beginning of the book, and I would like to read this preface. It summarizes Danny.

The life of Danny Inouye has carried him from the streets

of Honolulu into war, into law and political leadership in

Hawaii, and, now, into the Senate of the United States as the

first American Senator of Japanese ancestry. Dan Inouye's

life is a personal triumph, a triumph of a man's courage and

determination. But his triumph is, in the end, the triumph of

America. The recognition which has come to Dan Inouye, like

others before him, reveals the resilient capacity of this

nation for replenishment, with energy and wisdom drawn from

the many wellsprings of the human race. The story of Daniel

Ken Inouye, an American, is, in truth, an enduring chapter in

the story of America.

So, Danny, aloha.