Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I have served with Jeff Sessions throughout my time in the Senate and respect him very much as a colleague. I come to the floor of the…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I have served with Jeff Sessions throughout my time in the Senate and respect him very much as a colleague. I come to the floor of the Senate today not to decide whether Jeff Sessions is doing a good job as the Senator from Alabama, for, of course, that is for his constituents to decide; I come to the floor today to vote on whether to support Jeff Sessions for Attorney General of all the people of America, not just the people of Alabama. That is an awesomely different role and responsibility.
I have deep concerns about Jeff Sessions' independence from the President and how he would use his prosecutorial discretion to address a number of critical issues confronting our country.
The Attorney General is the American people's lawyer, not the President's, and the job requires the Attorney General to stand up to the President as the people's lawyer.
In his first 2 weeks in office, President Trump has demonstrated his intolerance of dissent and independent thinking. He fired Acting Attorney General Sally Yates because she did what an Attorney General is supposed to do: She stood up and refused to defend President Trump's Executive order effectively restricting Muslims from coming to or returning to our country. Would Jeff Sessions have stood up to the President as Sally Yates did?
During his confirmation hearing, I asked Senator Sessions if he would honor the historical role of the Attorney General and maintain strict independence from the White House. I did not receive a satisfactory answer. This is deeply troubling in light of the ongoing litigation in Federal court challenging the President's Muslim ban as overreaching and unconstitutional.
Since the President announced the ban just over a week ago, hundreds of thousands of protesters have taken to the streets to oppose it. Lawyers have been camping out in arrivals terminals in airports across the country to help those who are trying to come back or come to our country with legal visas. State attorneys general have been speaking out and filing lawsuits to block this ban.
Last week, Hawaii attorney general Doug Chin filed a lawsuit to block the Executive order. I wish to read a section from the State's brief outlining the State's case.
Hawaii joins the many voices that have condemned the Order.
But this pleading is not about politics or rhetoric--it is
about the law. The simple fact is that the Order is unlawful.
By banning Muslims and creating a preference for Christian
refugees, the Order violates the Establishment Clause of the
United States Constitution. By those same acts, it violates
the equal protection guarantee of the fifth amendment. By
failing utterly to provide procedures or protections of any
kind for people detained or turned away at our airports, it
violates the Due Process Clause. And by enshrining rank
discrimination on the basis of nationality and religion, it
flies in the face of statutes enacted by Congress.
Attorney General Chin is standing up for the people of Hawaii. The people of the United States deserve the same from our Attorney General.
To understand how an Attorney General should discharge his or her responsibility, we need only turn to Senator Sessions' own words in an exchange between Sally Yates and Senator Sessions during her confirmation hearing in 2015.
I wish to read the exchange. Senator Sessions said at her confirmation hearing:
Do you understand that in this political world, there will
be people calling, demanding, pushing, insisting on things
that they do not know what they're asking for and could
indeed be corrosive of the rule of law, could diminish the
respect the Department of Justice has, could diminish the
rule of law in the United States? Are you aware of that?
You've already learned that the time you've been there.
Nominee Yates said:
Well, you're right, Senator, I'm not from here. I've only
been here for a couple of months, but I can tell you I'm
committed to the Department of Justice.
I love our department. I care deeply about our mission, and
I would do everything in my power to protect the integrity
that is the Department of Justice.''
Senator Sessions said:
You have to watch out, because people will be asking you to
do things you just need to say no about. Do you think the
Attorney General has the responsibility to say ``no'' to
the President if he asks for something that is improper? If
the views of the President are unlawful, should the Attorney
General or the Deputy Attorney General say no?
Yates' response:
Senator, I believe the AG or deputy AG has an obligation to
follow the law and the Constitution and to give their
independent legal advice to the President.
The people of the United States need an Attorney General who will stand up to the President to defend the Constitution--especially, as Senator Sessions pointed out in his questions of Nominee Yates, when the President is wrong.
Based on Nominee Sessions' long-held restrictive views on immigration, I do not think he would stand up to the President as Sally Yates did. I am also deeply concerned about how Senator Sessions would use his prosecutorial discretion to address a number of critical issues.
During his confirmation hearing, I pressed Senator Sessions for a commitment to vigorously protect every citizens' right to vote, particularly with regard to section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which safeguards Americans from discriminatory voting laws.
At a time when our President is making unsubstantiated claims of massive voter fraud, we need an Attorney General who will vigorously protect the right to vote and not give in to these kinds of alternative facts to justify voter suppression laws.
Senator Sessions did not provide me with a satisfactory answer that he would affirmatively scrutinize voting laws for impermissible discriminatory impact. If the Attorney General does not weigh in on these kinds of situations, this means that challenging these kinds of voting laws, these kinds of impermissible discriminatory voting laws, will be left to individuals and groups with limited resources, such as the NAACP.
I also asked Senator Sessions whether he would honor the Department of Justice's consent decrees, some 20 of them, that address police misconduct and enhance accountability. Senator Sessions did not adequately assure me that as Attorney General, he would uphold these amendments. In fact, he left the door open for renegotiating these agreements. I pressed Senator Sessions for a commitment to defend Roe v. Wade in Federal court and to enforce laws that guarantee the constitutionally protected women's right to choose. Senator Sessions refused to disavow his past comments that Roe v. Wade was one of the worst Supreme Court cases ever decided and, in his view, not based on the Constitution, when, in fact, the majority decision had a constitutional basis.
Should the Supreme Court be presented with a case that provides them the opportunity to overturn Roe v. Wade, I asked Senator Sessions, would he instruct the Solicitor General to argue for the overturning of Roe v. Wade? He said that was a hypothetical and did not respond. Senator Sessions' view on Roe v. Wade is clear. Would anyone be surprised if, as Attorney General, he would support overturning Roe v. Wade given that opportunity?
In addition, in one of his first actions, the President reinstated a ban on foreign aid to health providers abroad who discussed abortion. This vow would compromise the health care of millions of women in places where the need is greatest. Taking the President's lead, I seriously question whether his Cabinet nominees, including the Attorney General nominee, will protect a woman's right to choose.
I want to turn again to the topics of President Trump's Executive order, basically banning Muslim immigration, because our next Attorney General will likely weigh in on this, as well as other immigration cases. In fact, the Justice Department is already in Federal courts right now defending President Trump's Muslim ban. So while there is an argument being made that this really is not a Muslim ban, I say, you can call a duck a chicken, but if it looks like a duck, quacks like a duck, walks like a duck, it is a duck. That is what this Executive order is, a Muslim ban.
Sadly, stoking fears in minorities and immigrants is a tragic but undeniable part of our Nation's history, and this fear has been used to justify the terrible treatment of minorities from Native peoples to slaves, to immigrants who helped build our country. In 1882, decades of incitement against Chinese immigrants resulted in the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, an immoral law that banned all Chinese immigration. This law, and others that followed, created a culture of fear that culminated in the mass internment of Japanese Americans during World War II.
This was one of the darkest periods of American history, and it took decades for our country to acknowledge our error.
Last week, we commemorated what would have been civil rights icon Fred Korematsu's 98th birthday. As Japanese Americans were rounded up for incarceration, Mr. Korematsu, who was only 23 at the time, bravely resisted internment all the way to the Supreme Court, which upheld Mr. Korematsu's conviction as being justified by the exigencies of war. Forty years later, documents kept from the Supreme Court showed that the Americans of Japanese ancestry were not involved in seditious actions justifying mass incarceration. Mr. Korematsu waited more than 40 years for a court in California to overturn his conviction.
During the Judiciary Committee's markup on this nomination, I read the full text of President Ronald Reagan's remarks in 1988, apologizing for the internment. I would like to read some of the excerpts.
I do see the majority leader here. Would you like me to yield?
I assume I will be able to resume my comments after the majority leader's statement?
Thank you.
I would like to resume my remarks.
Mr. President, I want to read some excerpts from President Ronald Reagan's remarks in 1988, apologizing for the internment of Japanese Americans.
More than 40 years ago, shortly after the bombing of Pearl
Harbor, 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry living in the
United States were forcibly removed from their homes and
placed in makeshift internment camps. This action was taken
without trial, without jury. It was based solely on race, for
these 120,000 were Americans of Japanese descent.
Yet we must recognize that the internment of Japanese
Americans was just that: a mistake. For throughout the war,
Japanese Americans in the tens of thousands remained utterly
loyal to the United States. Indeed, scores of Japanese
Americans volunteered for our Armed Forces, many stepping
forward in the internment camps themselves.
The 442nd Regimental Combat Team, made up entirely of
Japanese Americans, served with immense distinction to defend
this Nation, their Nation. Yet back at home, the soldiers'
families were being denied the very freedom for which so many
of the soldiers themselves were laying down their lives.
The legislation that I am about to sign provides for a
restitution payment to each of the 60,000 surviving Japanese
Americans of the 120,000 who were relocated or detained. Yet
no payment can make up for those lost years. So, what is most
important in this bill has less to do with property than with
honor. For here we admit a wrong; here, we reaffirm our
commitment as a nation to equal justice under the law.
President Reagan's words powerfully demonstrated the wrongness of the internment, but just after this Presidential election, a top Trump surrogate said that the Japanese internment should be used as ``precedent'' for a Muslim registry. And a Supreme Court Justice, Justice Scalia, in 2014, warned that a civil rights atrocity similar to the internment of Japanese Americans could happen again. Justice Scalia explained his thinking with the Latin phrase that means: ``In times of war, the laws fall silent.'' Justice Scalia in 2014, went on to say:
That is what was going on--the panic about the war, and the
invasion of the Pacific and whatnot. That's what happens. It
was wrong, but I would not be surprised to see it happen
again--in times of war. It's no justification, but it is the
reality.
The internment of Japanese Americans is yet another example of how, when we do not stand up against unconstitutional actions like President Trump's Muslim ban, we will be complicit in what follows. Time and again, when our country targets minorities for discriminatory treatment, history proves us to have been deeply wrong. I commend my Republican colleagues, Senators Graham, McCain, Hatch, Flake, Sasse, and others, for their statements questioning President Trump's immigration Executive order.
Senators Lindsey Graham and John McCain issued a joint statement, which I would like to read in whole because I very much admire the position they took. In their joint statement they said:
Our government has the responsibility to defend our
borders, but we must do so in a way that makes us safer and
upholds all that is decent and exceptional about our Nation.
It is clear from the confusion at our airports across the
nation that President Trump's Executive order was not
properly vetted. We are particularly concerned by reports
that this order went into effect with little to no
consultation with the Departments of State, Defense, Justice,
and Homeland Security.
We should not stop green-card holders from returning to the
country they call home. We should not stop those who have
served as interpreters for our military and diplomats from
seeking refuge in the country they risked their lives to
help.
And we should not turn our backs on those refugees who have
been shown, through extensive vetting, to pose no
demonstrable threat to our Nation, and who have suffered
unspeakable horrors, most of them women and children.
Ultimately, we fear this Executive order will become a
self-inflicted wound in the fight against terrorism. At this
very moment, American troops are fighting side-by-side with
our Iraqi partners to defeat ISIL.
But this Executive order bans Iraqi pilots from coming to
military bases in Arizona to fight our common enemies.
Our most important allies in the fight against ISIL are the
vast majority of Muslims who reject its apocalyptic ideology
of hatred.
This Executive order sends a signal, intended or not, that
America does not want Muslims coming into our country.
That is why we fear this Executive order may do more to
help terrorist recruitment than improve our security.
That is the end of the joint statement by Senators McCain and Graham. I read the statement and I cannot but admire our two Senators for making the statements. I cannot overstate the fearful message that President Trump is sending by pursuing this ban on Muslims.
Last night, our colleague, the senior Senator from Massachusetts, was silenced for sharing a letter from Coretta Scott King. If we cannot make a distinction between talking about a fellow Senator from a person who is a nominee that we must confirm, then the rule that shuts down debate should be called a gag rule.
Over the last 2 months, I have heard from thousands of my constituents and a number of prominent civil rights organizations, including a number who testified at Jeff Sessions' hearing questioning his nomination. So I will vote against the nomination of Jeff Sessions to serve as Attorney General because I am deeply concerned about how he would use his prosecutorial discretion to uphold voting rights, protect civil rights, and safeguard a woman's right to choose. I am seriously concerned about Jeff Sessions' willingness to say no to the President when he needs to.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.