Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 364, H.R. 1660.

I ask unanimous consent that the bill be read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 587, H.R. 6287.

I further ask unanimous consent that the amendment at the desk be agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. 2432 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

I ask unanimous consent that the Young substitute amendment at the desk be considered and agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Environment and Public Works Committee be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 3460, and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 739, submitted earlier today.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that S. 3720 be discharged from the Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee and referred to the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the majority leader and the junior Senator from Indiana be authorized to sign duly enrolled bills or joint resolutions on Thursday, December 20 and Friday, December 21.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 12 noon, Friday, December 21; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be

deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, and the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day; finally, that following leader remarks, the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

First, for the information of all of our colleagues, later this morning I will introduce a continuing resolution that will ensure continuous funding to the Federal Government. The measure will provide the resources necessary to continue normal operations through February 8.

Let's review why this step was necessary.

Even in the face of a great need to secure the border and following good-faith efforts by the President's team, our Democratic colleagues rejected an extremely reasonable offer yesterday. It would have cleared the remaining appropriation bills, which had received bipartisan support in committee, and provided an additional $1 billion to tackle a variety of urgent border security priorities.

I am sorry that my Democratic colleagues couldn't put their partisanship aside and show the same good faith and flexibility that the President has shown in order to provide the resources our Nation needs to secure the integrity of our borders as well as the safety of American families, but this seems to be the reality of our political moment. It seems like political spite, for the President may be winning out over sensible policy--even sensible policies that are more modest than border security allocations that many Democrats themselves have supported in the very recent past.

Faced with this intransigence--with Democrats' failure to take our borders seriously--Republicans will continue to fulfill our duty to govern. That is why we will soon take up a simple measure that will continue government funding into February, so that we can continue this vital debate after the new Congress has convened, because--make no mistake--there will be important unfinished business in front of us, and we owe it to the American people to finally tackle it.

Just last week, U.S. Customs and Border Commissioner Kevin McAleenan told our colleagues on the Judiciary Committee that the United States faces a border security and humanitarian crisis--a border security and humanitarian crisis.

These are some of the facts. In the past year alone, we saw a 30- percent increase in apprehensions by CBP, including nearly 6,700 apprehensions of individuals with criminal histories and a 50-percent increase in apprehensions of known gang members. We have seen a 75- percent spike in methamphetamine seizures since fiscal 2015. So it is quite obvious that shoring up our borders is an urgent need for our national security--no question about it.

Secure borders are what the American people expect and they deserve. That is why it continues to be a major focus of President Trump and his administration. Already the President's approach to border security is yielding undeniable results. In each of four CBP sectors where physical borders have been improved or expanded--El Paso, Yuma, Tucson, and San Diego--illegal traffic has dropped by at least 90 percent.

While you wouldn't know it from listening to the far-left special interests, this administration's focus on border security actually follows similar commonsense efforts that used to be a bipartisan consensus.

It used to be a bipartisan consensus. In 2006, for example, the Secure Fence Act, which is designed to strengthen physical security measures at the border, received the support of no fewer than 26 of our Democratic colleagues, including the current Democratic leader, along with Senators Feinstein, Carper, Nelson, Stabenow, Wyden, and Obama.

In 2010, President Obama signed a bill to increase the CBP's physical presence down at the border. It passed the Senate by unanimous consent, by the way.

So let's not pretend there is some bright-line principle that separates the billions of dollars that our Democratic colleagues were willing and eager to spend on border security in the recent

past and the resources now requested by the President and his team. There is no big difference in principle. There has just been a shift in the political winds on the far left. This is knee-jerk, partisan opposition to the administration's reasonable and flexible requests. This is making political obstruction a higher goal than the integrity of our Nation's borders. Frankly, it is just political spite, and the American people know it when they see it.

So the Senate will continue our work on the remaining bills--the products of much bipartisan hard work and collaboration, and, in the meantime, we will turn to a clean continuing resolution later today so we can make sure we don't end this year the way we began it--with another government shutdown because of the Democrats' allergy to sensible immigration policies. That is what they did at the beginning of the year.

We need the government to remain open for the American people. We need to wrap up our work for this year, and I hope that my Democratic friends return next year ready to join the President, this Senate majority, and the American people in our desire to secure our border.

Mr. President, on a completely different matter, from time to time, each of us has indulged in jokes and finger-pointing that sustain the friendly rivalry between the House and the Senate--the Founders' metaphorical teacup and saucer. Make no mistake. I am thankful every day that so many former Representatives see the light and come over to join us in the Upper Chamber, but for the past 3 years, there is no one outside of the Senate with whom I have partnered more closely than the Speaker of the House, Paul Ryan.

As history will remember, the speakership was far from the destination that the contented Ways and Means chairman had in mind when our friend John Boehner announced his retirement in 2015, but to the great fortune of the entire Republican Party, Paul had demonstrated over his years in the House the very qualities his conference needed most.

Everyone knew he had uncompromising integrity, seemingly inexhaustible energy, the trust and admiration of his fellow Members, and he had an aspirational message about what we stood for as Republicans. He has reminded our party, as clearly and forcefully as any leader of his generation, about all that our party can and should aspire to be--``not pale pastels,'' in Ronald Reagan's timeless words, ``but bold colors.'' His colleagues knew he had all of these qualities, and we knew it here in the Senate.

While I was far from the most crucial member of the pressure campaign--a draft effort that even roped in the Cardinal Archbishop of New York--I will admit that I picked up the phone too. I called Paul and told him exactly what he didn't want to hear--that he was the right man at the right moment. Conveniently, I was about to get on a plane to Iraq at the time. So Paul didn't have much of an opportunity to push back.

Over the past 3 years, I have had more opportunities than most to see the right man in action. We have met weekly to coordinate the efforts of our majorities and present a united front on behalf of the American people. At times the cohesion between our teams made it feel like we shared one large staff. So I have seen firsthand how much of what we have been able to accomplish this Congress has been due in huge part to Paul's serious approach and to his principles and his pragmatism alike.

He helped lead the way on last year's comprehensive reform of our Tax Code, turning his decades-long personal mission into a brighter future for millions of American workers and job creators.

He navigated tense funding negotiations with a deep understanding of his Members' concerns and stood firm in support of America's military, helping to deliver the largest year-on-year increase in defense funding in 15 years.

He stayed true to his heart, putting Catholic social teaching into practice and fighting for policies of all shapes and sizes to lift up the most vulnerable among us, from the working poor to the victims of human trafficking.

His tenure as Speaker has proved a perfect capstone to a remarkable career in Congress. Every step of the way, Paul has shattered myths and stereotypes about what conservative leaders are like.

Through his long list of accomplishments and his personal witness alike, he has demonstrated that faith in American free enterprise and individual liberty are not quaint, outdated ideas but essential and timeless principles.

He has helped prove that right-of-center values are not only the basis for protest movements, as some cynics had liked to suggest, they are also the foundation for governing majorities.

He has shown that our party's ideals and principles do not clash whatsoever with the moral priority we should place on those at the margins of society but rather that those ideas are often the best means to honor that commitment.

Talk about a product of the Jack Kemp coaching tree. It is safe to say the Speaker's cherished mentor would be mighty proud. Paul's time at the center stage of our Nation's politics has inspired countless Americans, including a new generation of leaders, but speaking personally, more than any one of the accomplishments that I have been proud to work with Paul to help to secure, I think I will most remember how he has done that job; how energetically and happily the Speaker has poured himself into each task at hand. No matter if some said it couldn't be done, no matter that he hadn't sought the job in the first place, the happy warrior has been undeterred.

For all this says about Paul Ryan the Speaker, it says even more about Paul Ryan the man. He has a big heart and a razor-sharp mind. It doesn't take long to notice either one, and he knows how to lead with both.

He is a man of profound faith and abiding patriotism, and even after 20 years of Washington, he remains a staunch optimist. Paul is quick to insist that America's brightest days are yet to come and even quicker to back up the sentiment with action.

Working with Speaker Ryan has been among the great joys of my career in the Senate. The Nation is so much better for his leadership, and I am better for his friendship. I am so grateful to Paul for everything. I wish him, Janna, and their lovely family great happiness in whatever adventures lie ahead.

Mr. President, now I am down to my very last end-of- year tribute to a Member of this body. I offer this one with the very greatest reluctance.

This one isn't occasioned by any retirement. Fortunately, for all of us, Senator John Cornyn isn't going anywhere. He will be right here with us when the 116th Congress convenes in January, but he will no longer be serving as Republican whip. His tenure in this key leadership role is almost complete. So I could not let the week pass without sharing for the official Record--and with all of our colleagues--a small slice of the tremendous gratitude and respect and admiration I feel for the senior Senator from Texas.

John and I were already well acquainted when he took over the whip role 6 years ago in relief of Jon Kyl, but still, I wasn't sure exactly what our relationship would look like. You never quite know in advance. Everybody is different, but just a few weeks into our partnership as leader and whip, John presented me with a birthday gift that told me at least three things about him.

He framed and autographed a picture of ourselves--just an ordinary, not particularly glamorous shot of the two of us, plus John Barrasso, probably talking with the press there in the Ohio Clock corridor.

A somewhat unusual gift, I thought. Lesson No. 1: This guy has a sense of humor and good cheer. In this photo, I am kind of standing front and center. Six-foot-one John is standing right behind me, a little out of focus and halfway in the shadow. So there is lesson No. 2: Humility.

Then there was his handwritten message: ``Happy birthday, Mitch--I've got your back.'' That was lesson No. 3. It spoke for itself and how fortunate I

have been to be reminded every single day since that John Cornyn meant exactly what he said.

John has proven to be a stunningly effective whip for the Republican conference these past years. He has also been more than a solid friend and a wiser, more loyal counselor than I had any right to expect.

The whip is a powerful position. The conference trusts you to help lead them. Your peers trust you with your candor and their concerns. As each piece of legislation progresses, different groups of your colleagues are trusting you to help secure accomplishments that are huge priorities for them and their own constituents.

So it is easy to imagine ways this critical role could go off the rails. You could wear out your welcome with some of your colleagues. You could become too focused on notching today's win at the expense of tomorrow's relationships and good feelings. You could let personal disagreements threaten the unity of your leadership team and your conference, but as those who know him well can attest, these aren't worries that keep John up at night. That is because he is the quintessential team player, not focused on personal gain, dedicated to the causes that matter to Texas and his Members, and willing to roll up his sleeves and do the hefty lifting himself to advance those goals.

You know, they say everything is bigger in Texas, and sure enough, ``Big John'' has been known to ride across the screen in campaign spots from time to time, but somewhere along the way, John's ego didn't get the message. John doesn't twist arms or get angry. He doesn't playact at being the bad cop. Instead, he listens. He learns. He pours his time and energy into learning all about his colleagues, their concerns, their State's priorities.

People outside the Senate might think someone in John's position would need to act like a bully. The term ``whip'' certainly sends that message, but John knows that scare tactics don't do many favors in the long run. The winning strategy on Team Cornyn has been less like the Mafia and more like savvy and heartfelt customer service, and they sure have a lot to show for it. The more I have been reflecting on why John has had so much success, I have kept coming back to the fact that this man was a judge--a Texas Supreme Court justice, to be exact. In a courtroom, the judge has the power, but their job isn't to wheedle or persuade. It is to listen fairly to all parties, all theories, and all ideas. Give everyone a hearing, take it all in, and then chart the best course possible.

How lucky we have all been to have somebody like that whipping votes for the last 6 years.

It is a privilege to see John at work. It has been an honor to work in the trenches with him day after day these past 6 years. To be more accurate, it has been a pleasure to stand shoulder to shoulder with him here in the well.

We have had our fair share of quality time. At the end of any Congress, you would expect the majority leader and whip might have a small handful of close shaves and dramatic moments to reflect on, but John has helped steer the ship with the slimmest possible majorities. Week after week, 51 to 49, then 50 to 49, in many cases.

We have seen this play out in the confirmation of a historic number of well-qualified nominees to the Federal judiciary and in the passage of major legislation of delicate moving parts, from comprehensive tax reform to a landmark opioids package.

The truth is, even a comprehensive catalog of all the big floor votes would only capture a fraction of John's excellent work. More key nominees and important pieces of legislation have traveled quietly through the Senate because John has been there, diligent and patient and respectful, working through challenges and addressing concerns, literally, around the clock.

As if this wasn't enough to fill John's plate, let's remember, while serving as whip, he has also been a vital member of the Intelligence Committee, Judiciary Committee, and the Finance Committee, and he has been an outstanding senior Senator for Texas all at the same time.

In fact, in each of the past two Congresses, no Senator has been the lead sponsor of more bills that have become law than John Cornyn. He led on Fix NICS. He led the fight against human trafficking--all in a couple of years' work.

Of course, he doesn't do it alone. John has assembled a whip staff that are as much a testament to his eye for talent as they are a tremendous asset for the entire conference. At the helm of the operation as chief of staff in his whip office, Monica Popp.

In so many ways, John and Monica seem to be cut from the same cloth. Like her boss, Monica has a sixth sense when it comes to reading a room and getting people what they need. She relishes the chance to tackle tough problems. As far as she is concerned, a troublesome situation is really just an opportunity. Just like John, Monica is an attentive listener. This has made her an encyclopedic authority on what makes each Member of the conference tick. When Monica makes a recommendation, you know it is based on the best possible information, and on so many occasions, I have relied directly on her sharp counsel out here on the floor.

I am not sure I have ever worked with someone who had such a warm heart and ice in her veins at the very same time. She operates with calm and confidence precisely because she has built so many genuine and solid friendships that she knows just where things stand.

Outside observers get Congress wrong when they say, ``It's all about the math.'' It is really all about the relationships. Ironically enough, this former math teacher turned all-star Hill staffer is just about the ultimate living proof of that.

We may not be losing Senator Cornyn this month, but I am sorry to say we are saying goodbye to Monica. I will miss her, and I know the entire conference will miss her.

It is all about relationships with John too. Even as he was constantly tasked with walking a tightrope through a pressure cooker, he has also managed to be one of the kindest, most down-to-earth human beings around. In no place is this more evident than the way he treats the unelected members of this Senate family. He gets to know everyone. He wants to earn your trust. He wants to know how you are doing.

After all, before he was the Senate's majority whip or a justice on the Texas Supreme Court or the State's attorney general, he was a husband and father. I know his wife, Sandy, and their family are hoping the end of John's service as whip will bring at least a nominal relaxing of his schedule. I doubt that, by the way.

Ordinarily, I might guess that John might be able to spend more time on his hobbies, but somehow--as his prolific Twitter and Instagram pages regularly notify the whole world--he has kept right at them all along.

For all the different hats John wears in the Senate, he has managed to hang on to his chef's cap too--marching through the ``Rasika'' cookbook and whipping up feasts for the family. The dove hunts certainly haven't gone anywhere either.

So, really, whatever his title happens to say, what I am looking forward to from John is more of the same--more invaluable guidance, more exemplary legislating. I know the press corps is certainly hoping for more of his informative one-liners.

Like I said, I am so happy we aren't saying goodbye to John today. What I am saying--with complete personal sincerity, and also for the entire conference--is thank you. Thank you for your friendship, partnership, and thank you for making all of us look better than any of us deserve. Thank you for helping the Senate deliver for the country. Thank you for always having all of our backs.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I understand that the Senate has received a message from the House to accompany H.R. 695.

I ask that the Chair lay before the Senate the message to accompany H.R. 695.

The Presiding Officer laid before the Senate the following message from the House of Representatives:

Resolved, That the House agree to the amendment of the

Senate to the title of the bill (H.R. 695) entitled ``An Act

to amend the National Child Protection Act of 1993 to

establish a national criminal history background check system

and criminal history review program for certain individuals

who, related to their employment, have access to children,

the elderly, or individuals with disabilities, and for other

purposes.'' and be it further

Resolved, That the House agree to the amendment of the

Senate to the text of the aforementioned bill, with an

amendment to Senate amendment.

Mr. President, I move to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 695, with a further amendment.

I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

I ask for the yeas and nays on the motion to concur with amendment.

Mr. President, I have a second-degree amendment at the desk.

I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. President, I move to refer the House message on H.R. 695 to the Committee on Appropriations with instructions to report back forthwith.

I ask for the yeas and nays on my motion.

I have an amendment to the instructions.

I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

I ask for the yeas and nays on my amendment.

Mr. President, I have a second-degree amendment at the desk.

I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that following the remarks of the senior Senator from Texas, all postcloture time be considered expired and the Senate vote on the Maguire nomination; that if confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table; and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action with no intervening action or debate.