Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, last evening the majority leader had a second cloture vote on S. 3414, the Lieberman cyber security bill. This vote to end debate on a comprehensive, complex bill that was never reported out of committee or subject to a markup came despite the fact that not a single amendment, except for those used to fill the amendment tree, was allowed to be made pending to the bill.

The majority leader had made prior commitments to allowing a free and open debate on cyber security, a matter that Republicans acknowledge must be addressed, especially in the areas of information sharing, and providing some degree of liability protection to those companies that do share cyber threat information with one another and the Federal Government. Yet, despite this commitment, the majority leader triggered this second cloture vote on the bill and filled the amendment tree throughout floor consideration of cyber security legislation.

Now the Senate will hopefully move to a full and open debate of the national defense authorization bill. During the time that that bill is considered on the floor--and I do expect that bill to be subject to an open amendment process--my hope is that the majority leader will work with me to reach agreement on allowing a debate on cyber security legislation with Republican amendments in order, especially since the ranking members of Armed Services, Intelligence, Commerce, and Judiciary are all cosponsors of a cyber security bill that needs to be considered as part of this debate.

My expectation is that sometime in December after we have completed floor debate on the Defense authorization bill, and then disposed of the Intelligence authorization bill, we will then attempt to get an agreement on amendments to the cyber security bill.

Tribute to Ernie Allen

Mr. President, I rise to pay tribute to a close personal friend of mine of over 40 years, a Kentuckian who is a hero to his country and an inspiration to many for his work on behalf of children where he has made a national impact.

In his 23 years of service as president and chief executive officer of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, Ernie Allen has saved thousands of lives and reunited thousands of families.

Today, November 15, Ernie retires from the helm of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, a private nonprofit center which he cofounded. Under his leadership, the National Center assisted in the recovery of more than 178,000 missing children. They have trained almost 300,000 law enforcement and criminal justice professionals in policy and protocols for missing children investigations. And they have achieved a missing child recovery rate of 97.7 percent.

Losing Ernie's talents at the National Center will be a loss for Kentucky as well as for the Nation. Kentucky was proud to have one of our own leading this important cause. I have known Ernie for over 40 years, dating back to our days at Manual High School in Louisville. On the same day I won election as president of the student body of the high school, he was elected president of the junior high portion of the same school. We both went on to attend the University of Louisville and were actually fraternity brothers there.

Knowing Ernie so well, I can assure you that his dedication to rescuing missing children runs very deep. Over 25 years ago, when I was judge executive in Jefferson County--a position that is the head of the executive branch of county government--Ernie was the director of the Louisville/Jefferson County Crime Commission. Louisville, of course, is the major city located within Jefferson County, and in fact these days the city and county governments have merged. That was not the case, however, in those days, and we in the county government had to coordinate and work with officials in city government. This Louisville/ Jefferson County Crime Commission was one of the best examples of cooperation between city and county government back in those days.

That commission was the first of its kind to bring police officers and social workers together on behalf of kids. Just one innovation Ernie came up with back then was to make a fingerprint card for as many Kentucky kids as possible, and send that card home to the child's parents to use to assist investigators in the awful event their child ever went missing.

Ernie's work in Kentucky established him as a national leader in his field as early as 1981. At that time, no nationwide organization existed to share and distribute information on missing children. If a child was abducted and taken over a State line, or even a county line, the chances that law enforcement in the new jurisdiction had all the information necessary to save that child were quite small.

Ernie led the effort to lobby Congress to establish laws so that police could talk to each other across boundaries about these missing children. His work and patience bore fruit in 1984, when President Reagan signed the bill creating the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children as a public-private partnership.

Ernie was an integral part of the founding of the National Center. He then became its president and CEO in 1989. He has been a nationally recognized authority in combating child abduction and exploitation for decades. The U.S. Justice Department sought out his expertise in the wake of the tragic child murders in Chicago and Atlanta, Congress has sought his expert testimony many times on issues ranging from international child abduction, to missing children, to online crimes against children.

Ernie worked to secure the passage of the National Child Search Assistance Act, which prohibits waiting periods for initiating missing child investigations. Previously, some law enforcement agencies refused to take reports of missing children until a certain period of time had elapsed. Now, thanks to Ernie, there are no unnecessary bureaucratic delays in cases where any hesitancy can be the difference in returning an abducted child to their parents or opening a murder investigation.

Ernie advocated for the AMBER Alert Program, which has to date saved 600 abducted children. Today there is an AMBER Alert plan in every single State. Ernie has always recognized the critical role technology plays in these rescue efforts, from the AMBER Alert, to his spearheading the launch of the National Center's CyberTipline in 1998. This so-called ``911 for the Internet'' is a clearing center for reports on crimes against children on the Internet, and so far has received more than 1.5 million reports.

Ernie is a lawyer and a member of the Kentucky bar. He is also a teacher, having held faculty positions at the University of Louisville, the University of Kentucky, and Indiana University. He has been honored by his alma mater, the University of Louisville, as a distinguished alumnus of the Louis D. Brandeis School of Law, and as an Outstanding Alumnus of the College of Arts and Sciences.

I am pleased to report to my colleagues that Ernie will not be leaving the fight for America's kids. No, his passion won't allow him to take a typical retirement. We are lucky that even as he is stepping down from his role at the helm of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, he will now focus exclusively on his new role as president and CEO of the International Center for Missing & Exploited Children.

If there was some way for me to express the gratitude that literally thousands of American families have for Ernie and the National Center, I certainly would, but that seems impossible. Imagine the relief of just one family who fears the worst about a missing son or daughter and then, thanks to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, is reunited with their child safe and sound. Multiply that by tens of thousands, and you will only just begin to see the enormous difference Ernie has made during his career. I am honored to say that I have watched and admired his work for many years, and I am honored to call him a friend.

Thank you, Ernie, for your great contribution to the cause of justice.

I wrote Ernie a letter congratulating him on his career and wishing him well on his retirement, and I ask unanimous consent to have that letter printed in the Record.

Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I rise today to salute Campbellsville University in Campbellsville, KY, for what is quite a long list of achievements they have received recently. Campbellsville athletics has taken the country by storm. Recently, four Campbellsville students won national championships in track and field, and the Campbellsville men's tennis team won a national championship. A school would be proud of having any one of these winning student-athletes as part of its number--for Campbellsville University to have them all is quite a feat.

Campbellsville's mascot is the Tigers, and the school is part of the National Christian College Athletic Association. Four students on the Tigers track and field team won five individual national titles this year. P.J. Randles won the triple-jump title at the NCCAA Men's Indoor Track & Field National Championships in February. Tiana Benjamin won the javelin title at the NCCAA Women's Outdoor Track & Field National Championships in May. Nathelie Zetrenne won the 100-meter hurdles title at the NCCAA Women's Outdoor Track & Field National Championships this May. And Tiosha Beasley won both the long-jump and triple-jump titles at the NCCAA Women's Outdoor Track & Field National Championships in May.

P.J. Randles is the first student at Campbellsville to win an indoor track and field national title. Tiana Benjamin is the first women's track and field athlete to win a national title. And Tiosha Beasley was also an NAIA All-American at both the NAIA Indoor National Championships and NAIA Outdoor National Championships.

The four women's national titles are the most individual national titles won in one meet by any sport. They are also the most individual national titles of any sports program at Campbellsville University. Since 2009, Campbellsville's men's and women's track and field has won eight individual NCCAA national titles.

On top of these achievements are the tennis champions. The Campbellsville Tigers men's tennis team are the 2012 National Christian College Athletic Association national champions, and they are the first Tigers' program to win a team national championship, after the school reached the semifinals in 2009 and 2010. They swept through the NCCAA Tournament in Mobile, Ala., with a 5-0 record in the tournament after finishing the 2012 season with a school-record 19 wins and a 19-7 overall record.

In addition to its NCCAA championship, this is the first time a Campbellsville University men's tennis qualified for the NAIA Tournament as a team. The team finished runner-up in the Mid-South Conference.

I want to particularly congratulate head coach Kyle Caven, who was honored as the Mid-South Conference Coach of the Year and NCCAA National Coach of the Year. Several tennis team members received honors as well. Carlos Anton was named to the NAIA All-America Second Team and the NCCAA All-America First Team. Pablo Numbela and Sebastian Marot were named to the NCCAA All-America First Team. Pontus Blom, Zac Maylon, and Alberto Diaz were all named to the NCCAA All-America Second Team. John Harbold was named a Mid-South Conference Champion of Character.

The assistant coaches were Kelly Anderson and Phil Carlisle. The team also includes Terry Caven, Austin Colvier, Alfredo Bencid, David Castillo, Tyler Hyatt, Bradley Jeffries, Chase Padgett, and Austin Spalding.

Campbellsville University is a leading Christian university of more than 3,500 students that is dedicated to educating its students and preparing them to be servant leaders. Their excellence in athletics is only matched by their dedication to instilling character and a love of learning. I want to congratulate Campbellsville University president Dr. Michael V. Carter, the school's faculty and staff, the athletics department, and all these wonderful student athletes for representing the very best of what Kentucky has to offer.

Our good friend from Iowa, Senator Grassley, has cast his 11,000th vote. Since the founding of the Republic, only 2,000 men and women have served in the Senate. Only 23 have cast more votes than Chuck Grassley. No other current Senator has gone as long as he has without missing a single vote. He has not missed a vote in 19 years.

This year, Senator Grassley marks 54 years of public service to the people of the Hawkeye State. While some Members of Congress have a tendency to lose touch with their constituents, Chuck Grassley has always worked hard to make sure he never did that. He has made it his business to stay connected to the folks back home by holding at least one townhall meeting a year in all of Iowa's 99 counties, and by responding to every letter, postcard, e-mail, or phone call. Of course, we are all familiar with his tweets. Much like the Senator himself, they are truly one of a kind.

Senator Grassley also stays close to the land by working his family farm. He does that even while keeping up his duties here in Washington. He may be a U.S. Senator, but he has always preferred to be known as ``a farmer from Butler County.'' Visitors to the Grassley farm say it is not uncommon to see Senator Grassley pulling a cell phone out from under his baseball cap while riding on his tractor.

Over the years, Chuck Grassley has distinguished himself by his tenacity and his commitment to the public interest. His first major legislative achievement was the passage of the Federal False Claims Act, which over the years has saved taxpayers more than $17 billion. As chairman of the Finance Committee, he led bipartisan bills through Congress that cut taxes by $2 trillion, leaving more money in the pockets of hard-working Americans.

Senator Grassley has a lot to be proud of in his career. He and Barbara are also rightly proud of their 58 years of marriage. They have five children, and many, many grandchildren. He has been a farmer, a father, a government watchdog, a steward of the Nation's finances; in short, he is a real statesman. The Senate would not be the same without him. The Nation, I firmly believe, would be a lot worse off without the remarkable service of Senator Chuck Grassley.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, today I wish to pay tribute to a respected historian of my hometown of Louisville, KY, who has sadly passed away. Samuel Wilson Thomas died on Thursday, October 4, of this year, at his home at the age of 74.

Louisville is a wonderful city, and I am always pleased to sing its praises. This is much easier to do thanks to the work of Mr. Thomas. He wrote 18 books touching on every corner of Louisville history, from the famous Churchill Downs to the legendary Cave Hill Cemetery, from Oxmoor Farm to Crescent Hill.

Sam Thomas received his bachelor's degree and Ph.D. from the University of Louisville. He is best known for serving as the first director and curator of Locust Grove, a National Historic Landmark that was the home to George Rogers Clark, the founder of Louisville. Locust Grove also hosted three U.S. Presidents--Monroe, Jackson, and Taylor-- and was a stopping point for famed explorers Meriwether Lewis and William Clark upon their return from their expedition to the Pacific.

The log cabin at Locust Grove was Sam Thomas's home for two decades. In his role as director and curator, he oversaw Locust Grove's restoration with careful attention paid to the preservation of its history.

Mr. Thomas also taught at the University of Louisville, edited numerous local publications, and published a host of articles. His role in preserving the history of Louisville and the legacy of its famous inhabitants was tremendous and will not be forgotten.

I know my colleagues join me in expressing gratitude for Sam Thomas's body of work and in extending sympathies to his family, including his wife, Debbie; his brother and sister-in-law, Jim and Susanna; his niece, Sheena McGuffey; his nephews, Ian Thomas, Mason Thomas, and Cas McGuffey; and many other beloved friends and family members.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an obituary for Mr. Samuel Wilson Thomas printed in the Louisville Courier-Journal be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I stand before you today to pay tribute to a man who has spent a significant amount of his life working for the Kentucky Rural Water Association and the National Rural Water Association. Mr. Joe Liles helped in founding the Kentucky Rural Water Association in 1979. He has also been an employee of the National Rural Water Association since 1999, when he was first elected to the Board of Directors.

He has progressed through numerous positions within the association, and as of September 2010, Mr. Liles has been President of the National Rural Water Association.

I would like to congratulate Mr. Liles on his achievements. I would also like to acknowledge the Kentucky Rural Water Association Leadership Award that Mr. Liles was given in 2008. He was presented this prestigious award based on his exemplary service, leadership, and commitment to Kentucky's water and wastewater utilities. Most recently, Mr. Liles received the 2012 Man of the Year Award from the National Rural Water Association.

After 38 years of dedication to the water systems of Warren, Butler, and Simpson counties, Mr. Liles retired in 2005 from his managerial position. However, he currently serves as the utilities' community and government relations assistant.

Mr. Joe Liles resides in Bowling Green, KY, with his wife, Sally, and his four daughters. He is a grandfather to six. Liles earned his bachelor's degree with an area of concentration in management from Western Kentucky University.

Mr. Liles has shown tremendous loyalty, devotion, and consideration, not only to his job and career, but also to the Bluegrass State. I appreciate all that Mr. Liles has done for the Commonwealth of Kentucky.

Mr. President, the National Rural Water Association recently published an article about the accomplishments of Mr. Joe Liles, and I would ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I want to begin by welcoming all the new Members who are here today, Republican and Democrat. Congratulations on your victories, and welcome to the Senate. I assure you, it is not as terrible a job as some say it is. We welcome your ideas, your energy, and your enthusiasm, and we wish you every success in your time here.

I also want to congratulate the President and the Vice President on their hard-fought victory last week. And I wish to say a brief word of thanks to our own nominees as well, Governor Romney and Congressman Ryan. They may not have won the race, but they earned our respect and admiration in the effort. They fought valiantly--valiantly--for the cause of limited government, free enterprise, opportunity for all, and a stronger social safety net that is there when people need it most.

In short, they fought for the kind of constitutional conservatism so many Americans believe in so very strongly. And their loss does nothing to diminish the importance of these enduring principles or our commitment to keep fighting for them. So we thank them, and we thank their families, for making the sacrifices any Presidential campaign demands. And I want to assure everyone: The cause goes on.

Now onto the task at hand.

Avoiding The Fiscal Cliff

In politics there is always a temptation among those who win office to think they have a mandate to do what they will. But it is important to remember that in this case the voters also reelected a Republican- controlled House last week and a closely divided Senate. And in a government of three equal branches, that is hardly irrelevant.

Most people may focus on the White House, but the fact is the government is organized no differently today than it was after the Republican wave of 2010.

Look out across the heartland and you will see vast regions of the country wary of the President's vision for the future. The country is sharply divided about the right path forward. If the President wants to unite America, as he has always claimed to, if he truly realizes that he was elected to represent all of its citizens, not just the ones who voted to give him a second term last Tuesday, then he will seek the common ground that he largely avoided so strenuously in his first term. That is his task. That is the duty that comes with being President.

I hope that in this term he rises to the challenge. It starts by realizing that he is the only man in America who can sign a piece of legislation into law--the only one of the 306 million Americans--and that while voters have given him a second term, they have also given those of us in Congress the power and the duty to ensure that he uses that power wisely. And that is, of course, what we intend to do.

The campaign is over. The time for slogans and pep rallies is past. If the President is serious about solving current crises and avoiding future ones, he has to step up and to lead.

So let me be clear: When it comes to the great economic challenges of the moment, saying that you want a balanced approach is not a plan. Saying people need to pay their fair share is not a plan. The tedious repetition of poll-tested talking points is simply that. The longer the President uses them as a substitute for leadership, the more difficult it will be to solve our many problems.

The time for the President to lead is now, and that means offering a concrete plan that takes into account the fact that half the Congress opposes tax hikes--not because we are selfish, not because we are stubborn, but we know it is the wrong thing to do, we know it will hurt the economy, and we know it will destroy jobs. This is not partisan politics. It is economics. As the President might say, it is math.

According to a recent independent, nonpartisan study, raising tax rates on top earners, as the President has proposed, would destroy over 700,000 jobs. It would slow the economy, meaning less revenue would come into the Treasury. As a result, it would not do much to reduce the deficit, even if Democrats actually followed through and used it for that purpose.

Think about it: The amount of revenue for which they are prepared to push us over the fiscal cliff would not fund the government for a week. Let me say that again. The amount of revenue for which they are prepared to push us over the cliff would not fund the government for 1 week.

So why in the world would we want to do that? What is the point? To make people feel good about whacking somebody else? That is not what we were sent here to do.

That is certainly not what the people of Kentucky sent me here to do. That is not how you set economic policy--because it makes you feel good. You set economic policy because you think it will lead to investment in America, create jobs, and give more people an opportunity to lift themselves up, boosting middle-class incomes now and ensuring security for the future. This is the kind of vision Speaker Boehner laid out for the country last week. I cannot think of any good reason the President would not embrace it.

Some on the other side have said we should just go off the cliff-- just go off the cliff--and hope for the best. I do not think that is what the American people had in mind when they went to the polls last week. I think what they had in mind was that we put the contest of the past 2 years behind us and work it out.

The best way forward and the way that will lead to jobs and growth, a smaller deficit, and fewer political fights is to keep everybody's tax rates right where they are for now, to figure out a way to avoid the automatic defense cuts scheduled to hit at the end of the year without cutting a penny less than we promised and committing to the kind of comprehensive tax and entitlement reform that we all claim we want.

A simpler Tax Code that lowers rates and clears out certain deductions and special interest loopholes would trigger economic growth, create jobs, and result in more revenue without raising anyone's rates. We know this because we have seen it before. It actually works.

Personally, I do not think Washington should get any of that extra

revenue. I do not think we need it. As I have said many times before: Washington's problem is not that it taxes too little but that it spends too much. But in a good-faith effort to make progress on boosting the economy and government's long-term solvency, Republicans like me have said for more than a year now that we are open to new revenue in exchange for meaningful reforms to the entitlement programs that are the primary drivers of our debt, so that we can reduce the deficit, protect these programs for today's seniors, and strengthen them for future generations.

So new revenue must be tied to genuine entitlement changes that strengthen these programs for the future and preserve them and also address our long-term debt and deficit problems. In other words, we would do it if we thought we could make progress in creating more middle-class jobs and address what is by far the single biggest obstacle to fiscal balance. This is the basic outline of a plan, and it reflects our seriousness as a party.

So make no mistake, Republicans are offering bipartisan solutions. Now it is the President's turn. It is his turn to demonstrate similar seriousness, bring his party to the table, and take the lead. We are ready to find common ground, ready to find common ground on revenue-- not as I said because any of us actually thinks the government needs any more of it, but because Democrats, from the President on down, have said they are willing to punish everyone if they do not get it. We are not about to let that happen, but we are also not about to further weaken the economy by raising tax rates and hurting jobs.

Look, this should not be that difficult. Recent history gives us two examples of Presidents who solved big problems by finding common ground with the other side. Ronald Reagan did it with a Democratic-led House after a far more resounding second-term victory than President Obama's, as did Bill Clinton with a Republican-controlled House and a Republican-controlled Senate after a more resounding second-term victory than President Obama's. Both examples, both of them, illustrate the rare opportunity that divided government presents.

President Obama can follow suit or he can take the extremist view that both Reagan and Clinton rejected by thumbing his nose at the other side and insisting that if Republicans are not willing to do things his way, he will not do anything at all. If the President is serious, he will follow the lead of Presidents Reagan and Clinton. If he is really serious, he will put the campaign rhetoric aside, propose a realistic solution that can pass a Republican-controlled House and a divided Senate, and work to get it done. And if the President acts in this spirit, I have no doubt he will have the support of his own party and a willing partner in ours.

The American people will breathe a sigh of relief knowing not only that we have avoided a crisis but Washington can still serve their interests. Unless we act in a few short weeks, Americans will face a combination of defense cuts and automatic tax hikes that threaten to plunge us into another recession and undermine at the same time our national defense. This looming crisis is made worse by the backdrop of a massive Federal debt that we will never be able to tackle as long as Democrats refuse even the smallest of reforms to strengthen and protect the entitlement programs that are driving that debt.

That is why Republicans have remained firm on this point: Any serious solution, any serious solution, must include real spending cuts and meaningful entitlement reforms to strengthen and protect these programs for future generations. We got into this mess because we promised cuts that never materialized and because we could not muster the will to match entitlements with the changing demographics of our country.

We are not going to get out of it until we agree to do both, and agree to do it together. Republicans have reached out, made offers beyond our preferred approach in an effort to attract bipartisan solutions. Meanwhile, all we get from Democrats is letters saying they will not even consider reforming the very programs that lie at the heart, the very heart of our fiscal imbalance.

Instead of showing faith and a willingness to solve the problem, we get the same tired talking points that we cannot cut our way to prosperity. Well, that may poll well, but it is not a plan. It is a cliche that is meant to shut down debate and prevent a serious proposal from ever taking shape.

So how do we get around the stalemate? That is simple. Presidential leadership. Let me repeat. There is only one person in America out of 360 million Americans who can sign something into law and, even more importantly, deliver the members of his party to support a deal that he makes.

We will arrive at a plan when the President presents one or we will not get anywhere at all. That is how we get out of a jam. That is what the moment requires. It is the President's move. There is no way we can avert these job-killing tax hikes before they strike and replace the defense portion of the so-called sequester with cuts of equal size in areas that both sides have already agreed to during last summer's debt limit negotiations. We can do all of it in the weeks ahead with a promise to do even bigger things next year.

That is exactly what we should do. This is one of those moments where the only thing standing between success and failure is Presidential leadership. That is why we are calling on the President to seize the moment--seize the moment and do something he has not done before but which successful predecessors have so often done before.

We are calling on him to lead, to take the initiative, propose a plan that is actually designed to succeed. If he does, I am confident he will find he has more Republican friends over here than he thought. I am not asking the President to agree with us on the proper role of government or the dangers of a creeping regulatory state. I am not asking him to adopt our principles. I am simply asking him to respect our principles by not insisting that we compromise them because I assure you we will not. But we will be happy to work with him on a plan to avert the coming crisis and lay the groundwork for further success down the road.

Let's put the campaign behind us and get the job done.

I yield the floor.

Reservation of Leader Time

Mr. President, yesterday dozens of Republican Senators came to the Senate floor one after the other to register their complete frustration with the way Democrats are running this place. Never before--never--has a President and a majority party in the Senate done so little to address challenges as great as the ones our Nation faces right now--never.

I mean, we have a $16 trillion debt and they haven't bothered to put together a budget in 3 years. They haven't passed a single appropriations bill. They haven't passed a Defense authorization bill for the first time in a half a century. These things are usually about as standard as turning the lights on. They haven't done any of them. It is a disgrace.

Think about it: The Middle East is in turmoil, we are fighting a war in Afghanistan and against al-Qaida, and they can't even bother to pass a Defense authorization bill.

We are fed up with the way this place is being run. No legislation, no amendments, no action on taxes, no action on Defense cuts. Nothing. Now we are at it again. All Republicans want to do is extend government funding for a few months, and the majority leader won't even do that unless he can squeeze in yet another political vote.

Democrats have treated the Senate floor like an extension of the Obama campaign for 2 years. Now they are holding the CR hostage for no other reason than to help one of their incumbents on the campaign trail.

Well, we are ready to vote on three bills--the same ones the majority leader asked for votes on earlier this week.

We have responsibilities to meet. Let's meet them, and leave the politics of the campaign trail where it belongs.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Reservation of Leader Time

I am going to proceed very briefly on my leader time. I ask consent that the next vote on cloture on the motion to proceed to S. 2535 be vitiated and the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 4089, which is at the desk and is the House- passed Sportsmen's Heritage Act, the bill be read a third time and passed with the motion to reconsider laid upon the table.

For the record, again, this will allow a bill to get to the President's desk immediately.

Mr. President, very briefly, we could have tonight passed the House-passed Sportsmen's bill. It would have gone straight to the President for signature. That having been thwarted by our friends on the other side, I certainly think it is appropriate to vote to proceed to the measure before us and I intend to vote aye.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, we all understand there is an election going on around here in a few months, but I would like to remind my colleagues on the other side that we also have a job to do right now. We have multiple crisis-level issues to deal with. Yet our Democratic friends don't seem to want to do a thing. Never before--never before-- has a President and a Senate done so little to confront challenges so great.

We have a $16 trillion debt. Democrats haven't bothered to pass a budget in 3 years. Every single American will get hit with a massive tax hike in just 3 months if we don't act to prevent it.

Democrats are saying we shouldn't do anything about it; just go off the cliff. Go off the cliff, and let's see what happens. The defense budget is about to suffer automatic cuts that the President's own Defense Secretary--the Defense Secretary in this administration--has described as devastating. But Democrats can't be bothered to figure out a way to avoid them.

The Middle East is in turmoil. We remain at war in Afghanistan and with al-Qaida, and Senate Democrats have not even bothered to pass the Defense authorization bill.

Gas prices have more than doubled over the past 4 years--doubled in just 4 years. Democrats responded by conspiring with the President to make sure a domestic pipeline didn't get built. They just let the debt grow, let taxes go up, let the defense cuts stand, and let gas prices get higher and higher. They don't pass a budget, don't pass any spending bills, don't do anything that involves making tough choices; just sit around and kill time in the hopes that the voters will focus on the other guys instead.

Look, our constituents didn't send us here to watch the clock or to offer running commentary on the Senate floor. They sent us here to make a difference. We have jobs to do. It is about time we did them. In these very challenging times, Americans deserve leadership. Never before--never before--has a President and a Senate majority party done so little when our challenges were so great. There is no excuse for it.

Mr. President, we have a number of colleagues who will be speaking this morning during our 1-hour morning business time. Given the number of speakers, I ask the Chair to help remind colleagues when they have consumed roughly 1 minute, and I thank the Chair for doing so.

Mr. President, a number of our colleagues have already spoken about the huge problems we face and the President's complete failure to lead. We have a $16 trillion debt, millions out of work, the biggest tax hike in history looming, and our military faces crippling across-the-board cuts.

The Nation and the world need strong American leadership and robust political institutions to meet these challenges. But the President, with a lot of help from the Democratically controlled Senate, has deliberately chosen inaction. Why?

Over the past 2 years, the Democratic Senate has seen itself as an extension of the President's reelection campaign rather than a forum for solving the Nation's problems. Everything it has and hasn't done is meant to help the President, not the American people. So our problems have only gotten worse. And the Senate has of course completely broken down as an institution, as described by the Senator from Mississippi.

Democrats haven't passed a budget in more than 3 years despite the fact that, as Senator Sessions pointed out, the law literally requires it. It doesn't say, Don't pass a budget if it is hard; don't pass a budget if you have to negotiate with the House; don't pass a budget if you have to vote. It says, Pass a budget.

We haven't passed a single appropriations bill, I say to my friend, the senior Senator from Mississippi. Apparently all these people on the Appropriations Committee are completely irrelevant. Senator Alexander pointed out they did their work but are never going to bring up a single bill.

By the way, it is not just the Appropriations Committee. All Senators are on committees. Does any Senator remember the last time they actually marked up a bill? Most committees are not marking up bills and not offering amendments. So I guess the new rule is: No amendments in committee and no amendments on the floor.

There are a lot of Senators around here of both parties wondering what their job is. I was elected by the people of my State. What is this job I have? I am on committees that don't do anything. Nobody votes on amendments. All the legislation we have, if we have any, is written in the majority leader's office.

Senator Isakson or Senator Enzi pointed out that all we do is vote on bills that have fancy titles and a poison pill and, of course, only one vote. Because you know, if you get on the bill, there won't be any amendments. So a lot of Members wonder why they are here. They fought hard for these jobs, defeated intelligent, well-funded opponents, got here ready to go to work, and nothing happens. And it is not just 1 week or a month or 6 months, but 2 years.

As Senator McCain pointed out, no Defense authorization bill. We had managed to get around to doing that, no matter what our differences were, for half a century. This Democratically controlled Senate gives do-nothing Congresses a bad name. It is a complete disgrace. Never before has a Senate and a President done less to address such great challenges that we have.

I know I can speak for every single member of the Republican Conference in the Senate. Regardless of our philosophical differences with our friends on the other side, we take our jobs seriously. We think the people who sent us here expected us to function, and we intend to do so.

So if the American people decide they want to make a change, the commitment I make to them is the Republican Conference is going to pass a budget. It may be hard; we may have to twist a few arms; there may be some people who don't want to do it. We may have to do it on a partisan basis if our friends on the other side don't want to join with us. But the law doesn't say, Don't do it if it is hard. It says, Do it.

The Appropriations Committee deals with the discretionary budget of the U.S. Government. It ought to be allowed to do its job. Not everybody is going to vote for every bill, but we are going to function.

We owe it to the American people to do, at the very least, the basic work of government. Of course, we have problems beyond the basic work of government. Certainly we were going to have differences after the 2010 election--which could best be described as a national restraining order.

The American people took a look at what this government did under this President's leadership over the first 2 years, and they said, We have had enough of that. They flipped the House of Representatives and made us a more robust minority in the Senate. They understood we weren't going to do any more of what we did the first 2 years. They were not interested in any more of that. But that is not an excuse for not doing anything. They said, We don't want to do any more of all this new stuff that was done in 2009 and 2010, the massive spending and debt and the takeover of health care and the nationalization of the student loan bills.

But they didn't send us here to do nothing. They assumed we would at least do the things we ought to be able to agree on--the basic work of government. It is embarrassing.

For the sake of this institution and for the sake of our country, we need to straighten out this place. We need an attitude change. This is not about the rules. The rules have remained largely the same over the years. This is about us. And this problem can be fixed. All we have to do is decide to operate differently. No matter who is up or who is down, there are basic things this institution owes the American people; that is, to get the basic work of government done.

So the pledge we make to the American people, if they decide they want to try new leadership in the Senate, is we will do these things even if they are hard.

Beyond the basics, let me say to our friends on the other side, we have big problems we are never going to be able to solve without some bipartisan commitment to do it. We are drowning in a sea of debt. We know we cannot save this country unless we make the entitlement programs fit the demographics of our country.

We have a lot of other problems. We have taxes, we have sequester. But the way I tend to think of that is those are the chairs on the Titanic. You can rearrange the chairs--figure out the tax problems, figure out the sequester problems--but the ship is still going down unless we make our entitlement programs meet and fit the demographics of our country. We probably won't be able to do that one party only. It is time for some statesmen to show up.

We have had an election every 2 years since 1788, right on schedule. At any point in American history, people could have said, Oh, we can't do that; there is an election coming up. There is always an election coming up in America. That is what we do. The fact that we have an election coming up is not an excuse for not tackling the tough problems.

So no matter what the American people decide this November, no matter what they decide, the problems are there. And our commitment to the American people is, if we are in the majority, we will do the basic work of government; and our hand will be out to our colleagues on the other side and whoever the President of the United States is.

It is time to tackle the biggest problems in the country, the most predictable crisis in American history.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

I will yield back the remainder of our time.

Reserving the right to object.

Madam President, it is quite curious that my friend the majority leader is complaining about the one area I can think of over the last year and a half where the Senate has met historic norms. In other words, we have handled judicial confirmations in this Congress here in the Senate in a way that meets and in some ways exceeds historic norms. At the same time, of course, we have not done all the other things we have normally done in the past.

So far during this Presidential election year, we have confirmed 5 circuit court nominees and 29 district court nominees. That is a good record for Presidential election years. Let me look at a few. In 1996 we confirmed 18 district court nominees. This year we have confirmed 29. In 2000 we confirmed 31, in 2004 we confirmed 30, and in 2008, the last year of President Bush's tenure, only 24 district court nominees were confirmed. In fact, in 2008 Senate Democrats treated President Bush's nominees so badly that they were forced to confirm--as the majority leader bragged about--10 nominees in September of that year just to try to catch up to historical norms. So rather than bragging about doing 10 on 1 day, the reason they did 10 on 1 day is because they were so pathetically below historic norms they had to do 10 on 1 day so as to not be embarrassed by the process. If they had not done that, the Senate would have confirmed only 14 district court nominees in 2008, which is fewer than half the 29 we have already confirmed this year.

President Obama is also faring much better overall than President Bush did in his second term, which is the last time the Senate considered and confirmed two Supreme Court nominees. The reason I bring that up is because Supreme Court nominees take a lot of time and effort. President Obama, of course, did have two Supreme Court nominees confirmed during his first term.

So far the Senate has confirmed 158 of President Obama's judicial nominees. Compare that to President Bush's second term when the Senate confirmed only 122 of his judicial nominees. President Obama has had 158 confirmed; while President Bush had only 122 confirmed. So the Senate has confirmed one-third more judicial nominees than it did the last time it had to process two Supreme Court nominees.

Not only is President Obama being treated fairly in absolute terms, but the Senate is also treating him fairly relative to the number of nominees he has submitted. So far during President Obama's term, the Senate has confirmed 158 of his 205 nominees. That is a confirmation rate of 77 percent. By contrast, President Bush got only 74 percent of his nominees during his first term.

The contrast is even more revealing when we compare President Obama to President Bush's second term. During that term, President Bush got only 61 percent of his nominees confirmed. Again, President Obama got 77 percent of his nominees confirmed versus President Bush's 61 percent.

Now we are trying to get consent agreements to process the next two district court nominations that are in the queue, and we are hoping that will come about. That is the procedure we have been following. I am hopeful we can achieve that. If we do, we will have confirmed 31 district court nominees this year, which will equal the record for the most district court confirmations in a Presidential election year in recent memory. So whether it is looked at in terms of absolute confirmations or relative confirmations, this President is being treated very fairly.

I am happy to work with the majority leader, but we cannot allow the majority to jam us here at the end of this session; therefore, I object.

Madam President, there is no way to spin the math. President Obama has been treated quite fairly every way we look at it. He has certainly met the historical norms with the treatment of Presidents in Presidential years. I rest my case.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I see my friend, the majority leader, on the floor.

I am surprised they announced no more votes a little while ago. We are prepared to finish business today. In fact, I intend to offer shortly the unanimous consent agreement that the majority leader himself was shopping last night. Our side of the aisle is prepared to finish up the business for this particular preelection session.

I ask unanimous consent that at 5 p.m. today, the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. 3576, Senator Paul's bill regarding foreign aid; that there be up to 2 hours of debate, equally divided between Senators Paul and Kerry or their designees; that upon the use or yielding back of that time, the Senate proceed to vote on passage of the bill; that the vote on passage be subject to a 60-vote affirmative threshold; that if the bill does not achieve 60 affirmative votes, it be considered as having been read twice, placed on the calendar; that following the vote on passage of that legislation, S. 3576, the Senate proceed to consideration of Calendar No. 418, S.J. Res. 41; that there be up to 60 minutes of debate, equally divided between Senators Graham and Senator Paul or their designees; that upon the use or yielding back of that time, the Senate proceed to vote on passage of the joint resolution; that if the joint resolution is not passed, it be returned to the calendar; that following the vote on the joint resolution, the Senate resume consideration of H.J. Res. 117, the continuing resolution; that the motion to proceed be agreed to, there be up to 30 minutes of debate, equally divided between the

two leaders or their designees, with Senator Coburn controlling 15 minutes of the Republican time, prior to a vote on passage of the joint resolution; that the vote on passage be subject to a 60-vote affirmative threshold; that following the vote, the majority leader be recognized; and, finally, that no amendments, motions or points of order be in order during the consideration of these measures.

Madam President, just so everybody in the Senate will understand, both Democrats and Republicans, I just offered the consent the majority leader himself was trying to get last night.

Senate Republicans are prepared to finish the continuing resolution today, prepared to vote on the Rand Paul proposal today, and prepared to vote on the Lindsey Graham proposal today. That was acceptable to the majority leader; it is not acceptable to him today. Obviously, something changed over on that side of the aisle.

So I just want everybody to understand that I and all the members of my conference are prepared to finish the business of the Senate that was before the Senate at the suggestion of the majority leader as recently as last night.

I would only add that is a new development here that the majority leader is saying.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to a man that will leave a legacy of firm economic performance, solid physician recruitment, and a commitment to nurture community partnerships in the hospitals of his area. Mr. Dennis Meyers of Clay County, KY, was named to the Clay County Days Wall of Fame in August 2012 for the amazing work he has accomplished in his community and the community's hospital, Manchester Memorial Hospital.

Dennis Meyers's spectacular working experience began as a pastor in 1969 in Nebraska and Illinois. In 1986, he decided on a change of career. He accepted a job as a registered nurse at Hanford Hospital. After 4 successful years, Dennis transferred to San Joaquin Community Hospital to fill the position of vice president. Dennis never stopped dreaming and believing. He continued his career to become chief operating officer and vice president of Manchester Memorial Hospital.

Dennis initiated numerous community-outreach programs, each serving as evidence to show the worth of this man and the dedication he displayed towards his community. Dennis introduced Mission in Motion, public health screenings, Live It Up!, and mission-outreach programs to enrich the Clay County community.

Dennis married Susan Meyers, who also works for the hospital. They have three children, who, like their father, hold nursing degrees. Dennis urges that success come to everyone in life. He strategizes on helping the community that is served by the hospital through Community Outreach and church programs.

At this time, I would like to ask my colleagues in the U.S. Senate to join me in honoring Mr. Dennis Meyers as he has been named to the Clay County Days Wall of Fame. His ambition and hard work ethic has improved and will continue to improve the Commonwealth of Kentucky.

A news story highlighting the accomplishments of Dennis Meyer was recently published in the Manchester Enterprise. I ask unanimous consent that said story be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to an honored Kentuckian who has worked to better the Commonwealth. Mr. Tess Lipps of Clay County, KY, was named to the Clay County Days Wall of Fame in August 2012 for the extraordinary work he has accomplished in his community during his lifetime.

Tess Lipps was born July 8, 1947, in a section of Clay County known as Martin's Creek. Growing up with eight brothers and sisters, Tess and siblings learned what some would call the essentials in life: integrity to others and faith in God. Upon graduating from Clay County High School in 1964, Tess applied these essentials to his life.

In 1971, Tess married Barbara Hicks. From this critical point in life, Tess and Barb spent the next greater portion of their lives living to serve God and their community. They became youth leaders at the Manchester Pentecostal Church and taught a teenage boys' Sunday school class. In 1972, the couple opened the first Christian bookstore in the area in which they lived, the Gospel Variety Shoppe.

Tess continued to accomplish and succeed in a plethora of activities. He became an agent with the Commonwealth Insurance Company in 1984. Progressing through the ranks, he was promoted to sales manager and also branch manager. He retired from this position in 2003, but his work to the community did not cease.

In addition to serving as a board member of Agape and emcee of the Halleluiah Day Festivals, Tess answered his calling in life and became pastor of the Manchester Gospel Mission Church in 2006. Tess also formed the Clay County Cancer Coalition and the UPWARD Soccer Program in Clay County, despite some doubts from others. He was told that the community and church were too small to support such large programs. But Tess's faith allowed him to dream the impossible, and then accomplish that dream.

This year, 250 kids played soccer on a brandnew field in the community. Tess and Barb have been blessed beyond measure. The wish of Tess for the community is that all people can work together making greater opportunities for future generations. Mr. Tess Lipps has served his community well.

At this time, I would like to ask my colleagues in the Senate to join me in honoring Mr. Tess Lipps, an individual whose hard work and dedication to the community, combined with faith and persistence, has forever changed the Commonwealth of Kentucky.

A news story highlighting the achievements of Tess Lipps was recently published in the Manchester Enterprise. I ask unanimous consent that said story be printed in the Record.