Floor Statements

I thank our distinguished chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for the recognition and for his yielding time. I thank him for his leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor. I thank Mr. Murphy of Pennsylvania and Mr. Ryan of Ohio for their leadership in this important legislation.

Mr. Speaker, for so many years we have watched the China-U.S. trade deficit grow and grow and grow. And today we are finally doing something about it by recognizing that China's manipulation of the currency represents a subsidy for Chinese exports coming to the United States and elsewhere.

Many of us have been working on this issue for decades. Twenty years ago, when the issue of China trade was before the floor of the House, the trade deficit was $5 billion a year. The U.S.-China trade deficit was $5 billion a year. We thought that that gave us tremendous leverage for them to stop violating our intellectual property, to give us market access, to stop nontariff barriers to our products going into China, and the rest. We had other issues with China's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to Pakistan, with the actions taken in Tiananmen Square, and human rights in China and Tibet. But strictly on the subject of trade, the imbalance was $5 billion, which seems like an enormous amount of money.

We tried through legislation, unsuccessfully, on the floor under both Democratic and Republican Presidents--this is not a partisan thing--and because of the opposition of the administration, we were not able to pass any legislation that said, Halt. We understand the U.S.-China relationship is an important one in every way--culturally, politically, diplomatically, economically, and commercially--but we need to play by the rules.

When China came into the WTO, it was projected that they would play by the rules. But here we are today, and remember, I said the trade deficit was $5 billion a year 20 years ago when we were having this debate then. It is now $5 billion a week. A week. One way that we can address that is to address the issue of China's manipulation of the currency, which, as I mentioned, is a subsidy for their exports.

We believe that passing this legislation here today will give the President leverage in his conversations with the Chinese about how seriously and closely the American people are watching this situation. As part of our Make It In America agenda to stop the erosion of our manufacturing, industrial, and technological base, we have to stop that. It's an economic issue and it's a national security issue that we have the manufacturing capacity to protect the American people in every way.

So this is about America's workers. It's about making it in America so that our people can make it in America for their families, for their communities, for our country, for our economy. Especially now, when we're talking about all the new green technologies and the rest, which are part of the green, clean energy jobs for the future, and we see what is happening in the trade relationship with China on that score, it is absolutely essential, as we go farther into that future, that we do not have unfair subsidies of Chinese exports into the United States in the important competitive arena of innovation and new green technology.

So with this bipartisan legislation, and, again, I commend Representative Tim Murphy and Representative Tim Ryan, we make it clear that if China wants a strong trading relationship with the United States, it must play by the rules. We owe that to American workers. It is our hope that passing this legislation, again, will give the Obama administration and future administrations greater leverage in its bilateral and multilateral negotiations with the Chinese Government. We do this because 1 million American jobs could be created if the Chinese Government took its thumb off the scale and allowed its currency to respond to market forces.

The bipartisan Ryan-Murphy Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act marks a positive step in the direction of fairness for our workers, opportunities for our manufacturers, and growth for our economic prosperity. I urge our colleagues to vote ``aye.''

Madam Speaker, every month, we take the time to pause here on the House floor and honor our men and women in uniform for their service.

Today, we have an opportunity to do the same for those who serve in our intelligence community. These officers are selflessly protecting the security of the American people. We are indebted to them for their dedication to the mission of keeping our Nation safe.

I would like to thank the distinguished Chairman of the Intelligence Committee, Silvestre Reyes, for his leadership in bringing a bill to the floor today that has bipartisan support in Congress. It represents an agreement between Congress and the Executive Branch. And it will be signed into law by the President.

Keeping the American people safe is the first priority of every Member of Congress. One of the ways in which we do this is through the oversight of intelligence. A robust oversight framework is critical to ensuring that the intelligence community functions as effectively and efficiently as possible.

This legislation will enhance Congress's ability to perform its essential oversight role. It expands and improves congressional notification for covert action, including those currently restricted to the so-called gang of eight. It provides the framework for the Government Accountability Office to have access to intelligence community information so that it may conduct investigations, audits and evaluations when requested by Congress.

I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation, and the intelligence officers at home and abroad who keep the American people safe.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation naming a post office in Washington, D.C. after the godmother of the civil rights movement and a champion of social justice: Dr. Dorothy I. Height.

I thank Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton for providing us with the opportunity to honor Dr. Height's commitment and compassion, grace and patriotism.

In her memoir, ``Open Wide the Freedom Gates,'' Dr. Height wrote, ``It is in the neighborhood and communities where the world begins. That is where children grow and families are developed, where people exercise the power to change their lives.''

Today, we have the opportunity to ensure that Dr. Height's name will live on in the neighborhoods and communities of our nation's capital. And when we do so, we will have named the first public building in Washington's history after an African American woman.

I think it is particularly appropriate that the Dorothy I. Height Post Office Building will be just four blocks from the United States Capitol--where Dr. Height tirelessly lobbied on behalf of social justice, human rights, and equality. It is almost as if she is keeping a watchful eye over us.

Men and women of every race and faith are heirs to the work, passion, and legacy of Dorothy Height. Together, we must continue to help build the America that Dr. Height envisioned: a nation defined by equality, shaped by civil rights, and driven by the pursuit of justice for all.

Hundreds of people came to the Washington National Cathedral to pay their last respects to Dr. Height--ordinary residents of the nation's capital, dignitaries, and even the President of the United States. As President Barack Obama said that day, ``May God bless Dr. Dorothy Height and the union that she made more perfect''

I urge my colleagues to join me in making our union more perfect by honoring Dr. Height today.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Charles W. Meyers, Sr., a much beloved San Francisco community leader and public servant, who passed away on September 12. Charlie enthusiastically gave his energy in service of the city and the country he loved. He will be remembered for his big heart, generous spirit, and the unwavering devotion of his friendship.

A proud native son of San Francisco, Charlie discovered his passion for public service early in life. After enlisting in the U.S. Army and serving in World War II, he was elected to the State Assembly as a 28 year old--making him one of the youngest members of the legislature at the time.

As an Assemblyman for the next 22 years, Charlie vigorously sought to improve employer-employee relations. He is an author of the Meyers- Milias-Brown Act, which still stands as the state law regulating employee relations in the public sector.

Charlie's involvement in San Francisco life, however, went far beyond his work in the state legislature. He was a valued member and active supporter of many organizations, including the San Francisco Forum, Knights of Columbus, Disabled American Veterans, and the United Irish Cultural Center. In 2007, he was honored for his work in public service by his alma mater, the University of San Francisco.

San Franciscans have lost a beloved friend. I hope it is a comfort to his beloved wife Alene, his children Charlene Hansen, Chip Meyers, and Gerri Brown, and his many grandchildren that many San Franciscans join them in mourning his passing.

I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank the distinguished chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for bringing this important legislation to the floor, working closely with the distinguished chair of the Appropriations Committee.

This must be about the third time, Mr. Chairman, that we have brought this pay-for to the floor, the provision that repeals that provision of the law which rewards businesses for sending jobs overseas.

This is not a new subject to the Congress. It is not a new subject to the floor, thanks to your leadership.

Madam Speaker, today, we have an opportunity to create jobs. With the press of a button, each of us will play a role in creating over 300,000 jobs, saving over 300,000 jobs across the country.

Their jobs, these people are consumers. It's important to our economy that they are employed, but it goes well beyond that. It's about jobs for teachers. It's about the education of our children. It's about the innovation of our Nation. It's bigger than just a job. It's about the future.

These are jobs of firefighters and police officers, about the safety of our neighborhoods and our communities where our children can thrive. It's about nurses and health care providers, to keep our country strong in terms of the health and well-being of the American people.

It's about the stability of State budgets. Economists have told us that if this legislation were not passed and these jobs are not saved and the budgets of the States were not stabilized, we would go into another deep recession, like the one we inherited from the previous administration; and it would be a much longer path out of that recession.

I thank the distinguished chairman for bringing us to the floor with this legislation. I thank the Members on both sides of the aisle for responding so quickly to the call to return to Washington to save and create jobs for the American people.

The pay-for in this legislation, which repeals the opportunity for businesses to get a tax break for sending jobs overseas, is part of our make-it-in-America agenda. Make it in America means manufacture it in America. It also enables people to make it in America.

This is about innovation, innovation that's created here with our creativity and the benefit of our education system and our entrepreneurial spirit and the rest; and then it says when we have the idea and we create the innovation that we create the jobs here to produce it, to manufacture it, and not to scale up overseas, invent here and create the jobs overseas. No, invent here, manufacture here, and market to the world.

This is really important legislation also because of the way it is paid for. While I don't support all of the provisions, I am not happy about taking money from our energy sector or from food stamps, but I hope that we can, Mr. Chairman, make that up in another way.

I am very pleased about the funds that are obtained by repealing the provision to send jobs offshore.

This legislation is fiscally responsible and fully paid for. It invests in America's communities, again, by closing that tax loophole that allows corporations to ship jobs overseas. Have I said that enough times?

Those who claim that the legislation will add to the deficit are simply wrong. In fact, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, this bill reduces the deficit by $1.4 billion.

Madam Speaker, it's about time that we got this bill passed. We first passed it in the House last year, the end of last year. We passed it again, some features of it, in the spring. Finally, the Senate acted last week. Finally, they were able to get enough votes to pass it with a super majority in the Senate.

The minute we anticipated that that would happen, the word went out and we called to the House to come back to Washington so that not another day would go by without our, again, pressing that button for over 300,000 jobs.

My grandchildren, the ones who are in public school, went back to school yesterday. It's about time, again, that children in other parts of the country may be preparing to go back to school in another week or so or at the beginning of September, and they cannot afford to wait for us to put teachers back into the classroom.

That's why it was urgent that we act. Communities struggling to keep policemen on the beat and firefighters on the job that were on the brink of layoffs, this is good news for them. And tens of thousands of Americans will not be joining the ranks of the unemployed.

So I thank the gentleman again for his leadership, for making this part of what we have been doing for a matter of months so that we were ready when, finally, thank God, the Senate acted so that we can educate our children, innovate for our country, protect our neighborhoods and our homes, as well as keep the American people healthy, in a fiscally sound way. Again, we are doing so in a way that helps people make it in America.

For that I am grateful to the chairman and to the distinguished Democratic Leader Mr. Hoyer, who coined the phrase, but for all of our Members who worked so hard to have America continue to be the shining star, the lead competitor, the innovator, number one.

President Kennedy, when he launched the campaign to send a man to the Moon and back safely many, many decades ago, he said he would do so within 10 years, and he did. But when he did it, he said if we are to honor the vows of our Founders, we must be first, and therefore we intend to be first.

This legislation is yet another piece of legislation that enables America to be first. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing us that privilege, and to Mr. Obey as well.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the updated Consolidated Land, Energy, and Aquatic Resources Act, the CLEAR Act, and thank the gentleman for yielding time on this important subject. I am very proud of it and other legislation to ensure a continued strong response to the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico.

In passing these bills today, we will uphold our commitment to America's families and businesses to rebuild the Gulf Coast and make families whole, and to ensure that the size of this spill and the scope of it never happen again.

The CLEAR Act responds to the BP oil spill not simply with criticism. In fact, we waited an amount of time so we could get the facts, make the judgment, and write legislation that is responsible and targeted.

Visionary that he is, Mr. Rahall 1 year ago began work on this legislation. We have benefited from the work

that his committee, that of Energy and Commerce and the leadership of Chairman Waxman, and Transportation and Infrastructure under Mr. Oberstar, have done in preparation for this, as well as the work of Mr. Miller on Education and Labor.

This legislation is about safety, about establishing new safety standards--safety for the workers on the rigs, safety for those in the cleanup have been a priority for us in all of the legislation that has come to the floor in response to the spill.

It's about integrity. Integrity of the representations made by BP, whether it's about the effectiveness of the drilling, whether it's about the prevention of a blowout, or whether it's about the integrity of their representations about the integrity of the cleanup, what would happen if such a spill were to occur and do we have the technology to clean up. It's also about the integrity of the infrastructure, that the infrastructure would do what it was designed to do: drill, prevent blowouts, and, of course, respond to it.

So there's been a lack of integrity on both parts in terms of representations that were made and the integrity of infrastructure. This legislation addresses that.

It's about accountability. Reforming the Minerals Management Service is really a very important part of this legislation. Some of this was addressed by President Obama in having an Executive order to this effect or administrative policy to this effect. Now it is in statute. Very, very important. Because that accountability about who sets the standards, who makes sure that those standards are met is very, very important to us honoring our responsibility to the American people.

And it's about the families. And this always comes down to people who have suffered so much, by removing the cap on economic damages paid by oil companies to residents and small businesses affected by the oil spills.

The CLEAR Act is good for families, our environment, and the health of our natural resources in many ways. This week, we were informed that it was also good for our budget, saving taxpayers more than $5 billion over the next 5 years, according to the Congressional Budget Office, and up to $50 billion over the next 25 years, according to the Government Accounting Office.

This measure is just one component of a broader package of actions we are taking to hold BP accountable, support the families and businesses of the gulf coast, and prevent and prepare for future disasters, hopefully avoiding them.

Today, we will vote on the Offshore Oil and Gas Worker Whistleblower Protection Act, which was debated earlier, managed by Mr. Miller, to protect workers who put the people's interests first, speak up and inform State and Federal authorities of violations and practices that endanger the public and the workers.

In recent weeks, we have passed the Oil Pollution Research and Development Program Reauthorization Act to develop new methods and technologies to clean up oil spills. That was under the leadership of Chairman Bart Gordon of the Science and Technology Committee. He also presented the Safer Oil and Natural Gas Drilling Technology Research and Development Program to develop safer drilling technologies and prevent future oil spill disasters. One of them was the Gordon Act and one was the Woolsey Act.

The Spill Act. The Spill Act was one we passed maybe a month ago amending the Death on the High Seas Act to ensure fair compensation for the families of those killed or injured in the BP spill.

Many of us were humbled and honored to receive the families of those who lost their lives at the time of this explosion, at the time of this disaster. They came here. They talked about their family members that they had lost. They are the backbone of America. They worked hard. They played by the rules. They came here, really, using their suffering--and I say that in the best possible way--to help others. Their generosity of spirit insists that we turn this into the law but also to help those families and other families.

We passed legislation to give subpoena power to the President's Oil Spill Commission and permit the Coast Guard to obtain needed resources from the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund to help with cleanup costs. Thank you, Mr. Cummings.

I would like, again, to acknowledge Chairman Nick Rahall, Jim Oberstar, Henry Waxman, Ed Markey, and George Miller for their leadership on this package of bills that we have before us today, and Mr. Gordon, Bart Gordon, for what he had done before.

In the wake of the BP oil spill, Members from both parties should agree that the current system is not working for the American people. As their representatives and their leaders, we must change course. We must do what we can to help the gulf recover and rebuild.

I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``aye'' on this critical oil spill response legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. And I thank him for giving us the opportunity to vote this evening on the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act. I thank you and Congresswoman Maloney for your leadership on this issue, as well as the entire New York delegation.

Mr. Speaker, any time we enter a discussion of 9/11 we are entering sacred

ground. It is a place where there should be no disagreement as to our obligation to those who helped dig out and try to help clean up and recover at the scene of 9/11 at Ground Zero.

When 9/11 occurred, I don't think there would have been any question in anyone's mind that responding to it in this particular way was an emergency. It was an emergency. If there were ever an emergency in our country, responding to 9/11 was one. And so the objection that our colleagues make about paying for this, maybe we shouldn't pay for it. But we are. It's an emergency. It should be under emergency spending and investment.

But in order to say if we don't want to add to the deficit we will pay for it, there is a pay-for in the legislation that is about eliminating opportunities for tax evaders to avoid taxation, using the benefit of that to help make the people who came to the rescue and help rebuild and recover whole.

On September 11, 2001, again we enter this sacred ground, America stood in shock at the tragedy that unfolded at Ground Zero. In the days that followed, we stood inspired by the thousands of firefighters, rescue workers, first responders, medical personnel, and construction workers who traveled to the scene of the attack to help New Yorkers clean up and recover. Many spent days, weeks, or months doing the hard work our government asked them to do in the recovery effort.

Bound together by tragedy, their acts made them heroes. Their commitment reflected our unity as a people and a Nation. Their courage gave us hope that we would emerge from these dark days stronger and more resilient than ever. The whole country watched, the whole world watched, frustrated in our own inability to be at the scene and to be helpful, grateful to those who were so brave, so courageous to make that sacrifice, in a place that was uncertain in terms of its health aspects.

Today we must act to offer those who were so courageous the assistance they earned through their bravery and their sacrifice. Again I thank Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, Congressman Jerry Nadler, and the entire New York delegation for their work to bring this legislation to the floor. The American people are looking to us to do the right thing for the men and women who answered the call of duty and continue to suffer from ill health effects on their service.

It is my understanding that the people affected by this live in 433 of the 435 congressional districts. Because people not only rushed in from New York and surrounding areas, they came and brought their expertise and their help from all over the country. And therefore, the consequences of their bravery are felt all over the country. And the impact on their health is an important part of the challenge that they face and that we owe them for.

This legislation fulfills our obligation to those Americans, helping those who jeopardized their health to rescue others secure necessary medical treatment, especially for the unique exposures suffered at Ground Zero, and ensuring survivors and victims' families can obtain compensation for their tragic losses through a reopened 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund.

My colleagues, you all remember that following 9/11 there was a compensation fund established for the families of those who lost their lives. Well, many of these people are losing their lives. They certainly have lost their health. And we owe them. This is not a time for any partisanship. This legislation is the least we can do to offer our gratitude and support to those heroes, those individuals who never asked for any recognition or accolades, who simply want the opportunity to live out their lives with health and happiness.

Americans will have a hard time understanding how any leader in Congress could oppose this critical assistance. Let's find a way to help these people, not let's look for ways not to. We must uphold our pledge to help every one of them. We must not desert them. We must join together as Democrats and Republicans to provide this critical assistance.

I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``aye'' on the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act. I thank our colleagues again in a bipartisan way in the New York delegation for giving us the opportunity to call attention once again to the bravery and courage of so many at that time. Words are totally inadequate. But by our deeds we can try to begin to express our gratitude. We owe them that.

Mr. Speaker, it is with great pride and joy that I rise today to acknowledge the history that you are making. By your leadership and your inspiration and your education of the Congress, you have helped take us to a place that honors the tradition and the goals of our founders; to improve liberty and equality for all Americans.

Today, through technology, under the leadership of the Architect of the House, we are able to, in a way that is almost magical, extend to you the privilege that you deserved all along, to be able to preside over the House.

I'm pleased that we are joined by our former colleague in the House, and now a Senator, Senator Harkin, who was such a champion in passing the Americans with Disabilities Act; our former colleague, Tony Coelho, also a leader in that regard; our colleagues who have worked so hard on that subject, Mr. Markey, Mr. Kennedy; and the champion in our House on the Americans with Disabilities Act, Steny Hoyer, our distinguished majority leader.

Mr. Sensenbrenner has made this part of his legacy in the Congress. Not so fast with the legacy, I know. More to come. But we thank you for being the champion on civil rights that you are.

And I see now that we have been joined by our distinguished Republican leader of the House, Mr. Boehner.

This is bipartisan effort. It has been all along. It is a cause for celebration. It is a source of liberation. And it's important to note that there's a reason Mr. Langevin is first. He is first because of his courage. He is first because of his inspiration, and he is first because when I became Speaker, he said to me, Now that you are presiding, I want to preside too.

So on that day, when we made history of having the first woman Speaker of the House, it became clear that we had to make history today in having Jim Langevin preside on this historic occasion, which is a source of pride to all of us but also a source of challenge as to how we go forward addressing the new technologies so that we can continue to remove barriers to participation to all Americans. It's better for them and it's better for our country.

Now we can go forward clearly saying that we respect people for what they can do, not judge them or limit them for what they cannot, and that we can more fully honor the Pledge of Allegiance that Mr. Kennedy led us in just earlier, one Nation under God, with liberty--and this is about liberation--with liberty and justice for all.

Congratulations, Mr. Langevin.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to call to the attention of our colleagues the historic moment that we are all enjoying right now. Today is the 20th anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act. What better way for us to observe that important legislation's anniversary than to have this be the day that, for the first time in our country's history, a gentleman with the challenges that Mr. Langevin faces is presiding as Speaker of the House of Representatives. Congratulations to you, Mr. Speaker.

It is appropriate for us to address our remarks to the Speaker and, in this case, the outpouring of appreciation for this special occasion is marked, not just because you are a person with disabilities, but because you are Jim Langevin of Rhode Island, who it is an honor for all of us to call colleague.

It's important that you are the first, because when you came to the Congress, you inspired us, you transformed our thinking about respecting people for what they can do without hesitating about any limitations they may have.

My colleagues, many of you were present when I took the gavel from Mr. Boehner as the first woman Speaker of the House, and it was a highly emotional day for some of us.

Today is a similar day. It is a day when we are making history in this body. Thanks to the work of the Architect of the Capitol, but practically invisible to the eye, a system has been developed so that Mr. Langevin, with great dignity, can take the chair to preside.

Any one of us in our families or in this body is one phone call away from, or a diagnosis, news of an accident, whatever it may be that may physically limit our participation here. But that should not deprive anyone of the honor and the prestige of presiding over the House. And from this day forward, this House will be an example to the rest of the country that these physical obstacles of three stairs, and to the extent that you may be interested in the engineering of it all, it's very interesting.

But not to take away from the fact that the person who is the first to do so is Mr. Langevin. His leadership in the Congress is recognized. And so it is

with great emotion, with great pride, with a great sense of history that today we are making history and making progress for the American people.

I am pleased to yield to the distinguished Republican leader, the gentleman from Ohio.

Reclaiming my time, I want to concur with the sentiments of the distinguished Republican leader in acknowledging the bipartisan support that the Americans with Disabilities Act received in the House. Mr. Sensenbrenner, a champion for civil rights across the board, a champion on this issue, inspired by his wife, Cheryl; in the Senate, Senator Ted Kennedy, Senator Robert Dole in the leadership of the Senate was such. So it has been bipartisan in both Houses. Senator Harkin was with us earlier today. Patrick Kennedy acknowledged his and his father's participation.

But our champion on this side of the aisle and, I think, really in the entire Congress, has been our majority leader, Steny Hoyer, who not only was instrumental in passing the legislation, he was instrumental in its enforcement and implementation of the amendments to correct misunderstandings that the Supreme Court may have had about it.

He has been a champion. And it is appropriate on this, the 20th anniversary, that we acknowledge his tremendous leadership as well.

And if I may, because he won't say it, and Mr. Langevin is in the chair, so he can't say it. But earlier today at a reception, Mr. Langevin said, because of the leadership of Mr. Hoyer, Mr. Sensenbrenner and others, but he pointed out Mr. Hoyer, on this ADA legislation, well, that legislation enabled Mr. Langevin to be successful in what he did and to be our colleague, and now preside over the Congress today.

I am pleased to yield to the gentleman from Maryland, the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. Speaker, our distinguished majority leader referenced that we had a special guest here today. I want to acknowledge the presence of Mr. Minnick's guest, Corporal Randal Wright. He lost both legs and a hand in Afghanistan.

I think it's important that we have this juxtapositioning. As Mr. Patrick Kennedy said today in his remarks, we have many of our brave men and women in uniform who are fighting the fight for our country. They come home, many of them, with physical disabilities. We want them all to think about serving in Congress.

So this, Corporal Randal Wright, is about you and your colleagues as well. Mr. Langevin has led the way. We want to take this opportunity to thank you for your patriotism, your courage, and your sacrifice for our country.

I want to thank Mr. Minnick and Mr. Marshall, the author of the Veterans Disabilities Act, for bringing Corporal Wright here. And Steny tells me that Corporal Wright got married this week as well.

So, my colleagues, once again let us congratulate Mr. Langevin for presiding with such dignity over the House on this historic day. Congratulations and thank you.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him for bringing this important legislation to the floor today. And indeed, there is some good news in it, but there is some not-so-good news in it as well.

I listened very attentively to the previous speaker talk about why these unemployment benefits had to be paid for, and I was struck by the inconsistency in his remarks and that of the Republicans in the United States Senate and in the House of Representatives. It's important to note that while they demand that these benefits be paid for--$34 billion in unemployment benefits going to those who have played by the rules, worked hard, who are unemployed through no fault of their own, $34 billion, which injected into the economy will indeed create jobs-- while they have said that $700 billion of tax cuts for the wealthiest people in America shouldn't be paid for. ``Inconsistent'' is the politest word I can use to describe that.

Thirty-four billion dollars for those who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own.

Last week the Economic Policy Institute released a report making it clear that not only do unemployment benefits protect those who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own, but would lead to more jobs, higher wages, and a stronger economy for all Americans.

And why is that so? That is so because these benefits are given to people who need them. The money will be spent immediately on necessities injecting demand into the economy, creating jobs. In fact, the Economic Policy Institute figured that would be 1.4 million jobs relating to the unemployment benefits that are out there now.

The Congressional Budget Office which is independent and nonpartisan has confirmed that extending unemployment benefits is the most efficient way for the government to generate economic growth.

Now, I know why the gentleman may want to change the subject to other things. He mentions Katrina. We all supported Katrina. Did anybody talk about paying for that emergency? No. It was an emergency. We have a compact with the American people in the time of a natural disaster-- even though that disaster was exacerbated by cronyism in the Bush administration.

But let's not go there. Let's just stay on this subject. And the subject at hand is when this bill was introduced today, this resolution, I'm sure you all heard that it was an amendment to an amendment. Well, the Senate amendment that we are voting on, the amendment that they put in took out the jobs initiatives. And those initiatives were paid for. Build America Bonds. That was part of the original bill, to build the infrastructure of America, the highways and infrastructure of America in a new green way creating new green jobs and new green technologies. And the Build America jobs that went beyond those investments; FMAP to stabilize our State economies.

Thirty States have written their budgets already on the basis of this funding being in the legislation and paid for--not increasing the deficit. We passed it in December. The Senate only now is sending it back to us because the Republicans have objected to that, and the amendment to the amendment eliminates that stability for States.

Summer jobs, well, it's too late for summer jobs, so youth jobs. In December, we passed the bill for summer jobs for America's youth. The amendment to the amendment takes out those youths. And they were paid for, because on the one hand they say everything has to be paid for. Well, when it's paid for, then are they just plain opposed to summer jobs for youths? Are they opposed to Build America Bonds to grow our economy and meet the needs of our country infrastructurewise?

The Housing Trust Fund, very, very important initiative.

Concurrent receipt: I don't think there's any doubt that every person in this Congress supports our veterans. One issue that is a high priority for America's veterans when we meet with them on a regular basis is the issue of concurrent receipt. You may not be familiar with that term, but it's a disability tax on our veterans, and with so many veterans returning home with disabilities from Iraq and Afghanistan this is very, very important. It was in the bill. It was paid for. Again, money given to people who need it for necessities who would spend it, inject demand into the economy and create jobs. So the amendment to the amendment that the Senate Republicans would finally let pass in the Senate removed concurrent receipt, paid for, for our veterans.

The list goes on and on, a list of paid-for initiatives that benefit our veterans, grow our economy, create jobs, help our workers, help our young people, stabilize our States, all paid for. The Republican Senators said ``no,'' and they held up this particular amendment to the amendment for over 6 weeks because they said it had to be paid for.

At the very same time, they were saying we must pay for $34 billion for benefits for the unemployed but we don't have to pay for the $700 billion for the wealthiest people in America to have tax cuts. Those same tax cuts, during the 8 years of the Bush administration, did not create jobs; they increased the deficit. And the Republicans have said they want to go back to the exact agenda of the Bush administration. They look with increased fondness on the Bush administration.

Well, let me say this here today. The good news about this is finally our unemployed will get their benefits. It will be retroactive. It's really sad that it has to come to this. Nonpaid-for tax cuts for the rich; paid-for benefits for our workers.

But it's important to note, contrary to what you might hear from some in this Chamber, that in the first 8 months of the Obama administration, more jobs were created--well, by the time we finish August, more jobs will have been created than in the 8 years of the Bush administration. While they increased the deficit by trillions of dollars, while we lost jobs, where they took us to a brink of financial crisis of our financial industry, where they took us deep into recession, where they took us deep into deficit, they want to return to the exact same agenda.

We are not going back and our step forward into the future, one step into the future is being taken today when we say to American workers, You have played by the rules. You have worked hard. You have lost your job through no fault of your own. You have these benefits, but we must do more to create jobs, to create more jobs.

I urge our colleagues today to understand how important this is, the distinction between those who support our workers. Respect the contract that we have with them so that when the economy ebbs and flows and the cycle of employment and unemployment is not in their favor, that we will be there for them. And being there for them is not just about them. It's also about the entire economy, the entire economy. The economy cannot flourish and be entrepreneurial unless it knows that there's a safety net in case the economy comes down.

The Republicans are saying ``no'' to that. They've said ``no'' over and over again, and they're saying ``no'' today unless it is paid for, again, while they still say, We want tax cuts for the wealthiest, $700 billion worth, 20 times more than this bill for unemployment insurance.

But don't forget what they took out of the bill and don't forget that that includes concurrent receipt for our veterans.

I urge our colleagues to proudly vote for this legislation.

I commend my colleague Mr. Levin for his hard work on this and other legislation, and I know, because it's absolutely essential, that at some point we will get a jobs bill that will come back from the Senate. We agree that it should be paid for. We've sent it over to them paid for, and that they will recognize that we need to create jobs, good- paying jobs that take us into the future and, most of all, that we're not going back to the failed economic policies of the Bush administration.

I urge a strong ``aye'' vote on both sides of the aisle.

I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I am most grateful to him for bringing this legislation to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, I saw the hope in the eyes of the victims of the oil spill who came to my office. These families came. Eleven of the families were suffering from the loss of a loved one on the rig. They came to me and said that they were on their way to see Chairman Conyers. They were filled with hope that he would advance the SPILL Act.

I heard their stories. They made their appeal for legislation, about safety, and about the SPILL Act. We held hands. We prayed. They told stories of their loved ones, and they kept coming back to the point that they did not want the families to be forgotten, and they did not want other families who could be the victims of future accidents or incidents of this kind to be forgotten.

Very hopefully and prayerfully, they left the Speaker's office and went to see Mr. Conyers, with great emotion in terms of the stories they had to tell, but with great wisdom about how their families had been affected and what a difference the SPILL Act would make.

The chairman has very well described it in terms of the Death on the High Seas Act, which would be changed by this legislation, which was passed in the middle of the 19th century and amended dating from the 1920s, as we know. This legislation will modernize it in terms of distance from the shore and who would be compensated for a loss, not just a pecuniary loss, but also pain and suffering.

So I want to thank the chairman because of what I saw in their eyes, the hope they had and the message this legislation will send. More important than all of that, for the difference that it will make in the lives of these people, who are the backbone of America, who work so hard to grow our economy, to keep the community together there.

I want to thank Mr. Melancon for the important role he has played in representing those people so well and making sure this legislation addresses their concerns.

I once again thank the distinguished chairman for anticipating the needs of these families and meeting them by bringing this bill to the floor.

I commend the gentleman for his great leadership, and I thank him for yielding time.

Mr. Speaker, as I listened to the debate here, I can't help but remember, and I have a vivid memory of it, a couple of years ago, almost 2 years ago, September 18, a Thursday afternoon, we were gathered in our office, and had just seen in the week and a half preceding, a week and a half to 2 weeks preceding that day, some unusual events that related to Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, and then AIG and the Fed bailout of AIG.

I called the Secretary of the Treasury and said, We are meeting here in my office, and wondered if we could be helpful in any way in terms of public policy, because what we seem to see coming out from the executive branch is chaos. Different responses to different challenges that were not adding up to us. Could you, Mr. Secretary, come to the Congress tomorrow and give us a report on what is happening? And I said could you be here at 9 o'clock tomorrow morning to tell us what is happening to the markets? Secretary Paulson said, ``Madam Speaker, tomorrow morning will be too late.'' Tomorrow morning will be too late. ``Why, Mr. Secretary, have you not notified Congress? Why have you not called us sooner? Why would it take a call from me to ask you to report to us to tell us that tomorrow morning will be too late?''

Without going into his response, which I am happy to do, but in the interests of time I won't now, I then called the Chairman of the Fed, Chairman Bernanke, and asked him to join the Secretary of the Treasury at my office later that day.

The meeting turned into a meeting that was House and Senate, Democrats and Republicans gathered together to hear from the Secretary of the Treasury the condition of the markets. The

Secretary, who had told us that we couldn't even wait until the next morning, described a very, very grim situation.

The chairman of the Fed, who was an expert on the Great Depression, told us that the situation was so grim that if we did not act immediately, there would be no economy by Monday. This is Thursday night. There would be no economy by Monday. How could it be? We, the greatest country in the world with the strongest economy, yet we needed to act immediately.

The response from the Bush administration was a bailout of the banks. And at a 24-hour/48-hour period they produced a bill, $700 billion, that they asked the Congress to pass to bail out the banks. It was necessary to do because of the recklessness of the Bush administration's economic policy, because of the lack of supervision, discipline, regulation. The recklessness on Wall Street had taken us to the brink of a financial crisis of such magnitude that the chairman said there wouldn't be an economy by Monday.

Took us into deep recession where 8\1/2\ million jobs were lost. People lost their jobs, therefore in many cases their health insurance. They lost their pensions, they lost their savings, they had to live off savings, and they lost their investments for their children's education. Because of recklessness on Wall Street, joblessness was rampant on Main Street.

One of the reasons was there was no credit. It's interesting to hear my colleagues talk about the importance of credit to Main Street, but not one of them voted for the Small Business Credit bill that passed in this Congress about a week ago.

But in any event, joblessness, lack of credit, suppressing the entrepreneurial spirit of the United States of America, because there were some, not all, but some on Wall Street who decided it was okay to privatize the game as long as they were making money and nationalize the risk. Send the bill to the taxpayer when they were not. That's why we are here today to make sure that never happens again, to say to them that the party is now over.

And it's interesting to note that in that message, not one Republican participated when this bill came to the floor originally. And that was the end of last year. Years of allowing Wall Street to do anything it wants, beyond laissez faire, to be overleveraged, no transparency, no accountability, produce the most severe financial crisis and economic downturn since the Great Depression--and the American people paid the price.

Again, 8 million jobs, nearly $17 trillion in net worth disappeared. A record number of foreclosures ravaged our communities. And, again, credit disappeared from small businesses. This also had a tremendous impact on construction in our country because of the lack of loans.

Today, I rise with the clear message that the party is over. No longer again will recklessness on Wall Street cause joblessness on Main Street. No longer will the risky behavior of a few threaten the financial stability of our families, our businesses, and our economy as a whole.

The Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act has been appropriately named for Chairman Dodd and Chairman Frank, and I thank them for their leadership. In doing so, in bringing this legislation before the Congress, Chairman Frank and Chairman Dodd are making history. For decades to come their names will be identified with historic reforms to protect the economy of our country and the financial and economic security of the American people.

I also want to acknowledge Chairman Collin Peterson who carefully negotiated some of the most contentious positions of this legislation working with Chairwoman Lincoln on the Senate side. All of the Democratic conferees, I thank you for your commitment for making the strongest bill possible and for always putting America's consumers first.

Today we will follow the lead of those on the committee enacting historic legislation to bring transparency to our financial markets, lowering the leverage that got us into this trouble in the first place, bringing tough oversight to Wall Street, and bringing consumer protection to Main Street and to the American people.

By voting ``yes,'' we will pass the toughest set of Wall Street reforms in generations. This comprehensive and far-reaching legislation injects transparency and accountability as it lowers leverage and to the financial system run amok under the Republicans' reckless economic policies.

This legislation makes commonsense reforms that end the era of taxpayer bailouts and ``too big to fail'' financial firms. It establishes a new independent agency solely dedicated to protecting Americans from anticonsumer abuses. The bill closes the door on predatory lending and regulates payday lenders. It includes provisions to allow us to conduct oversight over the Fed, establishes tough rules for risky financial practices, enhances oversight for credit rating agencies, and reins in egregious CEO bonuses by giving shareholders a say on executive pay.

It sheds light on the darkest corners of the derivatives market and is fully paid for. And how is it paid for? By shutting down the Bush- era bailout fund known as the TARP and using the savings for financial reform.

As we cast our votes today, each Member of this body faces a choice. We have had these choices before. Democrats wanted to rein in health insurance companies; the Republicans said no. Democrats wanted to rein in Big Oil; the Republicans said no. Democrats want to rein in the recklessness of some on Wall Street; the Republicans are saying no.

Each Member of this body will have a choice. We can place our bet on the side of those on Wall Street who have gambled with our savings and lost, or we can stand with Main Street and the middle class. Will we preserve a status quo? And if this bill were to fail, we would be preserving a status quo that has left our economy in a wretched state. Or will we guarantee the American people strong reforms and effective vigilance to prevent another financial crisis?

How can we possibly resist the change that must happen? How can we forget that the chairman of the Fed said if we do not act, we will not have an economy by Monday--4 days from when we were having the conversation? How can we let the status quo that created that condition to continue?

I urge my colleagues to choose on the side of Main Street. I urge you to build a future of stability and security for America's families, consumers, and small businesses. I urge you to vote ``aye'' on the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in remembrance of Walter Shorenstein. When word of Walter's passing came to the Capitol, sadness was felt throughout this building. Not only did we lose a great American, but for many of us in public office, we lost a great friend. We shared stories of Walters's life and his legacy.

Before I left Washington last Friday, I received messages from all over; from Members of Congress and from people around the country. On my way home to California this weekend, I went to four states, and in every state I heard stories about Walter. I hope it is a comfort to the Shorenstein family that so many people share their loss and respect their father.

The outpouring of respect and affection for Walter Shorenstein brings to mind a passage from Ecclesiasticus, ``Now let us praise great men the heroes of our nation. They led the people by their counsel and their knowledge of the laws. From their font of wisdom, they gave instruction. These are godly men whose righteous deeds have not been forgotten. Their wealth is their descendants and their inheritance is their children's children. Their bodies are buried in peace and their names will live forever. The people will tell of their wisdom and the congregation will continue to sing their praise.''

I want to praise Walter as a patriot and a patriarch. He loved America and served his country his entire life. In the Air Force in World War II, as a civic leader, and as a philanthropist, he worked to strengthen our Nation.

Walter knew that our democracy depended on people having a chance to get ahead. In that respect he was a democrat with the small ``d.'' He practiced this in his professional life and advocated this as public policy, and in that respect he was a Democrat with a capital ``D.'' It was also part of his family tradition. He always smiled with pride talking about Hyman Shorenstein, his uncle, and the Democratic boss of Brooklyn for over 30 years. He even told me on a number of occasions that to cross Hyman, you might be ``Shorensteined.'' In other words, it was a verb.

Walter understood how essential freedom of the press was to our democracy. With that in mind he founded the Joan Shorenstein Center for Press, Politics and Public Policy. He brought together great minds on the subject and honored Joan's understanding on the relationship between the press, at which she excelled, and power, which she covered.

Walter understood power and was an advisor and friend to Democratic Presidents Lyndon Johnson, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. He was also a friend and advisor to many who aspired to be president, too numerous to mention.

He had a special relationship with Secretary Hillary Clinton, and Ted Kennedy was family. His leadership was acknowledged and praised by President Barack Obama.

Much has been said about how generous Walter was financially to political causes. He was also a great intellectual resource and mentor. He was politically astute and his views were respected.

My colleagues in Congress, such as Congressman George Miller, Congresswoman Ann Eshoo, Congressman John Garamendi often spoke of how prepared you had to be when you went to visit Walter. You always left with words of wisdom, and assigned reading.

Walter wasn't always easy. He was very competitive. We always knew that on our visits and our phone calls, we'd be challenged. And the most annoying part was that Walter was always right.

Walter was successful because he was smart and he was always ready for the task ahead. When we would ask him what he thought about bringing the Democratic Convention to San Francisco, my running for Congress or for leadership, Walter would say, ``Just do it.'' Walter coined that phrase well before Nike did. And when Walter said ``just do it,'' he would also say, ``I will help make it happen.'' You knew you would succeed with Walter at your side.

Walter was a patriarch to the community, but what mattered most to him was to be a devoted father to his family. Today as we pay tribute to Walter, we must also remember Phyllis and her quiet, dignified, and strong demeanor. If anyone wanted to see the powerful Walter Shorenstein melt, they just needed to see him around Phyllis.

Everyone knows how much he loved his children: Joan, Carole, and Doug, and he glowed with pride in their success. They honored their parent's traditions, which included making their own extraordinary mark on the world. And he loved his grandchildren Sarah, Wally, Grace, Brandon, Sandra and Danielle. What a great legacy you all are to Phyllis and Walter.

Walter Shorenstein died as he had lived: surrounded by his family and loved ones, in charge of his own situation, and ready. Now that he has passed, we take comfort that his spirit is with Joan and Phyllis.

Patriot, patriarch, especially family man and friend, today Walter Shorenstein is mourned and praised across the country. But he is especially mourned in the community of San Francisco, where we knew him the best and loved him the most. He had a wonderful life. May he rest in peace.

I am honored to join you, Chairman Rahall and Congresswoman Capito, in singing the praises of a great man, Senator Byrd. I rise today to remember the extraordinary life and legacy of Senator Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia, a man who loved his State, loved this country, and was a such important part of this Congress.

Throughout his remarkable career, he worked for all Americans, and he never stopped fighting for the people of West Virginia. While we are here, we all take pride in bearing witness to history. Senator Byrd shaped it, and in shaping history, he built a better future for all Americans.

His story was the true embodiment of the American dream. An orphan at a young age, Senator Byrd refused to allow his circumstances to limit the reach of his potential or his ability.

A son of West Virginia's coal country, he was the first in his family to be educated above the second grade. He worked as a butcher and a welder and entered office to serve his community and his neighbors. In doing so, he would ultimately make America a better place for every American.

Though many note his mastery of the Senate, I note that Robert Byrd's service began in the Congress here in the House of Representatives in 1953. His service in the House is a source of pride to all of us, though Senator Byrd remarked that he was happy to leave behind the limitations on speaking time that apply on the House floor. In fact, I checked the Congressional Record myself on that. In the year that Senator Byrd first came to Congress, I found that in one single floor speech he managed to quote the ``Book of Ecclesiastes,'' Shakespeare's ``The Merchant of Venice,'' Daniel Webster, and Rudyard Kipling, all while discussing trade policy. That was a sign of the great oratory that would come over the next 57 years. In that time, Senator Byrd would become Congress's foremost scholar on the institutions of our democracy. He always spoke truth to power. He served as a voice of reason. He was always a gentleman, charming any friend or foe.

Today, the entire Nation mourns the loss of this great champion, leader, and public servant. For more than 57 years, Congress has benefited from his wisdom and passion. For generations to come, Robert C. Byrd's name will remain etched in history books for his accomplishments and for his courage.

Senator Byrd has gone home to be with his beloved Erma. We hope it is a comfort to the Byrd family that so many join them in grieving their loss at this sad time.

I thank the gentleman for yielding and for making the point he just made.

Madam Speaker, I also would like to make a further point, which is that 87.5 percent of the American people support what the DISCLOSE Act will do, which is to shed light on elections.

Madam Speaker, nearly a century ago, Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote about the dangers of corporate interests dominating our economy, stifling competition, and harming our Nation. And he reminded us in the face of these forces that sunlight is the best of disinfectants.

Today, many of us will rise, and I do now in that same tradition, to shed sunlight on our democratic process and preserve the integrity of our elections, to call on my colleagues to pass the DISCLOSE Act, and in doing so to protect the voices and the votes of the American people.

I want to acknowledge key leaders on both sides of the aisle who have taken leadership on this legislation. Chairman Chris Van Hollen certainly has been tireless in his efforts to pass this DISCLOSE Act, as has Chairman Robert Brady, chair of the House Administration Committee. I also thank Congressman Mike Castle and Congressman Walter Jones, who early on supported this legislation.

Earlier this year, the Supreme Court overturned decades of precedents in a court case called the Citizens United case. The decision undermines democracy and empowers the powerful. It opens the floodgates to corporate takeover of our elections and invites unrestricted special interest dollars in our campaigns. And it even left open the door to donations from companies owned by foreign governments. Imagine.

In response, Congress and the President immediately went to work on the DISCLOSE Act.

This legislation restores transparency and accountability to Federal campaigns and ensures that Americans know when Wall Street, Big Oil, and health insurers are the ones behind political advertisements. The bill requires corporate CEOs to stand by their ads in the same way candidates do, prevents corporations controlled by foreign or even hostile governments from spending money in Federal elections, and keeps government contractors and TARP recipients from making political expenditures. Imagine a TARP recipient getting taxpayer money to bail them out, using that money to impact elections. And it compels corporations and outside groups to disclose their campaign spending to shareholders, members, and the public.

In the spirit of Justice Brandeis, these landmark provisions will add sunlight to our campaigns, which is why the DISCLOSE Act has gained the support of good government advocates such as the League of Women Voters, Common Cause, Public Citizen, Democracy 21, and Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, to name a few. These organizations, like so many Members of Congress, agree with the words of the President's State of the Union Address this year when he said, ``Elections should be decided by the American people.''

The DISCLOSE Act reaffirms a fundamental American value: The right to vote is afforded to the people, not the special interests. With this bill, no longer will corporations be able to drown out the voices of ordinary citizens. By voting ``yes,'' we are putting power back into the hands of the voters.

I urge my colleagues to vote ``aye'' today on this legislation.