Floor Statements

Madam President, today I rise to recognize Mr. Adolph ``Bob'' Hirsch, a remarkable man and World War II veteran who turns 100 on July 23, 2022.

In September 1942, at the age of 20, Mr. Hirsch enlisted in the U.S. Coast Guard. He would go on to attain the rank of seaman first class, serving this Nation honorably throughout World War II until 1945. During this time, Mr. Hirsch served as a gunner's mate on the Coast Guard Patrol Frigate Annapolis. It was aboard that vessel in the American theater of operations that Mr. Hirsch was engaged in combat action against hostile enemy submarine forces.

In September 1945, Mr. Hirsch was also involved in a daring rescue while serving on the Annapolis. After the Steamship Prince George caught fire in Ketchikan, AK, several U.S. Coast Guard vessels responded to the incident, including the Annapolis. Mr. Hirsch was engaged in lifesaving and port clearance operations, further demonstrating his remarkable bravery.

Following his time in the Coast Guard, Mr. Hirsch continued his outstanding legacy of service. He joined the New York City Police Department and served that city honorably for over 20 years. Since 1976, Mr. Hirsch has resided in Bethlehem, CT, and we are proud he has chosen to call our great State home.

Mr. Hirsch's tireless service will be an enduring legacy. I applaud his many accomplishments and hope my colleagues will join me in congratulating Mr. Bob Hirsch on this milestone of his 100th birthday.

Madam President, I want to thank my colleague and friend from Texas as well as the team that worked with him--Senators Murphy, Tillis, Sinema, and all of us who worked with them. Where he is surely right is that we have shown that democracy works, at least that it can work, when people come together seeking common ground and responding to the overwhelming sense of urgency from the American people about solving a problem. And that democracy working stands in stark juxtaposition to the tableau on the other side of Congress, the House Commission that is investigating the near-overthrow of that democracy. So for all who are doubting and all who may have doubts in the future, we are providing some reassurance that we can get things done and solve problems.

My mind goes back to watching that Gallery almost 10 years ago in the wake of the Newtown tragedy--the unthinkable murder of 20 beautiful children and 6 brave educators at Sandy Hook Elementary School. And when we failed to take action then on a very modest improving the background check system--we had 55 votes but not enough to reach 60--I will never forget the cry of ``Shame, shame'' that came from that Gallery.

I remember the Sandy Hook families were in that Gallery, and at least two of them are here today, Mark Barden and Nicole Hockley. And it is not only those families that are in the Gallery, it is the movement that those families, through their immeasurable grief and unthinkable trauma, created in the wake of that unimaginable murder. That movement is here, comprised of survivors and first responders, medical professionals, educators, advocates, and so many others. And today when the U.S. Senate passes the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, we won't hear cries of ``Shame,'' there will be cries of relief, finally.

I am proud to have been part of the team that negotiated this measure and to have worked with colleagues on the other side of the aisle like Senator Cornyn. This is not the measure I fought for. It is not the measure I would have written if I had been doing it alone, but it marks meaningful progress.

If you wait to get everything in the U.S. Senate, chances are you will get nothing. Progress is better than nothing. This measure will save lives--not all the lives that we want to save, but it will save lives, and I will be proud to vote for it today.

After 30 years, hundreds of thousands of gun deaths after Sandy Hook and dozens of failed legislative proposals, we are finally taking this step forward. The Sandy Hook victims, the Parkland victims, the Uvalde victims, and so many more deserve so much better, and they deserve more, but the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act is that significant step forward that responds to the Nation's sense of urgency to get something done.

One way the legislation will do so that I am particularly proud of is investing in crisis intervention programs. This bill will increase funding for these programs, including red flag laws and programs already in place in 21 jurisdictions like Connecticut, which was the first. These laws will keep firearms out of the hands of individuals who are dangerous to themselves or others. It is separating those guns from people who say they are going to kill someone or themselves. More than half of all gun deaths are suicides. Red flag laws are practical and proven and they prevent not only suicides but school mass shootings and other violent crimes. Just last week, Connecticut probably saved tens of lives by separating an individual who told his parents that he was having those thoughts again about killing people, and he was separated from a firearm.

I have worked on the red flag issue for years with Senator Graham and with Senator Feinstein in the bipartisan negotiations that led to this bill. We worked collaboratively and closely to develop the funding framework that can support States that already have these laws and States that choose to enact these laws going forward. Implementation is so important, and the resources necessary for implementation are key to making them work effectively. In fact, very arguably, the failure of the New York red flag law to prevent the Buffalo massacre was due to a lack of resources commitment.

To alleviate concerns among some of my Republican colleagues and some gun owners, we reached a bipartisan agreement to include provisions that specify that, for States to be eligible to use funding under red flag programs, those programs have to include minimum due process protections. These protections are consistent with due process safeguards provided in the 21 jurisdictions that already have these laws, and several have already been upheld in the face of constitutional challenges.

The Constitution already applies to these laws. The due process guarantees would apply in any event, but we had no problem spelling it out. That explicit protection in the legislative text is added for reassurance. In so doing, our bipartisan group agreed that all 21 jurisdictions that already have red flag laws will all qualify for funding under this bill. So, too, we agreed that any future jurisdiction that enacts such a law must at least meet the same constitutional due process minimum to be eligible.

I spell out this legislative history because it is important to understand not only the context but also the intention of these provisions. Let no one doubt that States like Connecticut, which already have these laws, will receive funding.

I am also pleased that, among other measures, we have substantially shrunk, even if not eliminated, the boyfriend loophole. We made straw purchasing and trafficking illegal at the Federal level--a measure that I know, as a former U.S. attorney and chief Federal prosecutor in Connecticut, is enormously important. We are investing hundreds of millions of dollars in community violence intervention and in the STOP School Violence Program.

We have been meeting just this week and throughout these past years with community groups and educators and others who want to stop mental health

issues upstream before they create violence downstream. I know how enormously important these measures can be for Connecticut and other States.

Finally, let me say that I have come to the Senate floor too many times--too many times to count--to call on us to honor with action those incredibly strong, brave families from Sandy Hook and from all around the country who have created this movement that we have now. It is a movement that will go on. They are not stopping. Neither should we. We need to continue with the same sense of urgency and purpose-- that movement--toward making America even safer.

This bill is a breakthrough that builds a foundation for the future. It opens the door. Hopefully, it will show colleagues who have, perhaps, been reluctant to stand up to the gun lobby in the past and have helped to maintain the vice-like grip of that gun lobby on the Congress that their power is done. They have not only waned in their impact, but their intimidation and threats will no longer hold sway here.

So we are saving lives. It is a proud moment for the U.S. Senate, and I thank all of my colleagues for supporting this breakthrough measure.

Mr. President, today, I rise to recognize Gaylord Specialty Healthcare as it celebrates 120 years of outstanding service in Connecticut. Throughout its existence, Gaylord has changed with the healthcare needs of the people of Connecticut and indeed across the Nation, while maintaining a reputation for excellence and superior professionalism.

The health system was first founded in 1902 as a tuberculosis sanatorium. Gaylord Sanatorium provided long-term treatment for half a century when the disease was endemic, treating patients including playwright Eugene O'Neill. In 1926, the U.S. Public Health Laboratory National Research Committee selected Gaylord's facilities as the first they used in the country. In 1948, Gaylord Farm Sanatorium was renamed to Gaylord Hospital, restructuring to treat people with chronic illnesses. By 1954, Gaylord Hospital became the first hospital in New England to specialize in comprehensive rehabilitation.

Today, Gaylord Specialty Healthcare is an extensive health system across the State of Connecticut that focuses exclusively on medical rehabilitation. The hospital in Wallingford is a leading center for rehabilitation, and it is one of only two long-term acute care hospitals in the world--and the only one in the United States. Gaylord received certification from the Commission on Accreditation of Rehabilitation Facilities in recognition of its outstanding patient care. They offer an extensive breadth of treatment and accreditation opportunities. Gaylord is further certified by the Joint Commission and the American Association of Cardiovascular and Pulmonary Rehabilitation thanks to its exemplary standards.

I have had the privilege of visiting Gaylord Hospital on a number of occasions. This April, I was proud to join members of their staff to celebrate their new physical medicine and rehabilitation physicians residency program, made possible thanks to $1.2 million in Federal funding. This program will be the first of its kind in Connecticut, and it will play a critical role in ensuring our State has sufficient resources for specialty medical professionals. Having spoken with staff and patients at Gaylord, I can attest firsthand to the extraordinary care, compassion, and expertise demonstrated there. Gaylord Hospital's work is a credit to our State.

As Gaylord Hospital celebrates its anniversary this October, I applaud them on their extraordinary record of accomplishment. I hope my colleagues will join me in congratulating Gaylord Specialty Healthcare on 120 years of excellence.

Mr. President, I rise today with a heavy heart to pay tribute to Nelson W. Milner, Sr., and Clarence R. Milner, Sr. Both men were beloved relatives of former Hartford, CT, mayor Thirman L. Milner, the first elected African-American mayor in New England. They passed away earlier this year and leave extraordinary legacies of thoughtful, compassionate work.

Nelson was born in Hartford, CT, and was the brother of former Mayor Milner. Upon graduating from high school, he joined the Air Force, serving for 3 years. Stationed in Riverside, CA, Nelson remained in the State with his late wife, Arthurrine, following his service. In the 1980s, Nelson returned to Hartford in support of his brother's mayoral campaign.

Passionate about serving others, Nelson became an ordained deacon and taught Sunday school. He also played the keyboard with the East Hartford senior center band. Nelson focused his final years on strengthening his relationship with his family, including his 10 children, 5 stepchildren, and many grandchildren and great- grandchildren. He passed away on February 15, 2022, at the age of 90.

Nelson and Arthurrine's son, Clarence, was born in California. He would go on to have 10 children of his own, as well as 4 stepchildren, 41 grandchildren, and 7 great-grandchildren. Clarence dedicated his life to his Christian faith and volunteered as a firefighter. Just like his father, he moved back to Hartford to work on his uncle's mayoral campaign. In addition to supporting his uncle's successful bid to become the city's first African- American mayor, Clarence also committed himself to running several businesses.

Family was at the heart of everything Clarence did. He was inseparable from his identical twin, Carl, for many years. Clarence met his wife in Hartford and spent as much time as possible with all of his children and grandchildren. He passed away on January 11, 2022, at the age of 64.

My wife Cynthia and I extend our deepest sympathies to former Mayor Milner and all of Nelson and Clarence's loved ones. May their many wonderful memories of both men provide them solace and comfort in the days ahead. I hope my colleagues will join me in remembering Nelson W. Milner, Sr., and Clarence R. Milner, Sr.

Mr. President, I rise today with a heavy heart to pay tribute to Joseph L. ``Joe'' Murchison, Jr., an extraordinary public servant who passed away last year and who would have turned 92 on June 19, 2022.

Joe was born in North Carolina in 1930 and enlisted as early as he could in the U.S. Army. Determined to commit himself to his Nation, Joe eventually joined the all-Black 555th Parachute Infantry Battalion. The members of this battalion were called the ``Triple Nickles.''

In 1947, a year before the Army was desegregated, Major General James Gavin oversaw the troopers' transfer into the 3rd Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment. This was the first step toward integrating the 82nd Airborne Division and made the Triple Nickles some of the first Black soldiers to train alongside White soldiers.

Even after this trailblazing shift, the troopers continued to consider themselves Triple Nickles. Despite the racial separation of most soldiers, the paratroopers gained the respect of many units as a result of their special airborne status. As Joe said, ``We knew we had something to prove and we had to be better than the best.''

In 1958, Joe retired from the military as an officer. He followed his impressive service by starting several successful businesses across the United States and helping to found a newspaper in Greensboro called the ``Carolina Peacemaker.'' As part of these endeavors, Joe was one of the first Black owners of a North Carolina automobile dealership and worked with a major car manufacturer to promote an alternative fuel vehicle.

Joe founded the 555th Parachute Infantry Association, Inc., in 1979. The organization enables the paratroopers to stay connected. Throughout his three terms as president of the association, Joe saw it grow to include over 1,500 members across 26 chapters.

Throughout his remarkable lifetime, Joe dedicated himself to sharing the importance of the Triple Nickles, even visiting the White House. While he was alive, Joe was pleased to see Juneteenth--also his birthday--be named a Federal holiday by President Biden. He passed away on November 11, 2021, Veterans Day.

My wife Cynthia and I extend our best wishes to his daughter, Joelle, along with her 10 siblings, as well as Joe's grandchildren, great- grandchildren, and great-great-grandchildren as they celebrate his outstanding life this Sunday. I hope my colleagues will join me in recognizing Joseph L. Murchison, Jr.

Madam President, I want to thank my colleagues who have worked with us on a bipartisan basis to bring the SFC Heath Robinson Honoring Our Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics Act of 2022 to the floor for a vote. That is a mouthful. The PACT Act is the way it is known more colloquially.

The PACT Act is a profoundly significant measure. It is a milestone in our dealing with the health and benefits that our veterans deserve.

We know that the modern battlefield is filled with toxins and poison that could cause grave injury, and many of the afflictions that result from those toxins or chemicals are manifested only years after a veteran leaves Active-Duty service. In fact, cancer, hypertension, skin disease--the list is long, and so are the number of years when the illnesses can arrive. They are latent. They are hidden. Like many wounds of war, they are invisible at the time. But these brave men and women who serve us on the modern battlefield experience them at higher rates because there are more of those toxins and chemicals.

We have seen them, for example, in the burn pit. One of my sons, a Marine Corps officer in Afghanistan, saw them firsthand, described them to me, and worried about the effects on him. So far he is fine, but the years ahead are an unknown for him and for countless other men and women who may have been exposed. In fact, they may not even know that they have been exposed to these chemicals and toxins.

The fact of the matter is that the Veterans Administration has resisted taking responsibility for these illnesses. It has erected thresholds of proof and barriers of evidence for veterans who suffer the effects of the burn pit and the other sources of toxic chemicals that can inflict such grievous pain and worry on so many of them. That is why this legislation is so significant--because it will begin to right the inaction of the government in helping veterans afflicted by toxic exposure.

We have been here before. We have fought year after year after year for veterans who were afflicted with the results of Agent Orange over the resistance and the opposition of the VA. And even after we passed the measure, righting those wrongs, the VA resisted implementing the law, not under this administration, fortunately, but previous ones.

I am immensely grateful to this VA for its seeming support of this measure, but I am most grateful to the veterans themselves, the veterans service

organizations that have been at our side and have had our back, including the Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, their organization. The IAVA has played an important role; likewise, the VFW--Veterans of Foreign Wars--the American Legion, Disabled American Veterans, and others. They are among the main rulers who deserve predominant thanks.

Chairman Tester and Ranking Member Moran and our counterparts in the House Committee on Veterans Affairs have been instrumental in this measure. In fact, I worked with Senator Moran on this issue when I was the ranking member on the Veterans' Affairs Committee. He saw, along with me, the importance of moving forward on this issue.

This inaction has affected countless families like Sergeant First Class Robinson's family. I received a handwritten note from his young daughter yesterday urging me to vote yes on ``my dad's bill.'' Let there be no mistake, I am going to be voting yes on this bill, and I hope that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will overwhelmingly join me in voting yes.

I want to say, in particular, how proud I have been to lead legislation, along with colleagues like Senator Tillis, to advance particular causes of groups of veterans who have been specifically affected. For example, the Palomares nuclear accident in 1966 caused huge suffering and pain to men and women in uniform who were sent to clean up a crash or a release of bombs. They didn't explode, but they were nuclear weapons, and they had to be cleaned up. Their remediation exposed those veterans to radiation, and the PACT Act will provide them with much needed relief.

Similarly, there are an estimated 16,000--that is right; 16,000--U.S. servicemembers deployed to a base in Uzbekistan known as K2. It was an old Soviet base, which became a dumping ground for all kinds of toxic substances, and they were exposed to those substances when they served there.

Now, the old Soviet Union didn't care much about its people--Russia not much more--about its people in uniform, but we should, and we do. That is why the PACT Act would provide care to them.

In the United States at Camp Lejeune, many of our veterans and their families were exposed to toxins in the water supply. They have been left without any real recourse. My friend and colleague Senator Tillis and I worked together on legislation to help these thousands of veterans and their families impacted by those toxins at Camp Lejeune. It was an uphill battle. We had to overcome a lot of resistance. Again, some of our VA friends didn't see it our way, but my feeling is that we had to fight as tenaciously for those Camp Lejeune families as marines do for us.

The PACT Act essentially regards these kinds of illnesses and inflictions as part of the cost of war, and it puts the presumption of service-connected cause on the side of the veteran because many of them are making claims after the fact, indeed, well after they have left the battlefield. The proof is much more difficult for them to make and much easier for the VA to resist, so the burden should be on the VA to prove that these illnesses are not service connected, not the other way around. The presumption has to be in favor of the veteran. That is the basic fairness here. It levels the playing field so that veterans have a fair chance at making sure that they receive the healthcare and the benefits that they deserve and need.

I am proud that this measure is bipartisan. It is long overdue, but it moves us in the right direction, and maybe it helps to prove that we can continue to work productively together. Certainly, as to veterans, we need to do the right thing in recognizing these costs of war.

This measure is not only an important milestone as legislation, but it also represents an opportunity to educate our country about invisible wounds, about brave men and women who serve in combat and come home without necessarily a visible wound but experience a different kind of hardship and burden. Their sacrifice must be recognized. They need healthcare, and they deserve it. The benefits that they are receiving as a result of this measure are extraordinarily and deeply well deserved and should be available promptly.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I rise today with a heavy heart to pay tribute to Donald K. Ross, a tireless organizer for democracy. Sadly, Mr. Ross passed away on May 14, 2022, at the age of 78. He will be remembered for his lifetime of civic service and advocacy.

Born in the Bronx, NY, Mr. Ross was a leader from an early age. As student body president, he successfully revived Fordham University's football program, an experience he credited with teaching him how to organize. Upon graduation, Mr. Ross spent 2 years with the Peace Corps in Nigeria, before graduating from New York University's law school in 1970.

From there, Mr. Ross joined consumer advocate Ralph Nader's Public Citizen movement, becoming one of the original ``Nader's Raiders.'' In 1971, they co-wrote ``Action for Change: A Student's Manual for Public Interest Organizing,'' which led to the organization of Public Interest Research Groups--PRIGs--across the country. These organizations combine research and public action, encouraging public citizens to get involved in important advocacy issues. Mr. Ross became the director of the New York PRIG, where he advanced a number of political reforms and advocated for increased government transparency.

Mr. Ross was also an outspoken anti-nuclear advocate. After the tragic accident at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania, Mr. Ross organized anti-nuclear rallies that drew hundreds of thousands of demonstrators. That he was able to mobilize so many people in mere weeks after the accident is a testament to his leadership skills and passion for the cause.

In addition to his organizing expertise, Mr. Ross was also a dedicated philanthropist. From 1985 to 1999, he was director of the Rockefeller Family Fund, a charitable organization where he worked to expand access to grants for charitable causes. Additionally, Mr. Ross cofounded and managed the Environmental Grantmakers Association, which has grown to include over 200 member foundations around the world. A champion of numerous causes, Mr. Ross directed the National Campaign to Reform Juvenile Justice Systems from 2009 to 2017.

In my home State, Mr. Ross organized the Connecticut Citizen Action Group, a statewide organization dedicated to actively engaging residents to build a more sustainable, just society. In this and every endeavor he undertook in his remarkable career, Mr. Ross was on the frontlines of democracy, fighting to make our world a better place.

Connecticut and the Nation have lost a great civic organizer and champion of democracy. Mr. Ross's tireless devotion to many worthy causes--from environmental protection, to consumer advocacy, to criminal justice reform, and so many others--serves as a model of dedication and civic engagement. Through his work and his writings, Mr. Ross has inspired a generation of citizens to become engaged in their communities and fight for a more just world. While he will be sorely missed, his legacy will live on in those who continue his work.

My wife Cynthia and I extend our deepest sympathies to Donald's family during this difficult time, particularly to his wife Helen, and his children Katherine, Margaret, and Mike. May their many wonderful memories of Donald provide them solace and comfort in the days ahead. I hope my colleagues will join me in remembering Donald K. Ross.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the confirmation votes on the Padin and Sweeney nominations be at 11 a.m. tomorrow, May 25; further, that the remaining cloture votes for the motions filed during Wednesday's session of the Senate occur after disposition of the Sweeney nomination.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate consider the following nomination: Calendar No. 904, Paul M. Rosen, to be Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Investment Security; that the Senate vote on the nomination without intervening action or debate; that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table; that any statements related to the nomination be printed in the Record; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and that the Senate resume legislative session.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Madam President, I understand there are three bills at the desk, and I ask for their first reading en bloc.

I now ask for a second reading, and I object to my own request, all en bloc.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 647, submitted earlier today.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 648, submitted earlier today.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 649 submitted earlier today.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Madam President, we are nearing the end of the session, when we will go back to our homes for the evening, but when the families of 18 children and 4 great educators go home tonight, their homes will never be the same again.

There are no words in a place filled with words during today and every day in this place when we are in session. There are no words today to capture the heartbreak, the gut-wrenching grief and pain that those families will feel and that I remember feeling almost 10 years ago when we stood in the space just outside the firehouse in Sandy Hook, as parents learned that their 20 children would not be coming home that night.

The same bottomless grief is hitting the families in Texas, in Uvalde, where they have lost children. And there are no words also to capture the deep, abiding pain that will last forever. That pain will be with them--a hole in their hearts, a place at their tables, a room in their houses that never will be filled again, and hugs that they will never feel, cheeks that will never be kissed.

This Nation, like their families, is torn apart by violence-- needless, senseless gun violence--every day in America. And the mystery is why the greatest Nation on Earth continues to tolerate it. It is no longer surprising or stunning. It is no longer unfathomable or unforeseeable.

It is incomprehensible that this great Nation is blocked by Members of this body from taking action that can forestall and prevent it. Why, the outrage that we feel, the grief that pervades America on these occasions has not caused action. And this body has been complicit by its inaction. In fact, it isn't this body. It is Members of this body, principally on the other side of the aisle. Let's be blunt. I will never forget hearing from that gallery those words: ``Shame. Shame on you,'' when we failed to adopt commonsense measures--a background check proposal, even though we had 55 votes. I can still hear those words. ``Shame.''

And had we acted, who knows what tragedy could have been averted? We don't know and we can't tell and we never will be able to fathom whether

specific measures would have prevented specific tragedy. Charleston or San Bernardino, Pulse or Las Vegas, Parkland or Santa Fe, or Pittsburgh or El Paso or Dayton or Boulder or Indianapolis or Oxford or Buffalo or Uvalde--we will never know because the false reason to object is this measure wouldn't have prevented that shooting.

But that is not the way to approach gun violence reform, because we know there is no panacea; there is no single measure. What we know is that stopping gun violence requires that we act with these measures and that commonsense, sensible steps can prevent a senseless, needless violence.

There is no panacea, but there are actions we can take. We are not without agency.

Now, we need to be very blunt and recognize that opposition to these measures is bankrolled and emboldened and enabled by the gun lobby's dark money, by its threats and intimidation, by its encouragement.

And until my colleagues have the courage to stand up to that gun lobby, they will continue in its thrall and its grip, and they will continue to be complicit.

And some on our side, some who have demonstrated the courage to stand up and speak out, have shown that we have the power to take action.

We lack facts about the shooter and about the killing, all the circumstances in Uvalde, but we know enough to say that those families and that community will be torn apart. It will never be the same. They will never be whole again because they have lost something precious, and there will always be that hole in their hearts.

Already some of our Republican colleagues are saying we are politicizing the issue, but they are the ones who, for decades, have tied themselves to the NRA's fanatical devotion to unrestricted, unyielding firearms ownership for political purposes at the expense of real lives.

Tying themselves to firearms ownership is unnecessary for law-abiding citizens to own firearms. There are commonsense actions we can take to separate dangerous killers from firearms that are absolutely consistent with the Second Amendment, as judged by the Supreme Court, and absolutely consistent with gun ownership by law-abiding people.

We know these actions won't save everyone, but there can be no doubt that each of them will save some lives: expanding background checks and closing glaring loopholes in our background check system; getting untraceable ghost guns and military-style assault weapons off our streets; protecting domestic violence survivors from gun violence; keeping guns out of the hands of domestic terrorists and violent extremists and individuals who are dangerous to themselves or others, red flag statutes; preventing kids from accidentally and unintentionally shooting themselves with unsecured firearms, Ethan's Law for safe storage; investing in community violence intervention programs--we know they work in Hartford, New Haven, all around the State of Connecticut; reducing the number of firearm suicides--more than half of all gun deaths are suicides; red flag statutes, separating firearms from people who are dangerous to themselves as well as others.

We need to do all these things and more. We need to do them right now because every day that passes without action means more of the same. Not surprising, not stunning--more of the same.

Those measures are written, they are fully drafted, vetted for their constitutionality. My subcommittee on the Constitution has had hearings on them, many of them: S. 529, the Background Check Expansion Act; S. 591, the Background Check Completion Act; S. 1558, the Untraceable Firearms Act to stop ghost guns; S. 736, the Assault Weapons Ban; S. 527, the Protecting Domestic Violence and Stalking Victims Act; S. 2169, the Lori Jackson-Nicolette Elias Domestic Violence Survivor Protection Act, a hearing just last week on it; S. 2090, the Disarm Hate Act; S. 4278, the Age 21 Act; S. 190, Ethan's Law; S. 2982, the Child Suicide Prevention and Lethal Means Safety Act; S. 1819, the Extreme Risk Protection Order Act--the red flag statutes.

Let us do one of them. Let us vote to make one of them law. That is our job: to vote. It is how we change this gut-wrenching, heartbreaking status quo, and it is how voters know where each of us stand when push comes to shove.

So we have no words, but words will mean nothing without action. We have created a political movement. It is a movement that is growing as young people say: Enough is enough, as the hand wringing and the tears are translated into action at the grassroots level, action by State legislatures. Almost 20 states now have red flag statutes in the wake of Parkland. And as communities and States show that they will no longer tolerate the hypocrisy of thoughts and prayers without action, all of us who have advocated for years--indeed, for decades--that this body must act, we cannot lose courage or heart. We cannot lose the hope, and we must match our thoughts and prayers with real action.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.