Floor Statements

Mr. President, this weekend, our Commander in Chief made the most difficult decision a President can make. He ordered young American servicemembers into action. My friends on the other side of the aisle are challenging the President's choice, and they are entitled to do so.

I do find myself amazed, from time to time, with their rhetoric on the floor this morning and this afternoon. To hear them, apparently, President Trump should have announced to the world that he was going to bomb the headquarters of the Ayatollah and destroy the leadership of Iran who has attacked the United States and killed Americans for over four decades.

Apparently, if this war lasts as long as 5 weeks, we should agree that we are going to fold our tents and come home and leave the job undone. Apparently, the fact that the ruthless drug lord dictator of Venezuela, President Maduro, is out of office is a bad thing. I disagree with that, and I wonder how that rhetoric is going to last through the decades. We will see.

I will vote no on the pending resolution. President Trump decided to attack Iran. That decision was profound, deliberate, and correct. The President understands the weight of war. He was clear-eyed about the risks, and he was honest with the American people. From very early on Saturday morning he said, ``We pray for every servicemember as they selflessly risk their lives to ensure that Americans and our children will never be threatened by a nuclear-armed Iran.''

Indeed, we must be mindful of the brave men and women deployed in this operation. And certainly, we grieve for the six American service men and women who died in the fighting. I also grieve for the thousands of Americans that have died over the last 47 years at the hands of the brutal Islamist ninth century regime in Iran. I grieve for those. We care for the civilians caught in harm's way. And yes, we are doing our best to get them out. War is hell, which is why we prioritize deterrence and engage only when absolutely necessary. But when we enter into combat, we must do so deliberately as this administration has done.

My colleagues ask why are we doing this? The President has given at least four goals explicitly. We are doing this to destroy Iran's missile capabilities and their ability to produce missiles. That is a good thing. We are doing this to annihilate the Iranian Navy; to ensure the regime can no longer arm, direct, and fund the terrorist activities that have gone on for over four decades; and to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. That is why we are doing it. And that is why I will vote against this resolution.

The facts on the ground reflect a limited set of goals. We have taken out their air defenses and missiles systems ahead of schedule. That is a good thing.

Last week, Iran had 11 ships in the Gulf of Oman. Today, they have none. That is a good thing. We can expect to see airstrikes continue until our military objectives are achieved, a task that will take weeks, not days. But we ought to stay there long enough to get it done.

I think the President's decision was correct. For decades, the Iranian regime has killed thousands of Americans and thousands of citizens of our friends and allies and supported those who do. Too many American servicemembers have lost brothers in arms to Iranian violence. Too many parents have lost sons and daughters to Iranian aggression.

For decades, Iran has been the world's leading sponsor of terrorism-- the Houthis, Hamas, other armed groups. The regime armed, funded, and trained terrorist groups across the region. These proxies have attacked and killed thousands of our people--thousands of our friends.

Iran is a murderous partner of the overall ``axis of aggressors,'' which include China, Russia, and North Korea. They are all pals. They are all allies.

The Ayatollah was a friend of the tyrants who lead those nations. He stood with Xi Jinping. He stood with the war criminal Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un. Like them, the Supreme Leader violently suppressed his people.

The regime was hell-bent on acquiring the world's worst weapons. If successful, they could have struck our friends, our bases, and, in time, our homeland, Washington, DC, America.

President Trump, on the other hand, said from day one that he would keep Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, and that is a major part of what this is about. He knew the Ayatollah had to be stopped, and he came to the correct conclusion that now was the time to do it. Already, Israel had devastated Iran's proxies. Last summer, President Trump rained down fire on Iran's nuclear facilities, and, in the past few months, untold numbers of Iranians have stood up to the regime. The citizens of Iran have stood up to this murderous regime in a massive show of opposition to the Ayatollah.

Last Saturday morning, Iran had never been weaker. The time had come for the United States and for our ally Israel to strike. President Trump, the Commander in Chief, made that most difficult of decisions, and I think it will stand the test of time.

This does not have to be a forever war. It is not an aimless exercise in the Middle East. This is a measured campaign to eliminate the Ayatollah's threat. It might take time to finish, and we are certainly not going to put a time limit on it. But that does not make it endless. It is, instead, a weighty, deliberate, and correct decision made to protect the United States of America, and I shall vote no on the resolution.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. President, I submit this statement for the Record to recognize an extraordinary leader, patriot, and servant of our Nation, COL Matthew J. Jemmott, U.S. Army, on the occasion of his retirement following an exceptional 30-year career in service to our country. Colonel Jemmott's distinguished career is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and unwavering commitment to the ideals of military service.

A native of Pittsburgh, PA, and raised in New York and Pennsylvania, Colonel Jemmott began his military journey as an infantryman in the

Pennsylvania National Guard. In 1999, he graduated as a Distinguished Military Graduate from the University of Pittsburgh, earning a bachelor's degree in political science and criminal justice, and was commissioned as a military police officer. Throughout his career, Colonel Jemmott served in leadership positions ranging from platoon leader to Joint Task Force commander. His assignments took him across the globe, including Fort Bragg, Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Italy, Germany, and Cuba. He deployed to Kosovo and Iraq and served two tours at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, including as the Commander of Joint Task Force-Guantanamo, leading over 1,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen, and coastguardsmen. Colonel Jemmott's expertise extended beyond tactical operations to the critical realm of congressional affairs. Selected for the Army's Congressional Fellowship Program, he served in the Senate for 15 months, addressing issues such as defense, veterans' affairs, foreign policy, and appropriations. He later served as an Army legislative liaison, managing portfolios that included soldier equipping and wheeled tactical vehicles.

In his final military assignment, Colonel Jemmott served as the legislative assistant to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and director of legislative affairs for the Joint Staff. In this role, he operated at the nexus of military strategy and legislative policy, providing critical guidance that shaped national defense priorities and strengthened civil-military relations. His strategic foresight and diplomatic acumen were instrumental in securing congressional support for key defense initiatives, budgets, and policy reforms.

Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mississippi, I commend Robin Killeen for more than 26 years of dedicated service to her community. The residents of Mississippi's gulf coast are better off because Robin has creatively and persistently extended a hand to those in need.

A Pearl River County native, Robin Killeen devoted her career to meeting the staffing requirements of various companies. In 1999, she turned her talents in another direction. Robin founded Women of Wisdom, an organization that helps women uplift one another up through their faith, fellowship, and service. Since Robin launched Women of Wisdom, it has become a pillar of strength and wellbeing in south Mississippi.

It is in Robin's nature to continue improving. She has expanded the resources offered by Women of Wisdom to include ``The Care Closet,'' a wardrobe filled with free clothing available to women in times of financial need. Robin has also pursued a holistic vision for uplifting Mississippi women, including a wellness group that improves physical, spiritual, and mental well-being. She has also extended the reach of her nonprofit by partnering with others in the Mississippi community, including Advocates for Freedom and Women's Resource Center. Through this collaboration, she is able to help men, women, and children in need.

As impactful as her work with Women of Wisdom has been, Robin has gone even further, embracing leadership roles in several community organizations. She has served as executive president of the Biloxi Bay Chamber of Commerce, as a member of the Jackson County Chamber of Commerce, as ambassador chairperson for the Mississippi Gulf Coast Chamber of Commerce, and as a leader with the Unified Coast Prayer Movement.

Robin moved to the coast in 1986 and currently resides in Gulfport, MS, with her husband Pat Killeen. They are proud parents of two children and are thrilled to dote on five wonderful grandchildren.

Robin Killeen's unrelenting dedication to community service represents the best of our State. I join my fellow Mississippians in thanking her for a quarter-century of meaningful contributions and lasting impact.

Mr. President, this month we will reach the fourth anniversary of Vladimir Putin's unprovoked and illegal invasion of Ukraine.

As we all know, Vladimir Putin is a war criminal, a KGB alumnus, an oppressor of the Russian people, and we also are finding out more and more that he is really bad at fighting a war.

For 4 years, Putin has insisted that Russian victory is just around the corner. That is his dream, but it is a lie. The facts show that Putin is nowhere close to winning. Here are the facts: During the year 2024, Russia captured 0.6 percent of Ukrainian territory. Last year, it captured 0.8 percent. So 2 years of massive, tragic bloodshed caused by Vladimir Putin has resulted in 1.4 percent of enemy territory taken.

So he is bad at tactics, he is bad at strategy, but he sent millions of Russian men into battle in his unprovoked and illegal invasion, inflicting 1.2 million casualties on his own people, on his own Russian people--1.2 million Russian casualties. He may have at one time been a successful KGB torturer, but he is a failure at today's attempt to overrun his neighbor by force.

The Russian dictator is actually breaking records for his inability to achieve battlefield gains. Since 2024, his most significant offensives have scraped a meager 16 yards to 75 yards of ground per day--less than the length of a football field. This is among the slowest military campaigns since World War I. This would be embarrassing if it weren't so tragic for the civilized world and so tragic for the Russian people, not to mention the Ukrainian people.

Since Putin's military campaign is failing, he has now doubled down on his attacks on civilians--unarmed civilians. As we all know, a bitter cold snap has descended on Ukraine, and the maniacal Vladimir Putin has turned this winter into a weapon. He has systematically targeted energy sites, wiping out power and turning homes into freezers. The results--specifically directed at civilians, directed at mothers and children--have been deadly. Putin knows that he has failed to achieve his objectives on the battlefield, so he continues trying to achieve it through civilian torture--even today.

Indeed, Putin has failed in his two overriding goals. First of all, he has not weakened NATO. Under Putin's watch, NATO has expanded and awakened. Secondly, he has not brought Ukraine into Russia's orbit. Ukraine and its people have overwhelmingly moved philosophically further from Russia and toward the civilized democracies of this world.

Putin is failing, but he still peddles the lie that Russian victory is right around the corner. And some American voices are repeating this misinformation. They are echoing this. And we have heard this for years. Yet, in spite of his years of failure, Vladimir Putin persists for the moment in killing Ukrainians and causing the deaths of Russians and his allies.

We must show him it is time to stop, and that is what I am urging our government to do and this Senate to do. The West should unite around security guarantees and a framework for a just end to this war.

NATO will continue purchasing American-made weapons for Ukraine. The United States can and should get Ukraine more offensive and defensive aerial capabilities. Congress should take up the Russian sanctions bill. We know it has overwhelming support on this side of the aisle, on that side of the aisle, and at the other end of the building. What are we waiting for? Let's do it.

Secretary Hegseth and I have worked together to expedite weapons development. Already, we are seeing progress there. This week, the U.S. Air Force live-tested a new, low-cost, air-launched cruise missile called ERAM, and we did so just 16 months after the initial contract-- impressive. We can do better than that, but that is impressive. The missiles are now headed to Ukraine. We continue to work to stand up a pipeline of novel capabilities, built by American industry and built by American manufacturing workers, with which we can arm our ally Ukraine.

For years, the Russian military has flung itself against the rock of a country it covets and a country it dwarfs in size but moving more slowly than nearly any military in a century. We need to show Vladimir Putin that it is time to stop. We must not let him off the mat. We must increase the pressure.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, in a moment, my friend and fellow Senator Cindy Hyde-Smith will join me in taking a few moments to highlight the damage done--the devastation done--by Winter Storm Fern, along with the resilience of our community and the citizens and leadership there.

Fern covered much of Mississippi with freezing rain, and then a week of low temperatures locked in a blanket of ice. Nearly 200,000 homes lost power, and road travel became almost impossible.

Temperatures are rising a bit now, but, tragically, there is still very much devastation. At this point, 26 Mississippians have lost their lives because of this winter storm, and that number, unfortunately, is rising every day.

I do want to commend, as Senator Hyde-Smith will, the communities-- the churches, the schools, the businesses, the donation centers, the neighbors using Facebook to coordinate food distribution and boost morale--and the crews from Mississippi and from all around the country coming to help. At this point, 80 percent of the affected homes now have their power restored.

I commend the local leaders, mayors, commissioners, and the response team from FEMA, many of whom we know personally. We are thankful for what they have done and for their resilience.

I have said this in past years. In Mississippi, our Federal delegation is in this for the long haul, just like we are with the tornadoes that occurred earlier. And we are grateful to the President and for our friends at FEMA for helping us recover.

Now, if I might, before I yield to my dear friend, I want to point out an article that was in the magazine Garden & Gun--published by Garden & Gun--some 2 days ago by Beth Ann Fennelly of Oxford, MS.

Beth Ann Fennelly, for 5 years, was our State's poet laureate. And she published this article in Garden & Gun, which says:

A beloved oak fell, and Oxford rose.

She could just as easily have said the entire State of Mississippi rose. But she talks about the experience that her family encountered, and you can multiply that times all of the households.

She says:

It was three a.m., and my husband and I and the youngest of

our three children--the only one still living at home--

huddled in a dark living room, jumping out of our skins with

each new explosion, each crack of gunfire.

Except it wasn't explosives or gunpowder. It was our trees

blowing their heads off and smashing to the earth or thudding

to our roof.

She points out that we had learned during a severe ice storm some decades ago that:

. . . water freezing in trees expands them too rapidly.

They explode from pressure, taking power lines with them.

Some folks lost power for weeks.

It is the sound of gunfire. A very good article, very well-written by someone who would be poet laureate. And she ends bemoaning the tree, but observing and celebrating the spirit of Mississippi. And she says:

The ice will melt, and the people of Mississippi will roll

up their sleeves and crank their chainsaws. The logs will be

cleared. But an uncanny new light will compress the violently

lopped canopies. On our corner, the picnic blanket of shade

our oak had tossed down will go unfurled. The bewildered

birds' questions will go unanswered. The squirrels will take

new routes to work. The anthem of November will be forever

altered without the north wind's scattershot of acorns on the

roof.

Then she ends by asking:

Do trees have souls?

Maybe it's an unanswerable question--

She says--

Or maybe the answer has never been more obvious.

I ask unanimous consent, Mr. President, that this article by Beth Ann Fennelly be printed in the Record after my remarks.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators .

Mr. President, I have four requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders.

Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. President, we live in a dangerous time. There are a number of flash points all around the globe--in this hemisphere, in Europe, in the Indo-Pacific--but I want to remind my colleagues today that, still, the most dangerous thing going on around the world today is Vladimir Putin's war against freedom and the West in Ukraine.

I would point out that for the past year, Vladimir Putin has mocked the Ukraine peace process by steadily escalating his attacks on his neighboring country. He has recently launched the

biggest air attack the conflict has ever seen and shown repeatedly that he is not interested in peace talks. He gives lipservice to peace talks, but his acts show that he is not interested.

Now, by contrast, in the last few weeks, the United States, Ukraine, and our European friends have come together on a common negotiating position centered on several key principles. Here are the key points: Ukraine should not be forced to give up the sovereign territory it deserves and it currently controls. Also, Putin should not achieve through negotiation what he has not managed to achieve on the battlefield, and there have been great disappointments to Putin on the battlefield. In addition, the United States should play a role in Ukraine's security guarantees on a permanent basis. The Senate should ratify these guarantees if they are ever agreed to.

In the meantime, the Ukrainian people should be assisted in continuing to fight for their freedom.

I commend President Trump, President Zelenskyy, and European leaders for continuing to come together to reach a consensus. As we seek a just end to this brutal, unprovoked war, I urge everyone in Washington, in Kyiv, and in the great capitals of Europe to remain united and to remember who we are dealing with in the form and person of Vladimir Putin.

Vladimir Putin is unrepentant. He is ever and will always be the KGB agent. He is a dictator with decades of bloodshed on his hands. He is the biggest thief in the history of the world, a war criminal who should be behind bars at this moment. And, of course, Putin is a liar.

When Vladimir Putin smiles to American negotiators, he acts as our friend and he acts as if we believe he is our friend. We have no reason to smile back at Vladimir Putin or trust him with anything but caution and contempt.

After 4 years, Putin knows a Russian victory is not inevitable. More and more, the American people see and know this. A November poll found that 70 percent of Americans do not trust Putin to honor any peace agreement with Ukraine.

He is cut from the same cloth as terrorists all over the world and terrorists down through history. In Putin's attack on civilians, for example, we see parallels with the Hamas terrorists who rampaged through Israeli neighborhoods on October 7. The terrorists are Putin's friends. And don't forget this, and sometimes it is not publicized as it ought to be: Putin has abducted 20,000 Ukrainian children and subjected many to brainwashing schemes. In these horrors, we see the likes of Xi Jinping and his Uighur reeducation camps. Putin routinely locks dissidents in jail, just like his kindred spirits in other censorship regimes.

This tyrant who wants to be treated as a peer in the world's great halls of democracy should be known by the company he keeps.

When the brutal Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad was toppled, thankfully, where did Bashar al-Assad run? He ran for safe haven to Moscow--that is where he went--to be under the protection of Vladimir Putin, who seeks to make us believe that he is an honest negotiator. Nicolas Maduro was wisely counseled to flee Venezuela. If he had run, where would he have run? He would have run straight to Moscow. For decades, Russia has been a friend to the murderous Cuban regime. And now, as the Supreme Leader in Iran considers his options, where might he go for refuge? The only place he could go is Moscow. So that is the company Vladimir Putin keeps in current day.

But Putin even echoes the likes of Adolf Hitler. Putin routinely talks about ``liberating'' the Russian-speaking Ukrainians living in the Donbas and other areas of Ukraine. This is the same vile, absurd pretext that Adolf Hitler used when he invaded the German-speaking regions of neighboring countries in Europe, including Poland. That is who Vladimir Putin is.

Regrettably, the people of Russia are led brutally by Putin, this world-historical villain.

Ukrainians will continue fighting against his unprovoked attacks but not because they hate peace. The Ukrainians will continue to fight because their alternative is the extinction of their country.

The West needs to stand with them. We need to stand with Ukraine, and we must keep assisting our friends. We need to send a clear message that Putin cannot wait us out.

In December, I am grateful to say to my colleagues that Congress overwhelmingly passed and President Donald Trump enthusiastically signed the National Defense Authorization Act. That law extends Ukraine's Security Assistance Initiative and our commitment to sharing intelligence with Ukraine. Good for the President, and good for our friends in the House and Senate.

Our allies across the Atlantic are taking the lead now, as my colleague from Kentucky just pointed out, in financing security assistance for Ukraine. NATO allies are buying equipment from us in the United States and giving it to Ukraine. I certainly applaud that, as all Americans should.

The United States should increase the air defenses and long-range strike capabilities that we are sending to Kyiv. More than any other capabilities, these will help show Putin his military aims are not achievable.

For nearly 4 years, Ukrainians have demonstrated their resolve, as they will continue to do. The West must continue to stand resolved with them.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, this week, we began a new year's work here in the Congress. But as we open this chapter, I have a bittersweet task of helping to close another.

Beside me sits John Patrick Keast, my longtime adviser and friend. In a few short days, John will conclude nearly two decades of service to my office, to the people of Mississippi, and to the United States of America. The U.S. Senate and the people we represent are better off because of John Keast and his work.

For years, John has been beside me, through hearings, briefings, and meetings, at campaigns and community events, and during negotiations, decisions, and celebrations. Through it all, he has been a wise and steady presence. So, for a few minutes today, I want to commend his remarkable record of service.

More than 30 years ago, a very young but wise John Keast came to work for an upstart who was running to represent Mississippi's First Congressional District. I hired John Keast to be my campaign manager. As he would do time and time again, John rose to the challenge and then some. Not only did we win the election that year, but John began absorbing in encyclopedic detail the ins and outs of Mississippi. This knowledge enabled him to serve our people well.

Name a town in the First Congressional District of Mississippi, and John can tell you where to find the precinct boxes. List a few local issues, and John could tell you what he has done to help alleviate problems there. It is fitting that John will soon be settling down in the First Congressional District of Mississippi in Oxford.

I mentioned John's outstanding recall and knowledge because John would never do that. And it is that combination of intelligence and humility that has proven so dynamic. John often told me that he likes to hire staff who are smarter than he is. I can say that for myself. It is easier for me to find staff that are smarter than I am. It is a little bit difficult and a tall order for John. He has the command of the nitty-gritty and of the big picture. He can go toe-to-toe with the best of the policy wonks, but he also knows what he doesn't know. He understands when to defer to the experts. That self-awareness is just what you want in an adviser.

When John and I got to Washington, we were determined to make a difference. It was 1994, the first Republican majority in the House in 40 years, the famous Republican Revolution. We were excited to fulfill our contract with America, as it was called. I remember it well, and so does John. We stayed in session for 93 days, managing to vote on every Contract with America item before the 100-day milestone.

Somehow, I became president of the freshman class, and John was there every step of the way--brainstorming with me at Bullfeathers restaurant during new Member orientation, building an all-star team for the office, and advancing my priorities for north Mississippi. And what teams he has assembled over the years--there may be some of them in earshot of me today. That constitutes a network of John Keast friends and alumni, and they are accomplishing great things across this body, across this city, and in this country.

I expect if we were to send each of them a pop quiz, most would be able to answer one question in particular, and that would be: What are the ``Four Ps of Success in Washington''? When John gives staffers guidance in DC, he tells them to focus on four areas. They should understand policy, process, politics, and people--policy, process, politics, and people, the four dynamics at work on Capitol Hill and in this city.

John has earned every right to give his advice because he has been the embodiment of it. John is fluent in policy. John knows that we come to Washington to make good legislation and provide good oversight that benefits the American people. Name a portfolio, and John Keast has influenced it.

In our days in the House, John was especially vital in my efforts to improve our energy resources, our roadways, and our national defense assets. Together, we fought to create jobs and commerce for hard- working Americans.

The world has changed a lot in 30 years. We no longer use the IBM Selectric correcting typewriters my office inherited when John and I were setting up shop in the House. The world continues to evolve rapidly. John has shaped policy that has and will maintain American leadership through all this change. Nowhere is this truer than in his leadership of my Commerce Committee staff and my Armed Services Committee staff.

It is difficult to summarize John's success as staff director on these committees. He fought for legislation that brought well over $1 billion in infrastructure and broadband funding to our State of Mississippi and across the country. His work on the CHIPS and Science Act, which I was proud to vote for, invested in the universities of America's heartland. Actions like these will help supercharge Mississippi's growth and development for decades, and you can say that for the entire heartland of our country.

We have had lofty goals on the Senate Armed Services Committee. We are charging ahead on America's military rebuild and on transformational acquisition reform and working toward the success of the AUKUS partnership, and we are helping Ukraine and Taiwan stand up to tyrants. We are making great strides on each of these efforts. John Keast has been integral to every one.

We had another lofty goal in the Armed Services Committee: to build a member-driven National Defense Authorization Act and work it through the Senate in regular order and in the light of day. It takes a master of Senate process to accomplish that goal, and John has done so. He can cite Senate rules by chapter and verse. He can anticipate and maneuver through this body's complicated idiosyncratic process. That knowledge bore fruit in countless backstage victories. But for one prominent example, take this year's success in the Senate NDAA. We saw a remarkably efficient markup followed by primetime--daylight--floor votes. Unusual in this body.

John pairs his procedural dexterity with 20/20 political vision. He understands that political realities shape what any individual Member can accomplish in Congress. John knows when to push in a negotiation and when to make difficult compromises. And that must take place in this bipartisan body. He has earned trust on both sides of the aisle. Both my colleagues and his fellow staffers know John to be a man of his word.

John understands these first three dynamics--policy, process, politics--because at the end of the day, he understands the final ``p''--people. John has formed strong relationships with the mayors, alderman, and city councilmen of north Mississippi, with industry leaders and entrepreneurs across the Nation, with lawmakers, Hill staff, administration officials, and most personally with all those fortunate enough to have worked with him on Team Wicker.

His team members have been devoted and for good reason. John knows how to nurture talent. He takes time to show staff their skills and inspire them to greater heights. He sets a high bar and expects his team to meet it. When he hires someone, he gets out of the way and lets them excel. Those people skills have paid off. The policy results speak for themselves--the 30 years of policy results. But so does the outpouring of support John has received since announcing his departure. Many are here now and will be at future celebrations to honor him.

As I speak about John today, I do not speak only for myself. My wife Gayle and I both will always be grateful for John Keast. My children will be grateful for the influence of John Keast. At so many pivotal moments, he has been a trusted and faithful friend, as well as a public servant. I know he will remain so. We look forward to seeing him often in Mississippi--I mentioned in Oxford, where he will reunite with his wife Virginia and their children Patrick, Grace, and Anna Kate.

Until then, we remain and always will be grateful for this hero of public service, this great American patriot, John Keast.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Our colleagues in the House of Representatives have passed this year's National Defense Authorization Act, and we are about to follow suit. This will be the 65th year in a row--the 65th consecutive year--that Congress has come together across the aisle and across two Chambers to send the President a bill designed to sustain and strengthen the national defense.

Everyone in this Senate played a role. I want to thank all 99 of my colleagues. First among them, I thank Jack Reed, the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who has been a steadfast partner. I also express my gratitude to the other distinguished members of the committee from both sides of the aisle who worked hard to shape this legislation.

In July, the Senate Armed Services Committee approved the committee

version of the bill on a vote of 26 to 1. The bill at that time contained 985 items formulated by our fellow Members. Over the next few months, we continued working across this body to add amendments.

Our September substitute amendment had 20 Republican, 20 Democrat, and 9 bipartisan amendments. The second managers' package was similarly bipartisan.

In October, we considered the NDAA amid stark partisan divide during the longest Federal shutdown in the history of our Republic. Nevertheless, during that shutdown, this body came together to pass this very important legislation. We debated amendments, and we improved on the bill, and we approved it. We passed the NDAA after 14 rollcall votes and 9 voice votes. For once, we did it in prime time, finishing around 9 p.m. It cleared this Chamber by a vote of 77 to 20. We sent a strong bill to the House of Representatives, and it had the clear backing of a huge majority of this body.

Now that negotiations between Chambers have concluded, we have a bill that provides for the common defense, as the Constitution requires. This NDAA helps us align the priorities of the U.S. military with the threats of today, and they are serious--serious threats from the People's Republic of China and the entire axis of aggressors that it leads and partners with. It makes warfighting a top priority of the Department, and it reinforces a culture of merit in the Armed Forces.

Servicemembers will receive a 3.8-percent pay raise. We expanded initiatives that will reinforce President Trump's recruiting surge, and we supercharged our efforts to rebuild the American defense industrial base.

Let me talk about that for a moment. This legislation reforms decades of bureaucratic inefficiency in the Pentagon's acquisition process. It contains numerous elements of my bill, the Fostering Reform and Government Efficiency in Defense Act, more easily known as the FORGED Act.

We are about to pass and the President will enthusiastically sign the most sweeping upgrades to DOD's business practices in 60 years. This is a monumental achievement.

The 21st century poses threats that will require the most creative and innovative defenses. Americans are already building the technology to meet those threats, and these reforms will help the Pentagon tap into that energetic innovation ecosystem.

Secretary Hegseth and his staff have been strong partners in these efforts as we seek to implement our shared peace through strength agenda with President Trump. Our reforms, plus our increased defense investments, will enable us to achieve that vision. Through this bill, we will continue revitalizing the defense industrial base--an absolute requirement during these dangerous times.

I am thankful to all of my colleagues for putting in the work to make this bill good for our servicemembers and for national security. It succeeds because it is driven by Members across this body.

I am, as I said, especially grateful to the ranking member, Jack Reed. He is himself a distinguished veteran, a patriot, a statesman, and a great partner in this work.

I would also be remiss if I did not mention the staunch partnership we have with our House counterparts: Chairman Mike Rogers and Ranking Member Adam Smith. That goes, too, for the many other committee chairs and ranking members who worked so hard all year to include crucial legislation in this National Defense Authorization Act.

Speaking of great partners, I want to specifically thank my soon-to- be-retired staff director John Keast. John has been with me for the better part of three decades now--since I first ran for Congress in 1994. He will be retiring from the Senate in January to return to Mississippi, where his family lives, and to pursue new opportunities.

This bill, this 65th NDAA in a row, would not have been possible without John Keast. His work ethic, his sound advice, and his partnership with his Democrat counterpart Liz King--all were essential. We could not have achieved this bill without his tireless leadership.

I want to thank him and the rest of my staff who have labored long days and nights and weekends--Saturdays and Sundays--to get this legislation done. They include Adam Barker, Kristina Belcourt, Jonathan Bowen, Leah Brewer, Levi Brunt, Luke Chaney, Glen Diehl, Cody Emerson, Marty Fromuth, Megan Galindo, Mike Gerhart, Anna Given, Meredith Gravatte, Madeline Guenther, Isaac Jalkanen, Lauren Johnson, Katie Karam, Greg Lilly, Eric Lofgren, Katie Magnus, Jonathan Moore, Katie Stanton, Sophie Schloegel, Mike Tokar, Eric Trager, Adam Trull, Mike Urena, Dave Vasquez, Christina Sandstedt--who has been give privileges of the floor this very day--Julia Wood, Terry Miller, Emily Yetter, Dan Hillenbrand, Beth Spivey, Brendan Gavin, Brad Patout, Rick Berger, and, as I said before, my adviser and personal friend John Keast.

That is a lot of names and a lot of effort and a lot of talent. That is just the members on my side of the aisle.

I thank them all, and I thank this Senate and our friends in the House for coming together in the spirit of patriotism and comity to get this very important quantum leap in our defense accomplished.

With that said, let's begin the vote and take the next step to rebuild America's national defense.

Motion Withdrawn

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the motion to concur with the Senate amendment No. 3961.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Cristina Sandstedt, a Coast Guard fellow in my office, be granted floor privileges until December 19, 2025.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.