Floor Statements

Mr. President, yesterday the Government of Guatemala took a decisive step toward regaining sovereignty. Guatemala revoked the visas of and deported 11 U.N. personnel working for the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, better known by its Spanish acronym CICIG.

Chartered in 2006 to help the Guatemalan state fight corruption, CICIG morphed into a modern-day United Nations proconsul, selectively administering justice and abusing power in ways never intended.

Voices on the political left, both here and overseas, will no doubt decry the decision by the duly constituted Government of Guatemala. I take the floor of the Senate this afternoon to state plainly my emphatic approval of this action by our Guatemalan friends.

Prior to yesterday's action, Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales had previously announced that CICIG's mandate would not be renewed after September 3 of next year. The President's decision marks a logical and welcome step toward ending CICIG's presence in Guatemala. Ultimately, an independent country has the right to decide if, and under what terms, a supranational institution can administer justice within its borders. CICIG was never meant to be permanent, and no country could accept an unending infringement on its sovereignty. Certainly, we in the United States would never consent to having an international body-- accountable to no one--run our judicial system. Our Guatemalan friends have determined it is time for CICIG to leave, and they have a right as a sovereign nation to make that decision.

The initial reasons behind CICIG's presence in Guatemala cannot be disputed. Like many Latin American countries, Guatemala had suffered from pervasive corruption, and its government was in ruins from a decades-long civil war. Criminal enterprises colluded with politicians, military officers, and other government officials to bribe, cheat, and steal. Mafias, with deep tentacles into the state, acted with such impunity that Guatemala felt compelled to ask for outside help. In 2006, Guatemala and the United Nations signed an agreement meant to ``support, strengthen, and assist'' Guatemalan institutions responsible for investigating crimes committed by so-called ``illegal security groups'' and ``clandestine security organizations.'' Although CICIG enjoys complete functional independence, the agreement stated that CICIG must discharge its mandate in ``accordance with Guatemalan law and the provisions of the Constitution.'' Regrettably, this provision has not been followed.

Despite noble goals, it has become apparent that CICIG is not being held accountable to either Guatemalan law or the United Nations. As the largest financial contributor to the United Nations, the United States has an interest in investigating the credible allegations that CICIG was grossly overstepping its mandate. After all, the American taxpayers were largely financing this enterprise.

The questionable practices of CICIG and its unelected leader have been reported in our national papers. The Wall Street Journal's Mary Anastasia O'Grady has been a close observer of Colombian jurist Ivan Velasquez, who serves as CICIG's Commissioner. Ms. O'Grady states:

Under his leadership, there is strong evidence that CICIG

routinely flouts the rule of law and tramples civil liberties

in violation of the Guatemalan constitution. His methods

can't be supported by a republic that pledges allegiance to

transparency and human rights.

Powerful institutions have a tendency to amass more powers to themselves and stretch their authority far beyond their legal mandates. Even its most strident supporters have acknowledged that CICIG now essentially answers to no one and needs to be reformed. Nowhere is this contention better supported than the CICIG-backed persecution of the Bitkov family on behalf of the Russian Government. For all its flaws, which are numerous, CICIG's decision to conspire with Russia is the most outrageous.

Igor and Irina Bitkov built a successful paper mill company, the Northwest Timber Company, in Russia's Kaliningrad enclave. This rare example of successful private enterprise in Russia was once valued at nearly half a billion dollars, but success comes with a price in Putin's Russia.

In 2005, a senior officer of the state-owned Sberbank demanded that the Bitkovs sell him a controlling stake in their company. Imagine. It is an offer the Bitkovs refused. Two years later, the Bitkovs' 16-year- old daughter, Anastasia, was kidnapped, drugged, raped, and held until the Bitkov family paid a ransom.

In April 2008, three Russian state banks--the VTB, Sberbank, and Gazprombank--forced the Bitkovs' company into bankruptcy by calling in the immediate repayment of nearly $160 million in loans. Traumatized and threatened with detention and death, the Bitkovs decided to flee Russia. More death threats followed as Moscow opened a criminal case in 2009.

The Bitkovs eventually immigrated to Guatemala in 2009 after paying a legitimate law firm for Guatemalan passports with new identities for their protection. The Bitkovs settled into a new life that was blessedly free from Russian harassment and intimidation. Igor and Irina began teaching at a local school. Anastasia began to heal from her ordeal. A son, Vladimir, was born in 2012.

The reprieve was short-lived. VTB, one of the Russian banks, collaborated in 2015 with CICIG and the Guatemalan Attorney General to arrest the Bitkovs for passport violations. Detained in appalling conditions, Anastasia was denied medication and had a nervous breakdown. Three-year-old Vladimir was sent to an orphanage for 42 days without having contact with his parents or appointed guardians. Eventually freed by a court order and with an upper respiratory infection, conjunctivitis in both eyes, and clear physical and psychological abuse, Vladimir returned to his family. This is modern- day CICIG in Guatemala.

Under the direction of CICIG, the Bitkovs were sent to trial in February of 2017. The Guatemalan Court of Appeals, however, enjoined the Bitkovs' prosecution and stated that the family was not criminally liable for passport violations. Despite this injunction, a lower court, at the behest of CICIG, went ahead with the case and eventually sentenced Igor Bitkov to 19 years and Irina and Anastasia to 14 years in prison. Let me repeat--19 years and 14 years for passport violations. They were passports that they believed to be legitimate based on legal advice they had been given. These were infractions that are usually settled with a fine at worst, but this was all in collaboration with CICIG and the Russian accusers.

Following more convoluted legal wrangling, Igor Bitkov was released on house arrest in May, but, inexplicably, Irina and Anastasia remained in jail--more injunctions, more appeals, more tortuous legal proceedings. Irina and Anastasia were finally released on bail in mid- June. This is CICIG in Guatemala. Pushed by CICIG, the Constitutional Court, which is the highest court in Guatemala, ordered a retrial for the Bitkovs. It began last week and supposedly continues.

American taxpayers who are footing the bill for CICIG have a right to ask Commissioner Velasquez and his CICIG team: Is this the way to fight corruption in Guatemala? In short, CICIG, under the direction of Commissioner Velasquez, has gone from fighting corruption to doing Vladimir Putin's dirty work even. He has gone even so far as to persecute victims, like the Bitkovs, of corruption.

The Bitkov affair demonstrates how badly CICIG has gone astray and why President Morales is right to want it out of his country. CICIG was established to help investigate and prosecute Mafias who were entrenched in the state and able to act with impunity. Yet it gets involved in a passport

violation case against a family that is clearly fleeing Russian persecution.

CICIG is supposed to be above reproach. Yet it collaborates with a state-owned Russian bank that, incidentally, is currently under U.S. sanctions. The CICIG is doing the bidding of Putin's henchmen in its acting as the long arm of Russia's dictatorship. The intervention of a Kremlin-controlled bank shows that influencing CICIG is a part of the Kremlin's broader campaign to exert pressure across Latin America, and we ought to be concerned about that.

Earlier this month, in the Wall Street Journal, Ms. O'Grady wrote that the creeping intervention from Moscow is designed to damage U.S. interests by destabilizing liberal democracy.

ADM Craig Faller, the commander of the U.S. Southern Command, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that Russia is flooding Latin America's internet, social media, and television outlets with original and reproduced propaganda to sow doubt about U.S. intentions. Russia has also provided crucial financial support to the infamous Maduro regime in Venezuela, and it competes with the United States to provide military support for regional partners.

Another strategic competitor, China, is also seeking to influence important U.S. partners in Latin America. China has provided more than $140 billion in Belt and Road Initiative loan commitments. Beijing is now Latin America's second largest trading partner.

Although CICIG once played a significant role in exposing and prosecuting serious corruption, it has now fallen victim to Lord Acton's famous observation--that power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

President Morales has made a decision, as the duly elected head of a sovereign country, that he will no longer tolerate an increasingly neocolonial force. The United States should stand behind this decision. The CICIG was never supposed to stay indefinitely.

This move by the Guatemalan Government does not absolve its own responsibility to fight corruption. Indeed, we should demand a redoubling of these efforts. As a critical country in the Western Hemisphere, a return to pre-CICIG conditions would be unacceptable. This is the chance for Guatemalans to work toward the justice that CICIG abandoned with its complicity in Moscow's vendetta. This should begin with an end to the Bitkov family's long nightmare. Their ordeal has gone way beyond a miscarriage of justice, and with CICIG's being gone, Guatemala must do the right thing without further delay or excuse.

In conclusion, the duly constituted Government of Guatemala has made the right decision and should be congratulated for yesterday's action. The country's leadership took a necessary step in asserting its sovereignty and in ending a dysfunctional relationship with CICIG, a well-intended agency that has exceeded its mandate and outlived whatever usefulness it may initially have had.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise for a long overdue floor speech to recognize a school in my home State of Mississippi that continues to win national football championships, five, in fact, over the past 10 years.

I can assure my friends from Alabama that I am not trying to steal the thunder from the Crimson Tide. I am here to recognize the undefeated East Mississippi Community College Lions, who have become their own football dynasty and are the reigning National Junior College Athletic Association champs. NJCAA is commonly known as JUCO.

What makes the East Mississippi Community College football program special is the grit and determination that fuels its success. Some of these players are truly playing for their lives. They are the comeback kids, rising above adversity to get back into the game. The stories of these players are so inspirational that they won over the hearts of Americans in the Netflix documentary series, ``Last Chance U.''

In the first two seasons of that program, viewers had a prime spot in the bleachers to watch East Mississippi's 2015 and 2016 football seasons. I will not reveal any spoilers, but the Lions have undeniable star power.

One of the compelling themes throughout the show is the belief in second chances. Past misbehavior or poor grades do not define these players or their futures. They have legions of fans cheering for their success and for the next touchdown. They have introduced to the Nation, if not the world, the small Mississippi town of Scooba, population 700. According to the show's trailer, ``One of football's best recruiting grounds is a place you've never heard of,'' but now the secret is out.

I would like to congratulate the East Mississippi Lions as this year's JUCO champions and recognize the leadership of the head coach, Buddy Stephens, who only this afternoon was named National Coach of the Year for junior college football.

I also want to congratulate East Mississippi's six All-Americans this year, which was the most for any school except Iowa Western, which tied with them. These All-Americans include first team All-American wide receiver Dontario Drummond and second team running back Deon McIntosh, offensive lineman LaQuinston Sharp, and defensive lineman Everitt Cunningham. Honorable mentions went to quarterback Messiah deWeaver and return specialist DJ Clayton. There have been 32 All-Americans during Coach Stephens' 11-season tenure with the Lions.

Many East Mississippi players go on to 4-year universities and even pro football teams. LaGarrette Blount, running back for the Detroit Lions and a three-time Super Bowl champion, was a former East Mississippi Lion, and so was defensive back C.J. Reavis, who plays for the Jacksonville Jaguars. Other alumni currently playing in the NFL are defensive lineman Jarran Reed for the Seattle Seahawks, Za'Darius Smith for the Baltimore Ravens, Denico Autry for the Indianapolis Colts, and D.J. Jones for the San Francisco 49ers.

Although there is no question about East Mississippi's skills on the field, the team also earned the title of being the Football Academic Team of the Year among junior colleges, showing that the work goes far past the end zone.

Our State and Nation are proud of East Mississippi Community College's success. I am confident their football dynasty will continue, and I look forward to cheering them on to other championships in future years.

I thank the Presiding Officer.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, I come to the floor this afternoon to recognize Rex Buffington, who is retiring next year after 30 years as the executive director of the John C. Stennis Center for Public Service Leadership.

Mr. Buffington had a tall order to fill in 1988 when he was named the first executive director of the newly created Stennis Center. This native of Meridian had been selected by John Stennis himself, demonstrating the confidence the Senator must have had in the young man. After all, the center would bear Stennis' name and would be located at his alma mater, Mississippi State University. The center would be a living tribute to his 41-year career in the Senate, which is still one of the longest in our Nation's history.

Under Rex Buffington's leadership and guidance, the Stennis Center has fulfilled its purpose as set forth by Congress. The center was established by statute for the purpose of ``promoting public service as a career choice'' and providing training and education to State and local leaders, congressional staff, and students.

As part of the legislative branch, the Stennis Center is subject to annual oversight, and it has always proved its value. A major success of the center--and no doubt a credit to its longevity--is the reach of its leadership development programs. The center truly offers something for everyone, whether that person be a student body president, a Hill intern, a veteran staffer, or a Member of Congress.

One of the center's best known programs is the Congressional Staff Fellows Program, which counts among its alumni hundreds of senior level staffers. These chiefs of staff, staff directors, and legislative directors--representing different political parties, different parts of the country, and both congressional Chambers--are given the opportunity to discuss the challenges facing Congress and how it can work better for the American people. Through this important dialogue, the program not only brings a wealth of talent to the table but also opens the door to future collaboration between staffers who might otherwise never have met.

Rex Buffington is also a key supporter of the Stennis-Montgomery Association, a collaboration between the Stennis Center and the G.V. ``Sonny'' Montgomery Foundation, named after another graduate of Mississippi State University. The association encourages greater political participation among a group of MSU students of all backgrounds and academic disciplines. When these students visit Washington, I never fail to meet with them, and I never fail to be impressed.

Another of the center's signature events is the annual Southern Women in Political Service Conference. Since 1991, the conference has brought together a diverse group of women in politics to learn new skills and make new connections. Rex was certainly ahead of his time in recognizing the need to bring more women to the table as important policy decisions are made at every level of government.

Rex learned firsthand from the ``Senator's Senator,'' as Senator Stennis was known, that a good mentor can have a profound impact on a young leader's career. He created the Emerging Leaders Program to connect senior congressional staff with those still early in their careers--a nod to Senator Stennis' legacy of lending his time and wisdom to new lawmakers.

In keeping with Senator Stennis' support for our Armed Forces, culminating in his role as chairman of the Armed Services Committee, Rex Buffington implemented initiatives to recognize military leaders and give them opportunities to speak directly with Members of Congress, often on an informal basis. As part of this initiative, I was privileged to cohost a series of meetings with Senator Reed to bring together Members of this body and senior members of the military.

Rex Buffington and his staff of eight--four in Starkville and four in Washington--have encouraged young Americans to take part in their communities and their government. This small but mighty team has helped to build productive working relationships and lasting friendships between Democrats and Republicans, House and Senate staffers, and those at different stages in their careers. The Senate and House are better because of Rex Buffington and the Stennis Center. Our work product is better. Many of my colleagues would agree, and I mention in particular my friend, Senator Coons from Delaware, who served with me on the center's board of trustees. It is my understanding that Senator Coons may be submitting remarks for the Record in honor of Rex's career.

I have no doubt that retirement will bring more opportunities for Rex to serve the Starkville community and to spend time with his wife, Anne, and their two children, John Gavin and Catherine. He certainly will not sit still in retirement. I offer this unsung hero, Rex Buffington, my sincere thanks for making the Stennis Center what it is today, and I wish him all the best in his next chapter.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I wish to recognize Alexander Hug, an exceptional international civil servant who has played a crucial role in ensuring that the world knows the truth about Russia's aggression against Ukraine. This Kremlin-directed war, now entering its 5th year, is responsible for more than 10,300 fatalities and over 24,000 injuries, including as many as 9,000 civilians. It has affected 4.4 million in eastern Ukraine and displaced some 1.8 million people.

Mr. Hug, a Swiss national, completed his tour of duty as Principal Deputy Chief Monitor of the OSCE's Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine on October 31. He had served in this position since 2014 and oversaw the mission as it grew from approximately 100 monitors to more than 700.

This unarmed civilian mission provides clear, unbiased official reporting from the war zone on ceasefire violations and the human costs of the conflict. It does this despite continuous threats and deliberate attempts to undermine and sabotage its work. The mission's reporting is a crucial counterpoint to the barrage of Kremlin propaganda that seeks to obfuscate the true nature and scale of Russia's role as a direct participant and the aggressor in the war.

The mission has not only kept the world informed about the true nature of the war in eastern Ukraine; under Hug's leadership, it has also helped mitigate the humanitarian catastrophe that the war has caused. In particular, the negotiation of localized ceasefires has allowed for the delivery of humanitarian aid and repairs to be made to critical infrastructure.

Mr. Hug has also been a compelling advocate for basic steps toward peace, such as the withdrawal of heavy weapons and the granting of unfettered access to the monitoring mission across the entirety of Ukraine's sovereign territory.

Mr. Hug's candor and clarity were on full display when he briefed a congressional audience at a Helsinki Commission briefing on November 30, 2017. He movingly paid witness to the human costs of the conflict and left no doubt about the sources behind the flagrant and daily ceasefire violations that continue to fuel the fighting.

Mr. Hug's sterling reputation as a courageous, tough, and principled diplomat is well-earned. He has personally faced significant physical risk in service of the mission's mandate, including direct threats against his convoy by Russia-led forces and being caught in the crossfire between combatants. In July 2014, undeterred by an uncertain security situation, Mr. Hug engaged personally and to great effect at the crash site of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 in eastern Ukraine.

The dangers faced by Mr. Hug and the monitors he led were made all too clear on April 23, 2017. On that tragic day, Joseph Stone, an American citizen, was killed when his armored vehicle hit a landmine in territory controlled by Russia-led forces.

Alexander Hug's leadership in this challenging position, which kept him away from his family far longer than anticipated, has been exemplary. As chairman of the U.S. Helsinki Commission, I thank him for his contribution to this crucial mission and for all those who have served to advance its work, including Joseph Stone. Their selfless dedication continues to make an inestimable contribution to the cause of peace and security in the world.

Madam President, I wish to say a word or two about the Coast Guard bill, which is coming up soon. I assure my colleagues that when the leader comes to the Chamber to make leadership remarks, I will certainly defer to him.

I cannot tell you how pleased I am that we are finally getting to the point of passing a Coast Guard Reauthorization Act. We have worked on this for some time--intensely, actually, for 3 years--and I wish to commend Senator Sullivan of Alaska and Senator Thune, the chairman of the Commerce Committee, for doing such great work on this.

The Coast Guard reauthorization bill will allow us to let the Coast Guard continue to do all of the vital things they do to help the people of this Nation. It will allow us to rebuild the fleet, strengthen facilities on shore, and refurbish the aircraft of the Coast Guard, all while ensuring support for the highly trained 40,000 Active-Duty members of the Coast Guard and some 46,000 people who serve in either the Reserve, civilian, or auxiliary force of the Coast Guard.

A lot of Americans really don't have a complete understanding of the 11 statutory functions of the U.S. Coast Guard. I will not go through all of those, except to say that these are vital to the safety and security of the United States. I will just mention that in my own State of Mississippi, after Hurricane Katrina, one of the first groups to come in and respond was the Coast Guard, living up to their motto of Semper Paratus--``Always Ready.'' There were an estimated 60,000 people who needed to be saved from flooded homes, buildings, and rooftops by the Coast Guard, and they did their job. The lifesaving work continued in 2017 and in 2018 with historic rescue and recovery efforts for such disasters as Irma, Florence, Maria, Michael, and the list goes on and on. Simply put, the Coast Guard is there when coastal communities are at risk.

They are also there when it comes to organized crime and drug interdiction--another very important aspect of the Coast Guard. Last week the Coast Guard made news. The cutter Dauntless returned to Pensacola, FL, following a $27 million cocaine bust in the eastern Pacific.

Americans may see the Coast Guard on the news only because of big drug busts or in the aftermath of a hurricane, but these men and women also are in every corner of the globe, protecting our natural resources and our national interests, coordinating search and rescue missions, and saving lives--saving lives every day.

So our hat is off to the Coast Guard, and my hat is off to the leaders of this body who have given us an excellent reauthorization bill.

In a single day, we might see the Coast Guard handling some 45 search and rescue missions in a single day or saving 10 lives in a single day or saving more than $1.2 million in property in a single day or ensuring the proper transport of $8.7 billion in goods and commodities.

As I assured Members when I began these remarks, it is my honor to yield to the distinguished majority leader for whatever leadership remarks he might want to make.

Mr. President, it is my understanding that the distinguished Democratic leader will be coming in soon to participate in leadership time, but until such time, I ask unanimous consent to address the Senate on the Coast Guard bill for 5 minutes.

Mr. President, as the Presiding Officer entered the Chamber and took the Chair, I was explaining to Members what the Coast Guard does--all the various vital activities they do to provide for the safety and security of Americans. Let me tell my colleagues just a few things this bill does. The distinguished majority leader was discussing this in his remarks also.

This bill that we are about to vote on takes big steps in recapitalizing our vessel fleet. I am proud to say that shipbuilders across the country, including in my State of Mississippi, are rebuilding our fleet. In Mississippi, we have built six national security cutters that are currently operational. The seventh and eighth ships have been built and are scheduled to be commissioned next year. These ships are some of the most technologically advanced vessels in the world.

The Coast Guard needs more modern national security cutters to combat transnational organized crime. These cutters make up the backbone of this effort, and, as we know, the criminals who undermine our borders and our Nation's social and political development are not contained by borders.

In addition, the Coast Guard bill recognizes the importance of national security cutters by authorizing multiyear contracts that will lead to procurement of a 10th, 11th, and 12th vessel. So we are making great progress there. These cutters are highly advanced patrol boats that could deploy independently for a number of missions along our ports, waterways, and coasts.

In addition, the bill does not overlook the Coast Guard's shoreline infrastructure, instead authorizing more than $170 million for these facilities. This includes steps to repair and replace its aging rotary- wing aircraft.

Other provisions in the bill would clarify the Coast Guard's role in national security as a member of our Armed Forces, and they are and should be clarified as a member of the Armed Forces; establish a land- based, unmanned aircraft system program; help modernize the Coast Guard's healthcare system; enable block-buy contracts for ship acquisition; and conduct an advanced maintenance program for the Polar Star, our only

heavy polar icebreaker. Our sole icebreaker is now 42 years old and 12 years past its intended service life. So this will allow us to pay more attention to the Arctic.

Finally, let me stress to my colleagues and once again express appreciation to the leadership of the committee that we are finally passing the Vessel Incidental Discharge Act, known as VIDA, which provides much needed relief to our commercial vessel industry. This relief would come through a single, science-based national standard for ballast water discharge and other vessel discharges. These discharges must take place; it is just a question of what the regulation is and how we take care of our economy and our environment.

Currently, commercial vessel owners are obligated to meet standards from the Coast Guard, standards from the EPA, and standards from 25 individual States. This can mean spending millions of dollars to install equipment, which may or may not ensure compliance with these regulations. Such burdens have put a strain on U.S. businesses and U.S. commerce. This bill will give us one nationwide standard, lifting the burden off of these businesses and lifting the burden off of people who would like to actually get out there and create more jobs instead of comply with a myriad of various regulations.

Under VIDA, the Coast Guard would be the lead agency to enforce these regulations, but it will also do this in consultation with EPA. In other words, VIDA uses the expertise of both of these excellent agencies, the Coast Guard and the EPA, and leverages the expertise of both agencies. It is quite an achievement.

I see my friend from Florida here. He may want me to yield on this question. But there has been a bipartisan effort, and the bipartisan vote yesterday was quite gratifying.

Again, thank you to Chairman Thune, thank you to Senator Sullivan, and thank you to my friends on the other side of the aisle for making this bipartisan, long-range effort finally come to fruition this afternoon.

I would be delighted to yield to my friend.

Mr. President, reclaiming my time, I thank the Senator from Florida for making those points and for his leadership as ranking member of the Commerce Committee. In this regard, I suggest the vote coming up soon will be probably as lopsided as the one on cloture yesterday. That is a good sign. It took us a while to get there, I would say to my friend from Florida, but we are there now, and it is a great achievement for our economy, for the environment, and for the Coast Guard as a whole.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I intend to address the Senate on the topic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but I want to observe that the distinguished leader may be coming in just a moment for a unanimous consent request. If he does, I will be happy to yield during the middle of my remarks so he can take care of that item of business.

Mr. President, back to the subject of Bosnia, the carnage and tragic conflict that occurred in the early 1990s was more than about Bosnia. It was about security in a Europe just emerging from its Cold War divisions and the international principles upon which that security was based. For that reason, the United States, under President Bill Clinton, rightly exercised leadership when Europe asked us to, having failed to do so themselves. The Clinton administration brokered the Dayton peace agreement in November 1995 and enabled NATO to engage in peacemaking and peacekeeping to preserve Bosnia's unity and territorial integrity. That was the Bosnian peace agreement.

Almost a quarter of a century later, after the expenditure of significant diplomatic, military, and foreign assistance resources, the physical scars of the conflict have been largely erased. As we learned during our recent visit, the country remains far short of the prosperous democracy we hoped it would become and that its people deserve. Mostar, a spectacular city to visit, remains ethnically divided with Bosniak and Croat students separated by ethnicity in schools, even inside the same school buildings. Bosnian citizens, who are of minority groups, such as Jews, Romanis, or of mixed heritage, still cannot run for certain political offices.

This is 2018. They can't run for State-level Presidency, simply because of their ethnicity. Neither can Bosniaks and Croats in Republika Srpska or

Serbs in the Bosnian Federation run for the Presidency because of their ethnicity, in Europe in 2018. Nor can those numerous citizens who, on principle, refuse to declare their ethnicity because it should not replace their real qualifications for holding office.

This goes on despite repeated rulings by the European Court of Human Rights that this flaw in the Dayton-negotiated Constitution must be corrected. In total, well over 300,000 people in a country of only 3.5 million fall into these categories despite what is likely their strong commitment to the country and to its future as a multiethnic state. This is simply wrong, and it needs to end.

In addition, youth employment in Bosnia is among the highest in the world, and many who can leave the country are doing so, finding a future in Europe and finding a future in the United States. This denies Bosnia much of its needed talent and energy.

Civil society is kept on the sidelines. Decisions in Bosnia are being made by political party leaders who are not accountable to the people. They are the decision makers. The people should be decision makers. Corruption is rampant. Ask anyone in Europe, and they will tell you, Bosnia's wealth and potential is being stolen by corruption.

General elections will be held in October with a system favoring the status quo and resistance to electoral reforms that would give Bosnians more rather than fewer choices.

The compromises made two and a half decades ago in Dayton to restore peace and give the leading ethnic groups--Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats-- an immediate sense of security make governance dysfunctional today. Two-and-a-half-decades-old agreements make governance inefficient today in Bosnia. Collective privileges for these groups come at the expense of the individual human rights of the citizens who are all but coerced into making ethnic identity their paramount concern and a source of division, when so many other common interests should unite them. Ethnically based political parties benefit as they engage in extensive patronage and corruption. Beneath the surface, ethnic reconciliation has not taken hold, and resulting tensions can still destabilize the country and even lead to violence. Malign outside forces, particularly Vladimir Putin's Russia but also influences from Turkey and Gulf States, seek to take advantage of the political impasse and malaise, steering the country away from its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

As a result of these developments, Bosnia and Herzegovina is not making much progress, even as its neighbors join NATO and join the EU or make progress toward their desired integration.

In my view, we should rightly credit the Dayton agreement for restoring peace to Bosnia. That was 25 years ago, but it is regrettable the negotiators did not put an expiration date on ethnic accommodations so Bosnia could become a modern democracy. As one of our interlocutors told us, the international community, which has substantial powers in Bosnia, has steadily withdrawn, turning over decision making to Bosnian officials who were not yet committed to making the country work and naively hoping the promise of future European integration would encourage responsible behavior. That has not happened.

Of course, we can't turn back the clock and can't insert that expiration date on the Dayton agreement, but having made a difference in 1995, we can and should help make a difference again today. It is in our national security interest that we do so.

I suggest the following. The United States and our European friends should state, unequivocally, that Dayton is an absolute baseline, which means only forward progress should be allowed. Separation or new entities should be declared to be clearly out of the question.

Secondly, U.S. policymakers should also remind everyone that the international community, including NATO, did not relinquish its powers to Bosnia but simply has chosen to withdraw and exercise them less robustly. We should seek an agreement to resurrect the will to use these powers and to do so with resolve if growing tensions make renewed violence a credible possibility.

Next, the United States and Europe should adopt a policy of imposing sanctions on individual Bosnian officials who are clearly engaged in corruption or who ignore the Dayton parameters, Bosnian law, and court rulings in their work. Washington has already done this regarding Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik, and just recently, Nikola Spiric, a member of Bosnia's House of Representatives. However, the scope should be expanded, and European capitals need to join us in this regard.

Senior U.S. officials, as well as Members of Congress, should make Sarajevo a priority. I hope more of our Members will visit Bosnia and increase our visibility, demonstrate our continued commitment, and enhance our understanding.

Bosnia may not be ready to join NATO, but its Membership Action Plan should be activated without further delay. As soon as this year's elections are over in Bosnia, the international community should encourage the quick formation of new parliaments and governments at all levels, followed immediately by vigorous reform efforts that eliminate the discrimination in the criteria for certain offices, ensure that law enforcement more effectively serves and protects all residents, and end the corruption in healthcare and so many other violent areas of daily life.

Our policy must shift back to an impetus on universal principles of individual human rights and citizen-based government. Indeed, the privileges Dayton accorded to the three main ethnic groups are not rights but privileges that should not be upheld at the expense of genuine democracy and individual rights.

We, in my view, have been far too fatalistic about accepting in Bosnia what we are not willing to accept anywhere else. We also underestimate what Bosnians might find acceptable, and we should be encouraging them to support leaders based on credentials, positions, and personal integrity, not based on ethnicity. There should no longer be a reason why a Bosniak, Serb, or Croat voter should be prohibited by law from considering a candidate of another ethnicity or a multiethnic political party. All candidates and parties would do well to seek votes from those not belonging to a single ethnic group. This may take time and perhaps some effort, but it should happen sooner rather than later.

Let me conclude by asserting that greater engagement is in the interest of the United States--the economic interest and the national security interest. Our country is credited with Bosnia's preservation after the country was almost destroyed by aggression, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Thank God our country was there for Bosnia.

Our adversaries--notably, but not exclusively, Russia--would like nothing more than to make an American effort fail in the end, and they would ensure that its repercussions are felt elsewhere around the globe.

Current trends in Bosnia make the country an easier entry point for extremism in Europe, including Islamic extremism. If we wait for discrimination and ethnic tensions to explode again, our engagement will then become a moral imperative at significantly greater cost.

The people of Bosnia, like their neighbors throughout the Balkans, know they are in Europe but consider the United States their most trusted friend, their most honest friend. They want our presence and engagement, and given the tragedies they have experienced, they have earned our support and friendship.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I agree with my Seapower Subcommittee colleague, and his approach is consistent with the fiscal year 2019 NDAA, which the Senate approved in a vote of 87-10. The President has signed the bill into law. I join with my colleague in asking for the two-ship carrier buy to be supported, as we did in the NDAA, subject to the requisite requirements that includes a Secretary of Defense certification based on significant savings and other supporting information.