Mr. Chair, I want to thank Chairman Thornberry and Ranking Member Smith for shepherding this legislation to the floor and for their devotion to the men and women of the Armed Forces who risk their lives to keep our nation safe. Mr. Chair,…
Mr. Chair, I want to thank Chairman Thornberry and Ranking Member Smith for shepherding this legislation to the floor and for their devotion to the men and women of the Armed Forces who risk their lives to keep our nation safe.
Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to explain the Jackson Lee Amendment to H.R. 2810, the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2018, which authorizes $2.5 million in increased funding to combat and treat Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.
Had it been made in order, this Jackson Lee amendment would have provided additional funding to be used toward outreach activities targeting hard to reach veterans; especially those who are homeless or reside in underserved urban and rural areas.
Mr. Chair, along with traumatic brain injury, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD is the signature wound suffered by the brave men and women who fought or are fighting in Afghanistan, Iraq, and far off lands to defend the values and freedom we hold dear.
For those of us whose daily existence is not lived in harm's way, it is difficult to imagine the horrific images seen by American servicemen and women deployed in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other theaters of war.
In an instant a suicide bomber, an IED, or an insurgent can obliterate your best friend and right in front of your face.
Yet, you are trained and expected to continue on with the mission, and you do, even though you may not even have reached your 20th birthday.
But there always comes a reckoning.
And it usually comes after the stress and trauma of battle is over and you are alone with your thoughts and memories.
And the horror of those desperate and dangerous encounters with the enemy and your own mortality come flooding back.
PTSD was first brought to public attention in relation to war veterans, but it can result from a variety of traumatic incidents, such as torture, being kidnapped or held captive, bombings, or natural disasters such as floods or earthquakes.
People with PTSD may startle easily, become emotionally numb (especially in relation to people with whom they used to be close), lose interest in things they used to enjoy, have trouble feeling affectionate, be irritable, become more aggressive, or even become violent.
They avoid situations that remind them of the original incident, and anniversaries of the incident are often very difficult.
Most people with PTSD repeatedly relive the trauma, called flashbacks, in their thoughts during the day and in nightmares when they sleep.
A person having a flashback may lose touch with reality and believe that the traumatic incident is happening all over again.
Mr. Chair, the fact of the matter is that most veterans with PTSD also have other psychiatric disorders, which are a consequence of PTSD.
These veterans have co-occurring disorders, which include depression, alcohol and/or drug abuse problems, panic, and/or other anxiety disorders.
The Jackson Lee Amendment recognizes that these soldiers are first and foremost, human and that they carry their experiences with them.
Ask a veteran of Vietnam, Iraq, or Afghanistan about the frequency of nightmares they experience, and one will realize that serving in the Armed Forces leaves a lasting impression, whether good or bad.
The Jackson Lee Amendment would have helped ensure that ``no soldier is left behind'' by addressing the urgent need for more outreach toward hard to reach veterans suffering from PTSD, especially those who are homeless or reside in underserved urban and rural areas of our country.
Mr. Chair, I also want to speak in support of the amendment to H.R. 2810, the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2018, offered by Judiciary Committee Ranking Member Conyers, and supported by Congresswoman Barbara Lee of California, Congressman Walter Jones of North Carolina, myself, and many other colleagues but not made in order by the Rules Committee.
The Conyers Amendment is simple and straightforward, stating:
``Nothing in this Act shall be construed as authorizing the use of force against North Korea.''
Interviewed by Reuters in the Oval Office on Apri1 27, 2017, the President stated:
``There is a chance that we could end up having a major, major conflict with North Korea. Absolutely.''
According to media reports, military strikes against North Korea remain an option for the President and his national security team.
Earlier this year, the Trump Administration sent an aircraft carrier and a nuclear-powered submarine to the region in a show of force.
Of course, direct U.S. military action runs the risk of massive North Korean retaliation and huge casualties in Japan and South Korea and among U.S. forces in both countries.
The Conyers Amendment would make clear and explicit that nothing in the FY2018 NDAA can be construed as congressional authorization or acquiescence regarding the use of military force against North Korea.
The Framers understood that while the military does the fighting, the entire nation goes to war.
That is why the Framers lodged the power to declare war in the Congress, the branch of government closest to the people.
They knew that the decision to go to war was too important to be left to the whim of a single person, no matter how wise or well-informed he or she might be.
The President must consult with Congress and to obtain an AUMF before undertaking any military offensive against North Korea.
Over the last 16 years, we have seen 3 Presidents use the 2001 Afghanistan AUMF as a blank check to engage in serious military action.
In 2016, the Congressional Research Service issued a report detailing 37 unclassified uses of this authorization in 14 countries, including for operations at Guantanamo Bay, warrantless wiretapping, and recent military action in Libya, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen.
The overly broad 2001 AUMF represents a critical deterioration of Congressional oversight, which should be repealed, rather than repeated with respect to North Korea.
As our brave service members are deployed around the world in combat zones, Congress is missing in action.
As provided under the War Powers Resolution of 1973, absent a Congressional declaration of war or authorization for the use of military force, the President as Commander-in-Chief has constitutional power to engage the U.S. armed forces in hostilities only in the case of a national emergency created by an attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.
As a co-equal branch of government, it is Congress's right and responsibility to be fully consulted regarding any potential plans to conduct military operations in North Korea, to assess whether such action is in the national security interest of the United States and its allies, and to withhold or grant authorization for the use of military force based on this assessment.
As we have learned from the painful and bitter experience of the past 16 years, at the initiation of hostilities, the costs in terms of blood and treasure of U.S. military interventions abroad are often underestimated and the benefits overstated.
For example, more than 6,800 American service members gave the last full measure of devotion to their country on battlefields in Afghanistan and Iraq, with hundreds of thousands more returning with physical, emotional, or psychological wounds that may never heal.
The direct economic cost of the war in Afghanistan exceeds $1.07 trillion, including $773 billion in Overseas Contingency Operations funds, an increase of $243 billion to the Department of Defense base budget, and an increase of $54.2 billion to the Veterans Administration budget to address the human costs of the military involvement in Afghanistan.
We should not repeat the mistakes of the past and my position on this issue is directly aligned with the will of the American people.
I commend my colleague, Congressman Conyers for offering this important amendment and am disappointed that it was not made in order.
I am confident that depriving Members of the opportunity to debate and vote on the Conyers Amendment will strengthen our resolve to restore Congress's preeminent constitutional role in the decision to take the nation to war.
If it had been made in order and approved, Jackson Lee Amendment No. 179 would have directed the Secretary of Defense to conduct, and report to Congress within 180 days, the results of a study regarding whether the requirement to notify a Voting Action Officer within 10 days of registering to vote in a state where a service member resides, due to a duty reassignment, imposes a significant burden on military voters.
Members on both sides of the aisle want our men and women in the armed services to be able to vote.
Unfortunately, they often cannot, despite the option of casting an absentee ballot if they are deployed overseas.
For most of U.S. history, military personnel have been barred from voting by State laws and constitutions that specifically restricted military personnel from voting.
Following the Civil War, many of these laws began to change because so many citizens served in the military.
Today, there is a Federal Voting Assistance Program that assists military voters and their families living in the United States and abroad to vote in public elections.
Work has been done and is continuing to be done to make the absentee voting experience for military voters as easy as possible, but there are still issues with receiving a ballot and being able to return it by the deadline.
The military population is extremely mobile.
Since voting materials are postal materials that cannot be forwarded, it is important for them to provide their election office their current address annually, as well as after every move, because information provided is the only way of election agencies can contact them.
Military personnel are often relocated because of reassignments, which are outside of their control.
The process for voting is difficult for persons serving in the military and adding a requirement that military voters who decide to register where they may have been reassigned may need more than 10 days to meet the requirement of notice to their Voting Action Officer.
This Jackson Lee Amendment directs the Department of Defense to study and report to Congress the impact the 10 day requirement and whether it imposes an undue burden on military voters who seek to cast their ballots in person.
Military voters should have the option of casting an in-person ballot, while they serve our nation at a station or on assignment in the United States.
This Jackson Lee Amendment would have ensured that our men and women of the armed services have equal access to the ballot and the opportunity to cast a vote, without fear of violating a 10 day deadline.
I am disappointed that this Jackson Lee Amendment was not made in order, but I will continue working with my colleagues to find ways to ensure our armed services men and women have equal and just access to voice their opinion by casting a voting ballot.
Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to explain the Jackson Lee Amendment to H.R. 2810, the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2018, which would have required the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on programs and procedures employed to ensure students studying abroad through Department of Defense National Security Education Programs are trained to recognize, resist, and report against recruitment efforts by agents of foreign governments.
This training would have been helpful for students such as Glenn Shriver, an outstanding college student-majoring in international relations at a college in Michigan and interested in seeing the world.
Seeking new experiences, Glenn traveled to China during the 2002-2003 academic year to Study Abroad in one of Shanghai's universities and practice his Mandarin.
During his study abroad program in China, Glenn developed an interest in Chinese culture and considerably improved his fluency in Mandarin, so after graduating from college in 2004, he returned to the China to continue his language studies and to look for work.
After seeing potential in Glenn, a Chinese official going by the name of Amanda approached him and asked him to write papers and paid him $120.
In the following months, Glenn took some $70,000 from the woman and her associates, and eventually sought a U.S. government job with the aim of accessing classified information with the purpose of providing it to Chinese officials until his scheme was uncovered and he was arrested by the FBI in 2010.
To a recent college graduate, $70,000 seems like a lot of money if they are graduating with high student loan debt, and the promise of even more can be too tempting to pass up.
There are other means and methods for foreign agents to attempt to course, trick or in some other way deceive a college student into becoming a tool of that government.
The Jackson Lee Amendment would have laid the foundation for protected students attending domestic institutions of higher education by providing them with the training necessary to recognize, resist, and report recruitment efforts by agents of foreign governments when they occur in the United States.
Congress should not assume that foreign governments seeking to recruit students attending institutions of higher learning will limit their efforts to students studying abroad.
Had it been made in order and adopted, the Jackson Lee Amendment simply would require the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on whether U.S. students attending institutions in the United States would benefit from similar or some aspects of the training described in the bill.
We have seen and learned so much regarding Russia's efforts to influence our nation's elections in large part by leveraging relationships between Russian agents and key individuals in President Trump's Campaign.
Although the work to investigate what took place continues, we should take steps today to make sure that young people attending institutions of higher learning are equipped with the knowledge and training needed to resist influence of a foreign government.
Although I am disappointed this important amendment was not made to order, I will continue to work with my colleagues to find ways to train our young people studying abroad on ways to detect, resist, and report attempts to recruit them by hostile foreign nations and actors.
Had it been made in order and approved, Jackson Lee Amendment No. 182 would direct the Secretary of Defense to develop plans for early detection, mitigation, and defense against state sponsored cyberattacks targeting federal public election assets, election administrators, election workers, or voter engagement efforts.
The aim of this amendment is to ensure that elections, and the peaceful transfer of power, which are pillars of our democracy, remain secure and are not undermined by external factors.
Last year, during one of the most contentious elections we have seen, a foreign state commenced a series of spearphishing attacks with the goal of penetrating the networks of a variety of Republican and Democratic Party organizations.
This foreign adversary was Russia, whose intelligence agencies worked under the directive of Vladimir Putin with the goal of making Donald Trump the 45th President of the United States.
Russian interference may have begun as early as 2015, and lasted through the winter of 2016. While at first, the hacking may have been done with the aim of foreign intelligence collection, by July 2016, Russian intelligence weaponized their information and worked to damage Hillary Clinton's campaign.
While the exact extent of Russia's influence on our elections may never be known, the fact is that Russia successfully intervened in our democracy and American intelligence agencies have determined that they have the capability and motivation to do so once more.
The Jackson Lee amendment would have helped to ensure that this never happens again.
Neither Russia, nor any other country, will ever have a say in our democratic processes.
The Jackson Lee Amendment would protect our election administrators, our election workers, and our voter engagement efforts.
I am disappointed that this amendment was not made in order, but I will continue to work with my colleagues to ensure that the United States has the proper technology, capability, and methods to defend our elections against malicious foreign state-sponsored cyberattacks.