Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3525, the ``Commission to Study the Potential Creation of a National Museum of Asian Pacific American History and Culture Act.'' This bill seeks to create the first national museum dedicated to…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3525, the ``Commission to Study the Potential Creation of a National Museum of Asian Pacific American History and Culture Act.''
This bill seeks to create the first national museum dedicated to preserving the history, culture, and accomplishments of Asian Pacific Americans (APA).
As the representative for the 18th District of Texas, which has a significant Asian population, this bill is of great personal importance to me.
Asian Americans are significant contributors of our nation's history as champions of social and racial justice. Yet, Asian Americans have also uniquely suffered in the United States, and those stories should also be told.
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was the first and only major federal legislation to explicitly suspend immigration for a specific nationality. The basic exclusion law prohibited Chinese laborers-- defined as ``both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining''--from entering the country.
Subsequent amendments to the law prevented Chinese laborers who had left the United States from returning. The passage of the act represented the outcome of years of racial hostility and anti-immigrant agitation by white Americans, set the precedent for later restrictions against immigration of other nationalities, and started a new era in which the United States changed from a country that welcomed almost all immigrants to a gatekeeping one.
Another glaring example of their suffering are the internment camps of World War II.
Prior to the outbreak of World War II, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) had identified German, Italian, and Japanese aliens who were suspected of being potential enemy agents; and they were kept under surveillance. Following the attack at Pearl Harbor, government suspicion arose not only around aliens who came from enemy nations, but around all persons of Japanese descent, whether foreign born (issei) or American citizens (nisei). During congressional committee hearings, representatives of the Department of Justice raised logistical, constitutional, and ethical objections. Regardless, the task was turned over to the U.S. Army as a security matter.
The entire West Coast was deemed a military area and was divided into military zones. Executive Order 9066 authorized military commanders to exclude civilians from military areas. Although the language of the order did not specify any ethnic group, Lieutenant General John L. DeWitt of the Western Defense Command proceeded to announce curfews that included only Japanese Americans. Next, he encouraged voluntary evacuation by Japanese Americans from a limited number of areas; about seven percent of the total Japanese American population in these areas complied.
On March 29, 1942, under the authority of the executive order, DeWitt issued Public Proclamation No. 4, which began the forced evacuation and detention of Japanese-American West Coast residents on a 48-hour notice. Only a few days prior to the proclamation, on March 21, Congress had passed Public Law 503, which made violation of Executive Order 9066 a misdemeanor punishable by up to one year in prison and a $5,000 fine.
Because of the perception of ``public danger,'' all Japanese Americans within varied distances from the Pacific coast were targeted. Unless they were able to dispose of or make arrangements for care of their property within a few days, their homes, farms, businesses, and most of their private belongings were lost forever.
From the end of March to August, approximately 112,000 persons were sent to ``assembly centers''--often racetracks or fairgrounds--where they waited and were tagged to indicate the location of a long-term ``relocation center'' that would be their home for the rest of the war. Nearly 70,000 of the evacuees were American citizens. There were no charges of disloyalty against any of these citizens, nor was there any vehicle by which they could appeal their loss of property and personal liberty.
``Relocation centers'' were situated many miles inland, often in remote and desolate locales. Sites included Tule Lake, California; Minidoka, Idaho; Manzanar, California; Topaz, Utah; Jerome, Arkansas; Heart Mountain, Wyoming; Poston, Arizona; Granada, Colorado; and Rohwer, Arkansas. (Incarceration rates were significantly lower in the territory of Hawaii, where Japanese Americans made up over one-third of the population and their labor was needed to sustain the economy. However, martial law had been declared in Hawaii immediately following the Pearl Harbor attack, and the Army issued hundreds of military orders, some applicable only to persons of Japanese ancestry.)
In the ``relocation centers'' (also called ``internment camps''), four or five families, with their sparse collections of clothing and possessions, shared tar-papered army-style barracks. Most lived in these conditions for nearly three years or more until the end of the war. Gradually some insulation was added to the barracks and lightweight partitions were added to make them a little more comfortable and somewhat private. Life took on some familiar routines of socializing and school. However, eating in common facilities, using shared restrooms, and having limited opportunities for work interrupted other social and cultural patterns. Persons who resisted were sent to a special camp at Tule Lake, California, where dissidents were housed.
In 1943 and 1944, the government assembled a combat unit of Japanese Americans for the European theater. It became the 442d Regimental Combat Team and gained fame as the most highly decorated of World War II. Their military record bespoke their patriotism.
As the war drew to a close, ``internment camps'' were slowly evacuated. While some persons of Japanese ancestry returned to their hometowns, others sought new surroundings. For example, the Japanese- American community of Tacoma, Washington, had been sent to three different centers; only 30 percent returned to Tacoma after the war. Japanese Americans from Fresno had gone to Manzanar; 80 percent returned to their hometown.
The internment of Japanese Americans during World War II sparked constitutional and political debate. During this period, three Japanese-American citizens challenged the constitutionality of the forced relocation and curfew orders through legal actions: Gordon Hirabayashi, Fred Korematsu, and Mitsuye Endo. Hirabayashi and Korematsu received negative judgments; but Mitsuye Endo, after a lengthy battle through lesser courts, was determined to be ``loyal'' and allowed to leave the Topaz, Utah, facility.
Justice Murphy of the Supreme Court expressed the following opinion in Ex parte Mitsuye Endo:
I join in the opinion of the Court, but I am of the view that detention in Relocation Centers of persons of Japanese ancestry regardless of loyalty is not only unauthorized by Congress or the Executive but is another example of the unconstitutional resort to racism inherent in the entire evacuation program. As stated more fully in my dissenting opinion in Fred Toyosaburo Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214, 65 S.Ct. 193, racial discrimination of this nature bears no reasonable relation to military necessity and is utterly foreign to the ideals and traditions of the American people.
In 1988, Congress passed, and President Reagan signed, Public Law 100-383--the Civil Liberties Act of 1988--that acknowledged the injustice of ``internment,'' apologized for it, and provided a $20,000 cash payment to each person who was incarcerated.
One of the most stunning ironies in this episode of denied civil liberties was articulated by an internee who, when told that Japanese Americans were put in those camps for their own protection, countered ``If we were put there for our protection, why were the guns at the guard towers pointed inward, instead of outward?''
Asian Americans and Asian immigrants also have suffered systematic exclusion from the political process and it has taken a series of reforms, including repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943, and passage of amendments strengthening the Voting Rights Act
three decades later, to fully extend the franchise to Asian Americans. It was with this history in mind that the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was designed to make the right to vote a reality for all Americans.
Despite this track record of suffering familiar to all minority groups in America, we must not forget the positive history of Asian Americans.
Congresswoman Meng, the sponsor of this bill, put it best when she recalled how:
``Chinese Americans fought for the Union at the Battles of Antietam and Gettysburg during the American Civil War and Japanese Americans comprised the 442nd Regimental Combat Team during World War II, which became the most decorated unit in the history of the U.S. Military.''
``While Chinese and Japanese Americans have demonstrated valor and bravery, they have also faced institutionalized disenfranchisement that manifested in U.S. laws such as the Chinese Exclusion Act and Executive Order 9066 that ordered the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. Yet, from the first wave of Southeast Asian refugees on our shores to the Filipino Americans who helped found the farmworker labor movement--AAPIs have left an indelible mark on our American story.''
``From these Halls of Congress to every American classroom, our AAPI heroes such as Grace Lee Boggs--a human rights activist for seven decades; Larry Itliong--the quintessential leader for labor rights and justice; Dalip Singh Saund--the first Asian American elected to Congress; and Patsy Mink--the first woman of color elected to Congress, and the original champion of Title IX protections in the Higher Education Act, have fought for human and civil rights and social justice with their every breath. Shamefully, these stories are starkly missing from the narrative of American history.''
Mr. Speaker, these stories must not continue to be unknown to so many Americans. This bill would put an end to that shameful practice, so I am proud to support it and urge my colleagues to as well.