Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the words of my friend from California (Ms. Waters) and her passion about what has happened in Haiti and how our government has not been exactly on the right side of that. Equally important, I want to say…
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the words of my friend from California (Ms. Waters) and her passion about what has happened in Haiti and how our government has not been exactly on the right side of that. Equally important, I want to say something about my friend from California (Mr. Dreier) and his comments.
To try to make it sound like the Democrats and Senator Kerry want the French and the German model, while he wants the red, white, blue American model is just a bit much. We are all proud of the economic growth. We are all proud of the freedoms of our country. We are all proud of our strong environmental laws, our worker safety laws, our laws to protect the public and the dynamic economy we have. No one is arguing, nobody I know, John Kerry, anybody else is arguing we want the French economy or we want to be Germany.
What we are arguing is that we can do better with this economy than George Bush has done. We look back at the 1990s during Bill Clinton's 8 years and saw 25 million jobs created. We look at George Bush's 3\1/2\ years and see 3 million jobs lost, and we see a President who, during his term, will be the first since Herbert Hoover that has expressed, that has experienced a net loss of jobs.
I look at my State when I hear the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier) speaking about this incredible economy. Then I look at my State, and we hope we had an economy like he was talking about. I do not think very many places in this country, if any places, do have that kind of economy, the picture he painted; but we know what we need to do to make the economy better.
Instead, President Bush has used the same old tired bromides, tax cuts for the wealthiest people in the society. If you make a million dollars in a year under the Bush plan, you get a $20,000 tax cut. The Republicans hope this tax cut will trickle down and create jobs. It clearly has not worked. We lost 3 million jobs in the last 3\1/2\ years.
The second part of his economic plan over and over is let us do more NAFTAs, let us do more trade agreements that continue to ship jobs overseas, that outsource, that hemorrhage jobs to China and Mexico. That clearly is not working, but I understand my friend from California. I understand his viewpoint.
Members of Congress do not feel the anxiety that my constituents feel. In my State, we have lost 177,000 manufacturing jobs. One out of six manufacturing jobs in my State has simply disappeared during George Bush's Presidency. Yet George Bush's answer continues to be more tax cuts for the most privileged and continues to be trade agreements that do not work and continues to be this ideological mission to give tax cuts and say that automatically tax cuts to the wealthy automatically create jobs. It simply has not worked.
What we need to do is extend unemployment benefits to the 1 million Americans, fifty-some thousand Ohioans, whose benefits have expired since January. We need to, instead of rewarding those companies that go offshore and change their corporate headquarters to Bermuda so they can avoid taxes and have continued to get various kinds of Federal contracts, on-bid contracts in the case of Halliburton, and all of that, we need to pass legislation that will actually give tax breaks to those companies that stay in the United States and manufacture here.
Several manufacturing companies from my State came to see me today. They cannot believe we continue to give tax breaks to these big, multinational corporations who ship jobs overseas, who outsource to India, and we do not give any kind of tax incentives to American manufacturers. I just wanted to say that in response to my friend from California.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. Speaker, tonight I am joined by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen), the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones), the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland), and the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) and I want to talk about Medicare and the discount card program that has been unveiled this week.
Enrollment began for the prescription drug discount card through the Medicare bill passed last year. For some seniors in Ohio, this can mean $600 in prescription drug benefits. On the surface that sounds good, and we want seniors to look into these cards. If they can get any help, that is a good thing.
However, the real story about the discount cards is found in the details. The discount drug cards will further complicate an already confusing process for America's seniors. Instead of implementing a prescription drug benefit under one program, Medicare, the simplest, cleanest and the deepest discount available and possible, which 40 million of America's seniors know and trust, the administration fought on behalf of the insurance and the drug companies, who really wrote this bill, the administration fought to create an unnecessarily complex system that diverts money away from benefits and gives it to drug companies, insurance
companies, and to these discount card companies that we will talk about in a moment.
The big drug companies under this original $400 billion bill, the big drug companies will profit an additional $150 billion from this bill, and insurance companies will get $46 billion. The insurance companies get a direct subsidy, a direct payment of my tax dollars and your tax dollars directly into their pockets for this bill.
No wonder, considering the drug companies, we hear on the streets of Washington, the drug companies are going to give $100 million to President Bush's reelection. They have already given tens of millions. No wonder the President wrote this bill so these companies benefited.
The drug card portion of the bill was in part crafted by friends of the President, such as David Halbert, CEO of Advanced PCS, one of the discount card companies, a man who set President Bush up in business before he was President and before he was governor, around the time he ran unsuccessfully for Congress, Mr. Halbert set President Bush up in business and helped President Bush make his first million in an unsuccessful oil company.
It is no surprise then that this system features 70 cards by 70 different private companies. It is a lot like the multiple HMO system that my Republican friends are trying to foist on Medicare beneficiaries. The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen) has said on the House floor that seniors want a choice of doctors and hospitals and prescription drugs, they do not want a choice of insurance agents or fancy brochures or insurance companies. Unfortunately, what this discount card does is give seniors a choice of a whole bunch of discount cards, and it is almost impossible to figure out which one is the best.
A senior in Akron in my district will have to research through 50 cards to find one that works. Under our plan, they could have used one card. Under the Republican plan, they are going to have to go through 50 cards. They are going to have 50 cards that they need to sort through. Let me see, I am taking Fosamax. This card covers Fosamax, this card covers Vioxx, but this card covers Zoloft, but this card covers Celebrex.
Why do they make this more confusing instead of allowing seniors one card, one discount, one plan. Instead, the Republicans have 50 cards, 50 plans, 50 insurance companies, 50 mailings coming to their house, 50 insurance agents knocking on their doors representing 50 different insurance companies. The answer is why would they choose this over this? The answer is pretty obvious. It just might, and correct me if I am wrong, I ask my friends from Washington and Ohio and Maine and New Jersey, it might have something to do with the insurance industry, the drug industry, and Mr. Halbert, CEO of Advanced PCS, that makes these cards, it might have something to do with the fact that they gave lots of money to President Bush's reelection.
We have all read in the paper that President Bush has set all kinds of fund-raising records. One week it is 150, then he flies Air Force One out to Cleveland or Portland or New Jersey or Washington State, does a little bit of government business so he can charge it off to the government, and then he does another fund-raiser and raises another $3 million. It just keeps going up, setting records every week. No wonder he can raise $200 million when he does things like this instead of doing it right.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland).
So I look through these cards. I am a senior and I decide Fosamax is here, and they also do Claritin and Zoloft, so I want this card. I pay $30 and sign up for the whole year. And then Mr. Halbert's company, if it is his card, he can change it, but I have to stay with this card, is that how it works?
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I choose a card and I get a decent discount, even though the price goes up 20 or 30 percent per year. So you are the card maker, you can both cut the discount and you can take my drug off the discount card list totally?
One card for $30.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
Mr. Speaker, it is hard to say that it is a good deal when the drug companies raised the price 20 percent and President Bush has a discount card that might be 12 or 13 percent, and then it happens again and again.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen), who has done so much in this whole issue.
Mr. Speaker, it is almost like NAFTA. People lose their jobs. We are retraining them. We are retraining seniors so they can negotiate private health plans.
Think about what the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen) said now. We had a choice. We could do what President Bush wanted to do on behalf of his friends that own the drug companies and the insurance companies. We could have 50 cards to choose from and seniors can go through and try to choose the best one and pay $30 and the cardholder changes the way it works and changes the discount, changes what drugs are available. We can look at 50 cards and choose and get about a 10 or 15 percent discount, or we could use one card and we could tell the government to negotiate price, tell the government to negotiate on behalf of 39 million Medicare beneficiaries a better price the way Canada does. Canada's prices are 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 percent lower than the United States because the Canadian government on behalf of the whole country, 29 million people, negotiates drug prices.
Why could we not use a card like this, give this to every senior, and then negotiate prices on behalf of every senior in this country, 39, 40 million beneficiaries? They go to a drug store and they show this card and they automatically get that 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 percent discount. Instead, because President Bush receives so much money from the drug and insurance industry, he has given us 50 cards for seniors to choose one of the 50, and then maybe, if they are lucky, get a consistent 10 or 15 percent discount. So we have one card that could do 50, 60, 70 percent discount or a choice of 50 that might do a 10, 15, 20 percent discount.
I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
It is just incredible that the Congress has passed something to put more confusion in seniors' lives, to make the choices more difficult, more complicated. One of 50 cards that gives a small discount instead of using the buying power of 40 million Medicare beneficiaries to get one good discount that every senior can put in his wallet or in her purse and get a good 30, 40, 50 percent discount like the Canadians and the French and the Germans and the Japanese and the Israelis and the Swedes and everybody else.
Everywhere, Mr. Speaker. And I cannot think of any other reason. It is all because President Bush has received literally millions of dollars in campaign contributions from the drug industry, from the insurance industry, and from Mr. Halbert, the CEO of AdvancePCS and his company and other companies that make these prescription drug cards.
I yield to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).
Mr. Speaker, think about this. We are giving the insurance industry $46 billion just direct, reach in taxpayers' pockets, put $46 billion from taxpayers' pockets into insurance companies' coffers. I mean, there is no doubt about that, $46 billion. That is actually $1,100 for every single senior in this country. There are 40 million Medicare beneficiaries. That is more than $1,000 for every senior in this country. So instead of giving $1,000 to seniors to buy a drug benefit, which is a lot of money and most seniors have drug costs not much more than that, and many have a lot more, but $1,000 goes a long way for anybody, instead of giving $1,000 to every senior, we are giving the insurance industry $46 billion, $46 billion that could go to all kinds of things. But how much money did they give President Bush and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay) and the Republican leadership?
I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio.
Mr. Speaker, it is hard to think when this bill was written by my friends on the other side of the aisle, if my colleagues remember, during the debate on that, they started the debate at midnight. The vote was cast at 3 in the morning, not finished until 6 in the morning, so they could twist enough arms and do enough drug company contributions to get it through, it is hard to think that seniors were ever in the calculation. It was about the drug industry and the insurance industry.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, imagine if everybody in this Chamber had known, Democrats over here, Republicans, if all of us had known that this bill would send 46 billion taxpayer dollars directly to insurance company coffers. If people in this hall had known that, Members of Congress had known that that would mean $1,100 for every Medicare beneficiary would just be a gift to the insurance industry, no matter how much money the drug companies gave to Republican leaders, no matter how many calls George Bush had made to Republican Members, no matter how many arms they twisted, no matter how many drug company lobbyists had descended like vultures into this institution, no matter all of that, if we had known, if they had not broken the law and been honest with us, if we had known 46 billion in taxpayer dollars were going directly from taxpayer pockets to insurance companies, there was no way this bill would have passed. There is just no way. No matter how many lobbyists, how much campaign money, how many calls from the President, this bill simply would not have passed.
I yield to my friend, the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee).
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for his compassionate commitment.
I yield to my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
When it could have been so simple. When it could have simply been one discount card where the government negotiated price, using 40 million beneficiaries as the negotiating pool, could have gotten one much lower price. Instead of that, because the drug and insurance companies wanted it, the President made it very, very confusing.
I yield to my colleague, the gentlewoman next door in Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Ohio.
I yield to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland).
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank all of my colleagues together tonight: the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland), the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee), the gentlewoman from Ohio ( Mrs. Jones), the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), and the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Alan).
I want to close with an interesting point that the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland) raised. He said it just seems that Republicans do not much like the Medicare program. On the surface, that does not sound like it makes sense, because I have a whole lot of Republican constituents who love Medicare. They know it has saved their lives and let them live longer, let them live healthier lives; but there is something about Republican politicians and their relationship with Medicare.
Back in 1965, 12 Republicans, 12 Republicans total voted for Medicare, to create Medicare. Bob Dole voted against it, Gerald Ford voted against it, Strom Thurmond voted against it, Donald Rumsfeld voted against it. Then, 30 years later, the first time the Republicans had control of this House and the majority, they tried to cut $270 billion, with a B, billion from Medicare. That failed because President Clinton got out his veto pen and said, Do not even try.
Then, in 2002, or in 1999, Congressman Armey, the second top Republican in Congress, said, in a free society, we would not have Medicare; we would not want something like Medicare. Whatever that meant. Then, in 2002, another Southern Republican Congressman in the leadership, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Linder), said that Medicare is a Soviet-style program, whatever that meant.
The fact is that a lot of us in this institution, every single Democrat and some of the Republicans, care deeply about Medicare and want to preserve it, and that is why we fought against the privatization of Medicare that President Bush tried to foist upon us. That is why instead of these 50 cards, we want to see one discount card where seniors get a good benefit under Medicare, get a 30 or 40 or 50 or 60 percent discount like our neighbors to the north, the Canadians have, and like our neighbors across the ocean in Europe have. Instead, what we got was a bill written by the drug discount card companies, written by the insurance companies, written by the drug companies, all of whom are major contributors to the President of the United States.
Mr. Speaker, it was a sad day last December when this bill passed. It was a sad day when President Bush signed this bill. We all have work to do.