Floor Statements

Madam President, today I rise to recognize the reclamation of Wisconsin Point from the city of Superior to the Fond du Lac Band of Lake Superior Ojibwe. Wisconsin Point, a narrow strip of land separating Allouez Bay from Lake Superior, is a small portion of the Tribe's ancestral home and also an indigenous burial ground dating back 400 years. At least seven generations were laid to rest at the Wisconsin Point cemetery, including the Tribal community's leader Chief Joseph Osaugie.

The Fond du Lac Band of Lake Superior--or Wayekwaa-gichigamiing Gichigamiwininiwag--Lake Superior Men at the far end of the Great Lake--is an Anishinaabe--Ojibwe--band located near what is now known as Cloquet, MN. The Fond du Lac Band are one of six Tribes who comprise the federally recognized Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, which was organized in 1934 with a new constitution under the Indian Reorganization Act.

In 1918, approximately 180 Ojibwe graves buried on Wisconsin Point were exhumed by the U.S. Steel Company and reburied in 29 plots south of the St. Francis Cemetery to make way for industrial development. Living Tribal members were also uprooted and removed.

Now, more than 100 years later, significant work has been done by the city of Superior and Tribal leaders to acknowledge the trauma of the lives and culture lost.

On August 18, 2022, the Fond du Lac Band of Lake Superior Ojibwe and the city of Superior jointly host a celebration of the return of Wisconsin Point's sacred burial ground, as well as the mass grave near St Francis cemetery to the Tribe.

Please join me in celebrating this historic moment, where once again the Wisconsin Point lands return back to Lake Superior Ojibwe.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that if cloture is invoked on the Herrnstadt nomination, the vote on confirmation occur at 5:30 p.m. and that the Senate recess from 4 p.m. until 5:30 p.m.

Madam President, Senators can expect two votes at 5:30 p.m. Those votes would be on the confirmation of the Herrnstadt nomination and cloture on the Heinzelman nomination to be general counsel of the CIA.

Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, today I rise to recognize the 50th anniversary of the Honor the Earth Homecoming Celebration and Powwow. The story of Honor the Earth begins with a small group of Lac Courte Oreilles who wanted a better future for their tribe and their people.

The Lac Courte Oreilles Tribe--Ojibwe: Odaawaa-zaaga'iganiing--is one of six federally recognized bands of the large Ojibwe Nation that originally occupied the upper eastern woodlands area of the North American continent. The Treaty of 1854 established the LCO reservation.

In 1971, the LCO community, and other people from neighboring bands and Tribes took over Winter Dam in protest of flooding lands, broken treaties, and desecration of LCO land, people, and traditional livelihood. Eddie Benton-Benaim, supported by the American Indian Movement, helped lead the 5-day effort to take over the dam. This effort led to the renegotiation of the dam license which helped the tribe recover several hundred acres of land, compensation for damages, and the development of Tribal hydro generating project.

The following year, 1972, there was a reunion of the people who had occupied the dam; they called it Honor the Earth powwow. Every year since, the Ojibwa people come together as they have always done; they celebrate with prayers, feasting, songs, dances, and honoring. The 1972 and 1973 powwows were organized as contest powwows and were sponsored by a handful of individuals and then by LCO AIM, LCO Tribal Governing Board, and the St. Paul Red School House, of which Benton was director. In 1974, grounds were broken for what would eventually become one of the largest traditional gatherings of Tribal peoples in the region.

In 1982 the first annual Miss Honor the Earth's ladies competition began at the powwow to showcase the strong and beautiful Anishinaabekwewag--Ojibwe ladies--perform a woodland dance while wearing historical deer dresses.

This year, 2022, we celebrate the 50th Honor the Earth Powwow and the 40th Miss Honor the Earth ladies competition. In so doing, the Anishinabeg, the Lac Courte Oreilles or ``Ottawa Lake'' Tribe continues to sustain heritage, preserve and utilize the strong Ojibwe language, honor strengths of the past, and embrace a good future. Please join me in celebrating this historically and spiritually important community.

Mr. President, I rise today to honor the life, career, and achievements of Anna Mae Robertson. Her service to the American people during World War II in the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion, known as the Six Triple Eight, is a shining example of hard work and courage in the face of cultural grievance.

In her youth, Robertson lost her mother suddenly, leaving her and her brother alone. Her mother had instilled the values of hard work and service in her children, which inspired Anna Mae to devote her time and dedication to the U.S. Army. In service, she worked strenuous hours, filing over 65,000 pieces of mail for every shift. Robertson's battalion consisted solely of Black women who excelled at their work in their respective department. Despite wartime anxieties and cultural unrest, Robertson and her team would complete 6 weeks of hard work in half the time needed, all while being stationed in Birmingham, England, amidst enemy attacks and wartime fears.

Had it not been for Robertson and her team's success, wartime communication would have been convoluted and inefficient. She handled the passage of information in the most dire of conditions at the darkest of times when communication was a necessity. Her service did not end there. While stationed in France, she served as a hospital aide, continuing to assist and nurse American soldiers.

Robertson's passion for helping those who have served would follow her home. When returning to Milwaukee, Robertson dedicated her time to working as a nurse aide at the Milwaukee VA Medical Center. She also joined the ``I Am Not Invisible'' campaign headed by the Center for Women Veterans, advocating for equal recognition, awareness, and resources for women who have served in the American military.

Robertson served despite facing racial bigotry and discrimination. She stood for the American people unconditionally when some may have not stood for her. Robertson was previously been decorated with six awards for her service, and I am pleased that she, along with the members of Six Triple Eight, will now receive a Congressional

Gold Medal in recognition of their service. Anna Mae Robertson is an inspiring example of hope and service in the United States. I am pleased to share my congratulations and heartfelt gratitude with Anna Mae Robertson for her lifetime of service and devotion to our Nation.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I am on the floor here today to address the same topic as my colleague who just spoke. And before I jump into prepared remarks, I wanted to offer just a few points of rebuttal because on this topic it seems so frequently that we all talk past each other and don't generally listen to one another.

The Women's Health Protection Act of 2022, which I lead with Senator Blumenthal, would, indeed, codify Roe v. Wade, but it would additionally give clarity to the States about what further restrictions they could put in place.

I hail from the State of Wisconsin, where our State legislature, over many, many years, has brought forth all sorts of measures--some of which have been signed into law, many of which have been challenged in court, and some of which have been vetoed--but these are restrictions on access to comprehensive reproductive healthcare, including abortion care, that limit access, that make it much more difficult, which is what Roe v. Wade intended to prevent. They have nothing to do with the health or the life of the mother. In fact, in some cases, they actually do harm to maternal life and health.

There are measures in places across the United States that deal with the corridor width of clinics--the corridor width. It would force, if these laws were to go into effect, many clinics to have to either reconstruct themselves or move. This is clearly something meant to limit access.

There are laws and bills that relate to admitting privileges at local hospitals, which are absolutely not medically necessary and will allow all the area hospitals to team up to deny those privileges, and then the clinic won't have a physician able to work there. There are 24-hour waiting periods.

I listened to what my colleague had to say about the blanket overturning of Roe v. Wade. It would mean, when a woman's life is in jeopardy at some point in her pregnancy, she wouldn't have the ability to save her life and her reproductive health because she wouldn't have access to abortion care.

Then to characterize this bill as extreme, in my mind, is so opposite the truth because, to me, what is extreme is forcing, say, a teen to bring a rapist's child to term or forcing a young woman to give birth to her sibling in cases of incest.

My colleague talked about the polls. I don't know what he was looking at. He was talking about pro-choice versus anti-choice. Everything I have seen shows that the overwhelming majority of Americans believes that Roe v. Wade is settled law and should remain in place and that only a small percentage believes it should be overturned in its entirety.

In going on to my prepared remarks, I rise today to join my colleague Senator Richard Blumenthal in support of the Women's Health Protection Act of 2022--a bill that would protect a woman's right to access safe abortion care throughout the United States, no matter where she lives, without unnecessary and unwanted political interference.

Congress is responsible for enforcing every American's fundamental rights guaranteed by our Constitution. Throughout history, when States have passed laws that make it harder or even impossible to exercise those rights, Congress has taken action to put in place Federal protections.

I want to remind my colleagues of this responsibility. I also want to share a story from one of my constituents.

Angela and Abby, her wife, knew they wanted to start a family, so they sought treatment at a fertility clinic in Wisconsin. In 2019, after years of trying, Angela became pregnant. It was a pregnancy they had wanted more than anything, but Angela soon found out that she had what is called a molar pregnancy. This occurs when a tumor

forms instead of a healthy placenta. Her pregnancy was not viable. Her doctors moved quickly, and Angela had a safe and legal abortion.

She wrote to me earlier this week:

Had abortion been illegal, I would have died.

Access to a safe abortion saved Angela's life. For others, an abortion kept a family out of poverty or allowed them to complete their educations or start careers. Abortions have protected women from being tied to their rapists and have spared them of the emotional and physical trauma of carrying an unviable pregnancy to term.

I was only 10 years old when Roe v. Wade was decided. For 50 years, just about, this decision has stood. In the words of Justice Kavanaugh, it is ``settled as a precedent of the Supreme Court,'' but, apparently, precedent means nothing. Access to safe and legal abortion is under direct attack as an activist Supreme Court appears poised to legislate from the bench and take a constitutionally protected right away from tens of millions of Americans.

For women like Angela, the gravity of this draft decision from the Supreme Court cannot be overstated. Americans can remember when back alley abortions killed and sterilized women across the country. This decision, if finalized, will not stop abortions from happening; it will only prevent safe abortions from happening. It will disproportionately impact poor women and women of color, who will not have the privilege of making their own healthcare decisions. If Roe is overturned, 13 States would immediately ban abortions, and others, of course, would move to do so.

If Roe is overturned and we don't pass the Women's Health Protection Act, Wisconsin women will be taken back to the mid-1800s. What do I mean by that? We have a law on our books in Wisconsin which criminalizes abortion procedures. If Roe is overturned, doctors in Wisconsin would be charged with felonies for performing abortions and face up to 6 years in prison and $10,000 in fines. The rights of victims of rape and incest would be taken away. The right for women to choose for themselves and their families would be taken away.

I sure am not taking women in Wisconsin back to 1849, and we cannot allow an activist Supreme Court to leave this generation of women behind with fewer rights than their mothers and their grandmothers enjoyed.

The Women's Health Protection Act is the only bill that can put an end to the restrictive State laws that have already put thousands of women in jeopardy. The legislation meets the urgent need to protect the provider, patient relationship; to protect the healthcare professionals who provide care; and to protect the freedom and constitutional rights of women to access this care.

I believe a woman's right to choose is protected under the Constitution, and so does a clear majority of Americans want Roe v. Wade to be upheld. It is our responsibility to take action for women like Angela and on behalf of the American people.

I urge my colleagues to vote yes on the motion to proceed to the Women's Health Protection Act of 2022.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, on April 16, 2021, the House passed H.R. 1195, the Workplace Violence Prevention for Healthcare and Social Service Workers Act. That legislation, sponsored by Congressman Joe Courtney, passed the House 254 to 166 with the support of 38 Republicans.

This legislation directs the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to issue a standard requiring healthcare and social service employers to write and implement a workplace violence prevention plan to protect employees from violent incidents.

In the year since that legislation passed the House, we have been unable to generate the same level of support from our Republican colleagues needed to pass this legislation in the Senate. This is disappointing because the issue of protecting our healthcare and social

service workers has never been more important.

Roughly three-quarters of all nonfatal workplace injuries happen to healthcare workers.

While it is too early to have comprehensive data from the pandemic, evidence from healthcare organizations suggests that workplace violence has exploded during the pandemic, nearing crisis levels for healthcare and social service workers. This workplace violence crisis is surely contributing to the staffing shortages that many healthcare employers have warned us about.

In Wisconsin, vacancy rates for healthcare positions have been increasing, and threats against healthcare workers are viewed as the main culprit. These workers care for our loved ones and comfort us in our most trying times. They deserve to have the safe environment in which to do their work that this legislation provides.

So as if in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 1195 and that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration; that the bill be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, obviously, I am very disappointed, and I would point out that a voluntary measure, as my colleague on the HELP Committee just described, is not what we need when we step up to help protect our frontline workers in emergency rooms and in multiple settings where there is, sadly, an increasing propensity for violence.

Yesterday, I met with members of the American College of Emergency Physicians, the people who work on the frontlines in our emergency departments and emergency rooms across the country--as well as the emergency nurses. One after another, they shared stories of the violence they see and experience. I can't imagine walking into work every day knowing that this could be the day that someone was going to be struck or injured.

A doctor talked about being strangled with his stethoscope. A nurse talked about hearing a fellow nurse being punched and then falling on the floor, unconscious, and now with a concussion. I met a nurse several years ago from Wisconsin who was beaten so severely by a patient that she can no longer work in nursing.

We are not talking about studying a problem and coming up with a voluntary solution; we are talking about a crisis happening to our healthcare workers and at a time when they are also dealing with a pandemic.

Healthcare workers, social service workers, nurses, and doctors have been here this week. We will have more coming next week. These frontline heroes, who have endured so much, deserve the protection of an enforceable OSHA standard, not just a voluntary program, which is already the status quo.

I yield the floor.

Reserving the right to object.

Mr. President, I suppose I prematurely gave my reasons for objecting as I responded to Senator Braun's objection to passing the Workplace Violence Prevention for Health Care and Social Service Workers Act; but, again, this is pretty much the status quo. If it is a voluntary program, it is not an enforceable OSHA standard; and these frontline heroes who have endured so much over the past few years, with increases in violence and during the pandemic, deserve the legislation that I have sponsored, the Workplace Violence Prevention for Health Care and Social Service Workers Act. The House passed it over a year ago, and that is what we should be taking up.

So I object.

Mr. President, I rise today to honor my friend, Theodore ``Ted'' Bornstein. Ted recently announced his well-deserved retirement, after a long career as a vital and vigorous public servant and advocate.

In the late 1970s, Ted began his work in Washington, DC, establishing and overseeing the State of Missouri's DC office, and led it for more than 6 years on behalf of Governors Joe Teasdale and Kit Bond. He later shifted to the U.S. House of Representatives, serving as chief of staff to Representatives Cecil Heftel and Les Aspin. After Representative Aspin's confirmation to be Secretary of Defense under then-President Bill Clinton, Ted served as the director of the Defense Reinvestment Task Force.

Following his time in the Department of Defense, Ted returned to Capitol Hill to serve the people of Wisconsin as chief of staff for former Senator Herb Kohl. As Senator Kohl's chief of staff, he led legislative outreach strategies and programs and oversaw the operation of several offices of more than 40 staff. He later departed Senator Kohl's office and joined the firm of Foley & Lardner, LLP, where he will retire as a partner this year.

Ted's experience on Capitol Hill and the executive branch have made him a valuable asset to clients across a wide breadth of interests. He has successfully assisted clients in areas ranging from congressional investigations to defense policy and appropriations, as well as tax policy, healthcare, and governmental ethics.

Outside of his professional work, Ted is a cofounder of the influential Wisconsin Group. This group brings together Wisconsin- connected professionals in business and public policy to meet regularly on issues of importance. His efforts on this front have been invaluable to many bipartisan achievements of the Wisconsin congressional delegation.

I am pleased to recognize Ted's long career in public service and advocacy, and I wish him all the best in his retirement.

Mr. President, today I rise to honor someone who was a true leader and inspiring figure to many in my hometown of Madison, WI, and across our country.

Scholar and activist R. Richard ``Dick'' Wagner sadly passed away on December 13, 2021, at the age of 78. Dick devoted his life to public service and advancing our common good. In 1980, he was elected as the first openly gay member of the Dane County Board of Supervisors, where he served for 14 years, including 4 years as chair.

I first met Dick in 1984. Fresh out of college and looking to connect with the local political scene, I was invited to a gathering of local progressive elected officials, labor union leaders, and civil rights and environmental activists to strategize about candidate recruitment for city council and school board seats to be contested in the spring elections. We met on the second floor of a popular local establishment, Mother's Pub, which had long been a gathering spot for local progressives. I observed how much respect Dick had earned from his fellow progressive leaders. Following a discussion about the issues the group hoped to advance, we broke into small groups. Dick Wagner led a discussion on opportunities to advance policies, initiatives, and ordinances to counter discrimination against our community. That day, Dick became my role model and mentor, and a lifelong friendship ensued.

As one of the first dozen openly gay officials in the Nation, Dick was a founding member of the International Network of Lesbian and Gay Officials, now known as the Victory Institute. With quiet determination and the utmost civility, he provided me and many others a path forward. Together, Dick and I cohosted the fifth Victory Institute conference in Madison in 1989.

Dick had an expansive professional career in public service, serving on the Wisconsin Arts Board, the Wisconsin Humanities Committee, the National Board for the Assembly of State Arts Agencies, the Madison Landmarks Commission, Olbrich Botanical Society, Friends of UW Libraries, and the Governor's Council on Lesbian and Gay Issues.

He also cofounded UW-Madison's LGBT Alumni Association; and the New Harvest Foundation, the LGBT foundation for south-central Wisconsin, and served on the board of Fair Wisconsin.

Dick understood that change grows at local grassroots level, and he worked hard in a collaborative way to bring it to Wisconsin. His work as a leader in the gay community helped lead to a city gay rights ordinance in 1974 and a county ordinance in 1980 prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. He was also instrumental in establishing some of the State's first antidiscrimination laws against gays and lesbians.

In retirement, he fully utilized his doctorate in history by authoring two groundbreaking volumes on gay history in Wisconsin: ``We've Been Here All Along'' provided an illuminating picture of Wisconsin's gay history from the reporting on the Oscar Wilde trials of 1895 to the landmark Stonewall Riots of 1969. ``Coming Out, Moving Forward: Wisconsin's Recent Gay History'' outlined the challenges that LGBTQ Wisconsinites faced in their efforts to right past oppressions and secure equality. It also powerfully told the stories of our State's LGBTQ pioneers who pushed back against injustice and found ways to live openly and proudly as themselves.

Dick Wagner was a deeply inspiring person in my life as a role model, mentor, and lifelong friend. In fact, I may not have ever entered public service if not for the guidance and encouragement he provided me to walk the path he paved. He provided the opportunity for young people like myself and others growing up all over Wisconsin to know that they are not alone and that they stand on the shoulders of people who came before them. Dick lived a life that showed to all of us that history only moves in one direction: Forward. For that, I am forever grateful.

Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The

yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is

what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has

reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something

without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously

or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and

with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow

brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United

States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward

the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this

vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should

readily understand why public demonstrations are taking

place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent

frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let

him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on

freedom rides--and try to understand why he must do so. If

his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways,

they will seek expression through violence; this is not a

threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my

people: ``Get rid of your discontent.'' Rather, I have tried

to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be

channeled through into the creative outlet of nonviolent

direct action. And now this approach is being termed

extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being

categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about

the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from

the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: ``Love your

enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate

you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and

persecute you.'' Was not Amos an extremist for justice: ``Let

justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever

flowing stream.'' Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian

gospel: ``I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.''

Was not Martin Luther an extremist: ``Here I stand; I cannot

do otherwise, so help me God.'' And John Bunyan: ``I will

stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery

of my conscience.'' And Abraham Lincoln: ``This nation cannot

survive half slave and half free.'' And Thomas Jefferson:

``We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are

created equal . . . '' So the question is not whether we will

be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will

we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists

for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of

justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men

were crucified. We must never forget that all three were

crucified for the same crime--the crime of extremism. Two

were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their

environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for

love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his

environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are

in dire need of creative extremists.

I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need.

Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I

suppose I should have realized that few members of the

oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate

yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the

vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong,

persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however,

that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the

meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to

it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big

in quality. Some--such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry

Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton

Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and

prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless

streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach

infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of

policemen who view them as ``dirty nigger-lovers.'' Unlike

so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have

recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need

for powerful ``action'' antidotes to combat the disease of

segregation. Let me take note of my other major

disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with

the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are

some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact

that each of you has taken some significant stands on this

issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your

Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes

to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis. I

commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating

Spring Hill College several years ago.

But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly

reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do

not say this as one of those negative critics who can always

find something wrong with the church. I say this as a

minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was

nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its

spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as

the cord of life shall lengthen.

I rise today in strong support of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson's confirmation as our Nation's next Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court.

Oftentimes, the debate in the Senate on judicial nominations loses sight of the personal stories of those who are put before us, so let me start there.

Let me start by talking about where Ketanji Brown Jackson came from to reach this extraordinary point where we are poised to write an important chapter of progress in our Nation's history.

Ketanji Brown Jackson was born in our Nation's Capital and grew up in Miami. She is the daughter of two former public school teachers, who themselves were raised in the Jim Crow South. Two of Judge Jackson's uncles were police officers in Miami, one who ultimately became the police chief. Her brother served in the U.S. Army and as a police officer in Baltimore.

Judge Jackson attended public school in the Miami-Dade County school system. She credits her father for starting her on a path to the law, as he went back to school to earn a law degree and became a lawyer working for the school board.

Family, education, hard work, public service, all guiding Judge Jackson on the path that brought her to this moment, to today.

She was elected mayor of her junior high school class and president of her high school class. She grew to be a standout on the speech and debate team. And when her high school counselor told her not to set her sights too high, she never accepted the limits of others--she persevered.

Judge Jackson went to Harvard where she graduated magna cum laude. She went to Harvard Law School where she was a top student and editor of the prestigious Law Review.

Following graduation from law school, this nominee worked for three consecutive Federal judges, culminating with a clerkship from 1999 to 2000 for Supreme Court Justice Breyer.

As Judge Jackson has said, this is the lesson she took from her experience:

Justice Breyer exemplified every day, in every way, that a

Supreme Court Justice can perform at the highest level of

skill and integrity while also being guided by civility,

grace, pragmatism and generosity of spirit.

Guided by her belief in the power and promise of the Constitution and this Nation's founding principles--freedom, liberty, and equality-- Judge Jackson went on to serve as an assistant Federal public defender in the DC Circuit, representing defendants who did not have the means to pay for a lawyer.

When confirmed, Judge Jackson will be the first former Federal public defender to serve on the U.S. Supreme Court. And to me, this is an extremely important qualification that Judge Jackson holds and will bring with her to the Supreme Court.

As a former public defender, she had firsthand experience delivering the Constitution's promise of due process. This promise, given to all Americans without regard to financial means or political connections, is an essential element of our system of justice.

We all should want this experience and the perspective it brings on our highest Court because it is a fundamental protection in our justice system.

Judge Jackson has been confirmed by the U.S. Senate three times previously. She was first confirmed by the Senate to serve as the Vice Chair of the U.S. Sentencing Commission. Following in the footsteps of Justice Breyer, she would become the only member of the current Court who previously served as a member of that bipartisan, independent commission dedicated to reducing sentencing disparities and promoting transparency and proportionality in sentencing.

Next, after President Obama nominated Judge Jackson to be a district court judge for the District of Columbia, she was once again confirmed by the U.S. Senate in 2013. During Judge Jackson's 8 years on the bench as a district judge, she issued more than 500 written opinions. And last year, she was again confirmed by the U.S. Senate with bipartisan support to serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.

In confirming her to each of these positions, the Senate voiced its confidence in Judge Jackson's character, integrity, and intelligence. Experience matters, and the fact is, Judge Jackson is as qualified and experienced in the law as any nominee in our Nation's history, bringing more experience as a judge than four of the current Justices did combined at the time they joined the Court. This strong experience has provided her a clear understanding of the role of a judge and the role of the judiciary in our system of government.

As she has said herself, ``A judge has a duty to decide cases based solely on the law, without fear or favor, prejudice or passion.''

That is precisely why she has a proven record of being faithful to the Constitution and being an independent,

fair, and impartial judge. That is why Judge Jackson has earned the support of the law enforcement community, including the Fraternal Order of Police and the International Association of Chiefs of Police, as well as victims of crime, including domestic violence and sexual assault survivors.

I had the pleasure and, in fact, joy of meeting with Judge Jackson last week. No fairminded person can deny her impressive credentials and experience, and no one should deny the moment she has rightfully earned to be considered for a seat on the U.S. Supreme Court.

Our meeting wasn't long, but it was long enough for me to know that she has a quality that everyone we work for wants in a judge and certainly in a Justice on the Supreme Court. She knows how to listen, and I have every confidence that Judge Jackson understands how important that quality is for a judge to carry out their responsibility and commitment to the rule of law.

Judge Jackson's lifetime of hard work and perseverance has prepared her well for this inspiring moment. I believe the people I work for in Wisconsin agree.

A young high school student in Milwaukee recently said:

Knowing she is the first person to do that, it like, gives

me the idea that I can do big stuff too.

Jada Davis, the first Black woman to be crowned Miss Milwaukee and a law student at Marquette University, said this:

The more you see yourself in other people the more

confidence you will have to do those same things or go after

what you want.

I know Judge Jackson has the character, temperament, and experience we want in a Justice on our highest Court. I also know what this moment means to thousands of girls across Wisconsin who, after Judge Brown Jackson's confirmation, will have even more proof that they can achieve ``big stuff'' too.

I believe she has a deep appreciation for the fact that the Supreme Court makes decisions that have a profound effect on the lives of all Americans and that she will work to serve and protect the constitutional rights and freedoms of all Americans.

I will proudly vote for this historic confirmation, the confirmation of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to the United States Supreme Court.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I rise today to honor the lives, careers, and achievements of Reverend Ken DeGroot and Sister Melanie Maczka. Together, Reverend Ken and Sister Melanie created the Casa ALBA Melanie a community center dedicated to serving the Hispanic population of the greater Green Bay area. Through Casa ALBA Melanie, and their ministerial service, Reverend Ken and Sister Melanie have welcomed members of the Hispanic community to our State with open arms for over 25 years.

It was 1991 when Reverend Ken first encountered the mission which would encompass the rest of his career. Two young men, fresh off the train from Mexico and at his doorstep, were tired, hungry, and could not speak English. Far from home and looking for a house of worship, Reverend Ken welcomed them into St. Willebrord parish. He decided that night that Green Bay could be the home they searched for.

They would find they were not alone. Thousands of people from Central and South America already lived in their community, working in a world where they could not speak the language. Today, it is estimated that at least 20,500 Hispanics live in the greater Green Bay area, and about 28 percent of the Green Bay school population is Hispanic. Alongside Sister Melanie, Reverend Ken decided things had to change. They traveled to Mexico, visiting villages, learning the culture and language of the neighbors they had never known they had. When they returned to Green Bay, they knew they could work to better serve the Hispanic community.

In 2012, Reverend Ken and Sister Melanie established Casa ALBA Melanie and transformed the quality of life for Hispanic families by providing legal assistance, health services, language acquisition, Spanish GED lessons, financial assistance, and, perhaps most importantly, a safe haven for Green Bay's Spanish speaking residents.

This year, Casa ALBA Melanie celebrates its 10-year anniversary and with this great celebration comes a change in leadership. Reverend Ken, who has served as chair of the development committee and the finance committee, and Sister Melanie who has served as executive director, will both retire from the impactful organization they helped guide over this past decade. Their work is an inspiration to all people seeking to create a more equitable and welcoming America.

I extend my sincere thanks and appreciation to Reverend Ken DeGroot and Sister Melanie Maczka for their leadership at Casa ALBA Melanie and throughout the greater Green Bay community.