A concurrent resolution expressing the concern of Congress over Iran's development of the means to produce nuclear weapons.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I am pleased to present to the House today the funding recommendations of the Committee on Appropriations for fiscal year 2005 for foreign operations, export financing, and related programs. The bill provides important funding for programs designed to support the global war on terrorism, the battle against HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases, and to support the national interests of the United States. In the wake of September 11, 2001, such funding for our critical friends and allies is more important than ever.

The committee recommends a total of $19,385,645,000 in new discretionary budget authority for fiscal year 2005. This represents a reduction of $1.932 billion from the President's budget request. On the other hand, the bill before us is $1.905 billion above the fiscal year 2004 enacted level when we exclude the supplemental appropriations. If supplemental appropriations are included, the recommendation represents a decrease of $19.287 billion over the 2004 level.

Having gotten those numbers out of the way, let me just say it is important that we know that this bill was developed in a bipartisan way, and I want to pay special tribute and give credit to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), my ranking minority member, for the fine work that she has done on this bill and for engaging in a process that resulted in basic agreement on the components of this package, even if funding compromises happen to be found on both sides. Mr. Chairman, I believe this is the way the House of Representatives ought to work, and I think the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and I have worked in a bipartisan fashion.

In preparing this legislation, we have three overriding priorities: first, supporting our allies on the war on terrorism; second, responding to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic; and, third, supporting innovative approaches to foreign assistance through the Millennium Challenge Corporation.

Let me summarize how this recommendation responds to those challenges. First, the President's budget request included important military assistance and counternarcotics increases for our allies in the global war on terrorism. That includes an increase of $350 million to equip the new Afghan National Army; an increase of $90 million for law enforcement and counternarcotics programs in Afghanistan; a new base program of $300 million for military assistance for Pakistan as they assist us in hunting terrorists along the Afghan border; an increase of $46 million for a total of $66 million for Poland, a major ally in Operation Iraqi Freedom; and an increase of $73 million, for a total of $2.22 billion for the State of Israel, which is our closest ally in the Middle East.

The committee recommendation includes full funding for these increases both through new budget authority and, in the case of Pakistan, use of $150 million of transfer authority.

The second priority in the President's budget request is one that we also met with an increase of $593 million to combat HIV/AIDS and related diseases, for a total of $2.2 billion. The committee recommendation fully meets that funding level. It includes a grant of $400 million for the Global Fund to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, subject to conditions that improve the fund's accountability and efficiency. Together with the money that we expect that the House Labor Health and Human Services, Education and Related Agencies Subcommittee will include, that will mean over $2.8 billion will be available for HIV/AIDS programs around the world in fiscal year 2005.

The Global AIDS Initiative is making treatment and care available to a record number of people affected by the disease. In 2003, only 50,000 people in the developing world had access to the drugs that dramatically reduced the impact of AIDS and extend life for years. By next summer, 200,000 people will have access to these drugs; and over the next several years, millions of infected people will be treated through the use of the Nevirapine for pregnant women.

The third priority, of course, in the President's budget was a request for a $1.5 billion increase for the Millennium Challenge Corporation, for a total of $2.5 billion. Mr. Chairman, given our allocation, we could not recommend full funding for this initiative, important though it is and though I am very personally committed to it. However, to demonstrate our commitment to this important foreign assistance reform effort and to respond positively to

the President's proposal, the recommendation does include $1.250 billion for the Millennium Challenge Corporation. That is an increase of $256 million over last year.

As chairman, I have made the MCC a priority in this bill. I believe in the President's vision of a new form of development assistance where a country's commitment to fighting corruption, its commitment to reform, and its commitment to investing in its people is complemented by an assistance package from the United States, negotiated by the country in the form of a signed compact. We included the authorization that created the MCC in last year's appropriation bill, and the President can continue to count on me as a strong supporter.

In preparing this bill, we were also faced with decreases in some areas of the budget, including some key non-HIV/AIDS health programs, and in the development assistance account. We have restored those reductions and, in the case of development assistance, added funds for basic education. I believe our development assistance program is a key component of our national security strategy, and it is critical to a positive U.S. image in foreign countries.

Including funding for HIV/AIDS, this bill makes available $3.079 billion for health programs overall, and that is an increase of $600 million over last year's House-passed bill. Of this total, over $332 million will be made available to fight TB and malaria. These funds help to continue the global fight against malaria, which kills one person every 30 seconds, most of them African children. USAID implements a comprehensive approach against this disease supporting the purchase and distribution of malaria medicines, a search for a vaccine, and strong prevention efforts.

Basic education has become a signature issue for the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey); so I will let her describe the details of our recommendation in that regard. Suffice it to say that I fully support her efforts to provide more educational opportunities to the impoverished youth of the world, especially women and children. This bill recommends $400 million for basic education activities. That is an increase from $326 million in fiscal year 2004. Report language accompanying the bill requires the Secretary of State to articulate an interagency strategy on the use of those funds so that we have a coherent, coordinated effort that can produce meaningful results in reducing illiteracy.

The bill also supports USAID's work to support microenterprise lending. Report language accompanying the bill references the fiscal year 2004 authorization ceiling of $200 million as the program level the committee expects in fiscal year 2005. It is also important that USAID continue to use the traditional providers of microenterprise lending and not rely excessively on contractors for implementing this program.

We continue an emphasis in our bill on helping developing countries build their capacity to participate in the international trading system. We have $517 million in the bill for trade capacity building, and that is the same amount as the House passed version last year.

Fiscal year 2005 is the final year of the President's Water for the Poor Initiative, announced in August, 2002, in Johannesburg, South Africa. In all likelihood, we will exceed the 3-year goal of spending $970 million on water projects. Report language urges the President to direct $50 million to water programs in Africa with $9 million targeted to programs in East Africa.

The committee continues its strong support for women's programs, provides that not less than $15 million in development assistance shall be made available to improve women's leadership capacity in recipient countries. This is an increase from the $11 million that we provided last year. In addition, from our Afghanistan assistance program, we set a goal of $60 million in fiscal year 2005 for programs for women and girls.

The committee recommendation also responds to emerging needs, such as the provision of an additional $50 million for assistance for Haiti. Following up on my amendment to the Defense appropriation bill that included $95 million in supplemental assistance for the victims of the violence in the Darfur region of Sudan, we recommend $311 million in this bill for humanitarian assistance for Sudan and for the refugees affected by that conflict.

Although there are no funds for Iraq in this bill, we continue our oversight responsibilities by mandating the continuation of an independent inspector general to audit the Iraq Reconstruction program. Without new authority, the inspector general will go out of business on December 28 of this year, 6 months after the Coalition Provisional Authority was disbanded. Section 573 of the bill provides for continued operations of the CPA Inspector General's Office operating under the supervision of the Secretary of State and providing that the $75 million previously appropriated for the IG is to be made available only to the IG for his continued audit and investigative work in Iraq.

We also provide the administration the authority they need to reduce Iraq's debt to our government so that the United States can negotiate an international debt reduction for Iraq. The sooner Iraq has financial stability, the sooner the government of Iraq can fund its own security and reconstruction needs. No new funds are provided for this purpose. Any funding for debt relief will come from previously appropriated funds.

The bill fully funds the President's request for export finance agencies to promote U.S. investment overseas and create jobs in United States export sectors. The bill provides $317 million for those agencies, which include the Export-Import Bank, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and the Trade and Development Agency. About $311 million of that $317 million is offset by collections.

Mr. Chairman, the United States leads the international fight against coca and poppy cultivation overseas. The narcotics industry has become a source of funding for terrorists, as well as, of course, a source of drugs worldwide. As part of the war on terror, the committee fully funds the President's request for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative at a level of $731 million for antinarcotics, interdiction, for development programs, and rule-of-law and institution-building programs in Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador.

Under the general anti-narcotics account, the bill fully funds anti- narcotics and law enforcement programs in Afghanistan at a level of $90 million, in Mexico at $40 million, and supports an existing program in Pakistan at $32 million.

To support continuing United States leadership in the world for humanitarian responses to refugee crises, we include $776 million for refugee programs, and that is $26 million more than the President requested.

We have $19 million, $1.5 million more than the request, for the Department of Treasury, to provide technical advisors to developing countries throughout the world.

The committee includes full funding of $20 million for the President's request for debt relief for countries who qualify under the Tropical Forestry Conservation Act and $75 million for multilateral debt relief for the poorest nations that receive assistance from the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries, or the HIPC, trust fund.

The committee supports contributions to the Multilateral Development Bank and includes $1.3 billion for such contributions. While the committee was not able to fund the World Bank incentive fund or all the arrears requested by the budget because of the budgetary restraints I mentioned earlier, we have provided full funding of the regularly scheduled contributions to these banks.

Finally, the committee has provided $323 million for voluntary contributions to international organizations and programs, a level $19 million more than the request. It includes $125 million to the United Nations Childrens Fund, or UNICEF, an increase of $5 million for this important organization.

We also have $107 million for the United Nations Development Program, or UNDP, and $7 million for the Fund for Victims of Torture. A total of $25 million is available through the United Nations Population Fund, or UNFPA, under the same ``Kemp-Kasten'' restrictions as exist in current law.

We have had to reduce this bill by $1.9 billion from the President's request, as I mentioned, Mr. Chairman.

Therefore, we did not or could not provide funding for a number of new and expanded initiatives requested by the President or brought to the committee's attention by committee members, other Members of Congress and outside groups.

The major reductions to the President's budget include, as I have already mentioned, a cut of $1.25 billion to the request for the Millennium Challenge Corporation; a reduction of $224 million for the World Bank Group, including the International Development Association; and a cut of $95 million in debt relief. There are other reductions to the President's request, but we tried to retain the base funding for most of the programs.

I believe this balanced bill provides important support for our most critical national security needs, while substantially increasing funding to respond to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. It enhances our support for overseas development assistance and humanitarian assistance. It meets the high priorities of the President in these areas and accommodates congressional concerns as well.

As I have said, this bill was developed in a very bipartisan manner and should have broad support in the House. I urge a yes vote on this bill.

Before I yield the floor, I want to call the attention of the House to two matters that were inadvertently left out of the committee report. One matter involves the Surgical Implant Generation Network, based in Richland, Washington, which is the only organization in the world that provides, free of charge, an ongoing supply of training and orthopedic materials to surgeons in developing countries who repair fractures of the very poor.

The second matter involves the Vishnevskaya Rostropovich Foundation, a charitable organization based in Washington, D.C., that conducts a mass children's vaccination initiative in the Russian Federation.

I would urge the United States Agency for International Development to give strong consideration to funding proposals for these funding organizations.

Mr. Chairman, I include the following charts for the Record.

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Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), one of the very distinguished members of the subcommittee who has

made some very significant contributions to this bill and has been one of our most valuable members through the years.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the very distinguished vice chairman of the committee, the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker), who has also been a great member of this committee. I have had the opportunity to travel with him on a number of occasions and he has contributed greatly to the drafting of this bill.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Crenshaw), another distinguished member of our subcommittee.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald).

Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?

I thank the gentlewoman for her attention to this important issue. Children that are affected by HIV/AIDS are a group that tugs at the heart strings of all people. I have worked closely with USAID and the Global AIDS coordinator to develop an integrated, comprehensive approach to fighting this disease, and pediatric AIDS is a core component of that approach.

While I applaud the gentlewoman's intentions, I believe that in some circumstances, integrated treatment and care centers where both adults and children can receive attention would be more appropriate. However, I will be happy to work with the gentlewoman, the Global AIDS coordinator, USAID, and other concerned parties to ensure that orphans and vulnerable children receive proper treatment, care and support, as part of a comprehensive approach to fighting this disease.

Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).

Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that debate on this amendment and any amendments thereto be limited to 20 minutes, to be equally divided and controlled by the proponent and myself as the opponent.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the ranking member.

Mr. Chairman, I am the only other speaker I have, if the gentleman is prepared to yield back the balance of his time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.

The Sherman amendment is really not about Iran. It is about depriving the poorest countries in the world of development assistance for basic education, for health care, for HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and for environmental protection programs. It is about blocking the path towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. I do not think this Congress wants to be remembered for this.

I know that Iran is a politically sensitive issue, and none of us believe that the World Bank should be making loans in Iran, but the funding contained in the foreign operations bill is for IDA, the concessional lending program of the World Bank which is designed to help the poorest countries of the world, with per capita incomes of $1 to $2 per day.

Mr. Chairman, Iran is not eligible to use the resources of IDA. The projects approved for Iran were funded by the IBRD, which is the market rate lending program of the bank. IBRD does not receive appropriated funds. There is no fungibility between IDA and IBRD resources.

So, Mr. Chairman, restricting the appropriations of funds to IDA will not affect Iran in any way. However, it will cut funding that supports development and health programs in sub-Saharan Africa and the poorest countries of Asia and Latin America. Over half of IDA resources are programmed for sub-Saharan Africa, and many of the programs would be supported on a grant basis, no longer just loans.

Diverting these funds into bilateral programs would deny six times, that is, again, six times, as much funding as the gentleman's cut. For every $1 of U.S. taxpayer money that goes into IDA, other donors and resources provide $6 of support. So if we cut this, we cut out six times as much of the money that goes to sub-Saharan Africa and other of the poorest countries of the world.

Mr. Chairman, I have already made what I think is a difficult decision to cut World Bank funding by $211 million below the request. Another $359 million cut would probably put U.S. leadership at risk at the bank, in addition to putting at risk billions of dollars of assistance for poor countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

To reiterate, Mr. Chairman, Iran is not eligible for IDA finances. IDA funding, which is the subject of this bill, the only source of funding that is in this bill for the World Bank, Iran is not eligible for any of those sources, and Iran would not be affected by a cut in funding to the IDA.

I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 398) expressing the concern of Congress over Iran's development of the means to produce nuclear weapons.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Con. Res. 398.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 398, a resolution which condemns Iran's continued violations of its obligations and commitments regarding its nuclear program; expresses Congress' grave concern over Iran's efforts to develop the means to produce nuclear weapons, which threaten not only that region, but possibly the world; and calls for a series of steps to be undertaken by various parties to address this threat.

I am proud to be a cosponsor of this measure, and I commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and the ranking member, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), on this bipartisan effort and for their leadership.

Mr. Speaker, after getting caught with its hand in the cookie jar, the Iranian regime was forced to admit in the fall of 2002 that it had nuclear facilities that it had failed to declare to the International Atomic Energy Agency. From that time onward, Iran has engaged in a systematic campaign of deception and manipulation to hide its true intentions and to keep its large-scale nuclear efforts a secret.

For at least 18 years, the Iranian regime has been pursuing a covert nuclear program. It has undertaken a number of efforts for the manufacture and testing of centrifuge components, most of which, according to recent IAEA reporting, are owned by military industrial organizations.

It has an enrichment facility designed for the simultaneous operation of large numbers of centrifuges, and a large, partially-underground facility at Natanz, intended to house up to 50,000 centrifuges. Concurrently, Iran is pursuing another approach to uranium enrichment which uses lasers, a complex technology rarely used by even the most advanced countries because it is not cost efficient.

Iran has expressed interest in the purchase of up to six additional nuclear power plants and is pursuing a heavy water research reactor at Arak, a type of reactor that would be well-suited for plutonium production. This represents yet another path to nuclear weapons, which endangers not only the region, but the world.

According to the IAEA report of November of last year, the Iranian regime admitted that it had failed to report a large number of activities involving nuclear material, including the separation of a small amount of plutonium. This same report noted that Iran's deceptions have dealt with the most sensitive aspects of the nuclear cycle.

Further, the IAEA could not disprove that Iran's nuclear program was not for weapons development and could not conclude that it was solely for ``peaceful purposes.''

Iran's most recent breaches of its obligations include failing to disclose work on advanced P-2 centrifuges for uranium enrichment and work on Polonium 210, an element which could be used in nuclear explosions.

As a result, Iran has forfeited its right to develop a nuclear fuel cycle and should immediately and unconditionally cease all nuclear enrichment activities.

H. Con. Res. 398 enumerates a series of steps that should be undertaken to, number one, hold the Iranian regime accountable for its nuclear program; and, two, establish a clear precedent that such proliferation efforts, efforts which clearly threaten international peace and security, will not be tolerated. Those who pursue them will have to suffer the consequences.

The Iranian Government needs to think very, very strongly about that.

Among the demands it places on the International Atomic Energy Agency, it urges the IAEA Board of Governors to quickly report the Iranian case to the U.N. Security Council for further action, which should include steps to prevent Iran from engaging in further clandestine nuclear activities. It also urges the U.N. Security Council to declare that non-nuclear weapons states under the NPT who violate their commitments forfeit their rights under this treaty.

As President Bush said on February 11 of this year, ``Proliferators must not be allowed to cynically manipulate the NPT to acquire the material and infrastructure necessary for manufacturing illegal weapons.''

Mr. Speaker, H. Con. Res. 398 calls upon the international community, through different venues, to use all appropriate means to deter and prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, including ending all nuclear cooperation with Iran until certain conditions are met.

Given the ongoing developments in the political and economic relationship of the European Union countries and Iran, the resolution calls upon the EU countries to suspend bilateral trade agreements with this pariah state until Iran has verifiably and permanently ceased all nuclear weapons development efforts. Also, given the severity of Iran's proliferation activities and heeding the lessons from Libya, H. Con. Res. 398 asks the European Union to go a step further and consider sanctions as a means of compelling Iran to comply with these international obligations and expressed commitments.

It calls on governments whose nationals, businesses, and other entities are implicated in assisting Iranian nuclear activities to, one, fully investigate such a relationship; two, grant full access to the IAEA to conduct its own parallel investigations; and, three, immediately review and rectify export control regulations and practices to prevent further assistance to countries seeking a nuclear weapons capacity.

These are not just in keeping with President Bush's counterproliferation initiatives as outlined in February of this year, but also affirm the tenets of the U.S.-led resolution adopted by the U.N. Security Council just last Wednesday.

Mr. Speaker, H. Con. Res. 398 reinforces longstanding congressional efforts to deny terrorists and their state sponsors the funds to pursue and expand their threatening activities, in particular, their proliferation activities. It calls on all countries to take steps to end investment-related efforts that in some way support Iran's energy sector.

This is particularly relevant given plans announced by Iran on Sunday aiming for a six-fold increase in its petrochemical revenues to $20 billion a year by the year 2015. It is further relevant given, for example, the April 25 announcement that French oil giant Total was awarded a $1.2 billion contract to develop phase 11 of the massive South Pars gas field in Iran.

H. Con. Res. 398, therefore, also calls for immediate enforcement of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act with respect to Iran.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would simply like to refer to a recent statement made by Iran's so-called moderate leader, Mohammad Khatami, while Iran was blocking access to IAEA inspectors. He said Iran ``has no obligation toward anybody other than what our interests require.''

Placing this in further context, I draw my colleagues' attention to Iran's display last fall of its newly deployed advanced medium-range ballistic missiles which military analysts say could reach Israel or U.S. bases in the Persian Gulf. Television photographs of the display showed one of the missile carriers with a sign that read, ``We will stomp on America,'' and that says it all, as far as I am concerned. We must stop their nuclear proliferation program.

A terrorist state like Iran must not, cannot, be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapons capability, and we need to do whatever is necessary to stop them. Let us send a clear message to Iran, and to all other potential proliferators, that we will not tolerate this behavior, we will not sit idly by as Iran threatens our Nation, our interests, and global security.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to render their strong support to this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), a member of the committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to compliment my colleague on a very fine statement.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me start off by saying you cannot take one section of the bill, and I have great respect for the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich). He and I have been colleagues and have worked together on a number of bills, and I have a very high regard for him. However, let us look at the whole bill and not just one or two phrases in it, because I think it clarifies the whole intent of the bill and I think it illuminates the concern I think that the gentleman has.

If we look on page 8 where the gentleman was just talking about, it says ``calls upon all state parties to the Treaty on the Non- proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, NPT, including the United States, to use all appropriate means to deter, dissuade, and prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, including ending all nuclear and other cooperation with Iran, including the provision of dual use items, until Iran fully implements the Additional Protocol between Iran and the IAEA for the application of safeguards.''

But then we go over to page 10. Understand section 9 there it says it ``further calls upon the European Union to consider what further measures, including sanctions, may be necessary to persuade Iran to fulfill its obligations and commitments to the IAEA.''

Then you go to page 11, section C, and it says, ``calls on all countries to intercede with their commercial entities to ensure that these entities refrain from or cease all investment and investment- related activities that support Iran's energy industry.''

Go down to line 15 and it says, ``calls upon Russia to suspend nuclear cooperation with Iran.''

The thing that I think will really allay some of the gentleman's concerns, on page 12, section 13, it says, ``urges the IAEA Board of Governors at its earliest opportunity to report to the United Nations Security Council that Iran is in non-compliance with its agreements with the IAEA; urges the President of the United States to provide whatever financial, material, or intelligence resources are necessary to the IAEA to enable it to fully investigate Iran's nuclear activities; urges the United Nations Security Council, the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Zangger Committee, and other relevant international entities to declare that non-nuclear weapons states under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, NPT, who commit violations of their safeguards agreements regarding uranium enrichment or plutonium reprocessing, or engage in activities which could support a military nuclear program, thereby forfeit their right under the NPT to engage in nuclear fuel-cycle activities.''

It further states on page 13, and I hope this will allay some of his concerns, under section 16, ``further urges the United Nations Security Council to consider measures necessary to support the inspection efforts by the IAEA and to prevent Iran from further engaging in clandestine nuclear activities; and urges the President to keep the Congress fully and currently informed concerning the matters addressed in this resolution.''

I do not think there is anything in there, and the gentleman and I are good friends, that would give the President carte blanche to go ahead and invade Iran or start a war with them. Although, I think it is important that Iran feel a little uncertainty, although I do not think this bill does it, a little uncertainty about what might happen if they continue this program.

I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Before I yield back the balance of my time, I just hope that the Iranian leaders realize that when they continue down this path, they ultimately not only endanger the entire Middle East and maybe areas beyond, and who knows maybe ultimately the United States, but they endanger their own security as well; and it would be far better for them to start thinking about complying with the U.N. resolutions and stopping their nuclear program before there are problems down the road.

This resolution, as my colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), just said, does not give the President unilateral authority.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, there is no doubt that this must be the most popular appropriations subcommittee, because so many of us have come to the chairman and the ranking member on many of our issues. Really, it deals with world harmony and world peace and the United States largesse or generosity to the world.

It also has its criticisms; and I might say that, along with my appreciation for the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe), I do want to acknowledge some concerns as I give applause.

First of all, I want to acknowledge the strong statement that was made as it regards to Sudan. So many of us have lent our voices to this issue. I

know many have traveled, and many will travel, to Sudan to look at the heinous and horrific acts occurring in Darfur, where Muslim is killing Muslim, where Arab Muslim is killing black Muslim, where women are being pillaged and killed. And we know for sure that there needs to be definitive peacekeeping.

We also know that the governor of Khartoum needs to act, and I would hope when we finish this bill we will have strong, pointed language that the killing must stop and that we will not allow this to be another Rwanda.

I also hope that we will strengthen the peace effort in Haiti, recognize that some of us are still concerned about the deposing of a democratically elected leader, but we want most of all for Haiti to be able to rebuild itself, and we look for those resources in this legislation.

I add my voice to the concern of the Dominican Republic and Haiti in terms of dollars to help reconstruct.

I also support amendments that are adding to the HIV/AIDS killer. As we know, the efforts in Thailand suggest that HIV/AIDS is still killing around the world, but I offer an amendment as well to recognize that it is important to provide U.S. aid to the starving countries around the world.

But, Mr. Chairman, I want to add, if you will, something to sustainable development, to provide resources so that farmers can be shown how to work in droughts in Arab communities so that they can provide for themselves around the world. This is an important step.

And lastly, Mr. Chairman, I hope that we will not underfund Pakistan when they are helping us in the war on terror. We should not vote against any amendment that cuts the resources for Pakistan.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment that was to be offered by Congressman Ron Paul, which seeks to strip Pakistan of necessary resources.

H.R. 4818, without the Paul amendment, allocates up to $200,000,000 to Pakistan in the form of direct loans and guarantees; enables unused funds (up to $150,000,000) appropriated under the ``Economic Support Fund'' and ``Foreign Military Financing Program'' to provide assistance for Pakistan; makes funds appropriated in title I and II of this bill available to Pakistan, as well as victims of war, displaced children and victims of trafficking; and finally, it allows funds allocated to Department of Defense to be expanded for crafting, packing, handling and transportation of excess defense articles to various countries, including Pakistan.

The funding provided in the bill, without the Paul amendment, will act as a tool in the global war against terrorism, as Pakistan has been

our partner in this effort. This assistance will create programs combating the spread of disease such as HIV/AIDS, and will continue to foster a much needed trusted relationship in that region of the world. Finally, our assistance will help educate the children of Pakistan, who will be the leaders of tomorrow. As chair of the Congressional Children's Caucus, I have witnessed how often we forget to provide for our children, who lose international attention and priority during times of active military engagement.

With our assistance, we have been able to witness Pakistan's economic trade and investment improvements, health care improvement, the promotion of democracy and human rights, increased education provision, and the further development of science and technology in Pakistan. By continuing to assist this nation, we will continue a true partnership that promotes world peace and security, and uncaps Pakistan's vast untapped economic potential to the benefit of both Pakistan and the United States.

The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with the government and people of Pakistan since the founding of the modern state in 1947, and Pakistan has proven to be an indispensable ally during both the Cold War and the War on Terror.

Pakistan's strategically important location and unwavering support have played a decisive role helping to remove the Taliban regime from Afghanistan and the capture of hundreds of wanted al-Qaeda terrorists. Pakistan has suffered thousands of casualties and has been a victim of numerous terrorist acts on their own soil because of their steadfastness with our nation in the War on Terror.

Stripping assistance from Pakistan sends out the wrong message; such an act is disrespectful and most importantly it is dangerous. By choosing to single out and exclude Pakistan from access to our financial assistance, we show them how unappreciative we are for their efforts to aid us in the War against terrorism. Pakistan has been committed to assisting us in the effort to stomp out terrorism, and has proven this commitment by capturing hundreds of terrorists found in Afghanistan and all over the world.

Congressman Paul asserts that, ample evidence exists proving that Osama bin Laden is a current free resident of Pakistan, and highlights the ineffectiveness of their aid thus far. I ask you to question the validity of this intelligence. Is this the same intelligence used, which caused our nation to believe that Sadam Hussein was harboring weapons of mass destruction? I ask that you also reflect upon our own nation as to how effective we have been in capturing Osama bin Laden ourselves. Playing the blame game has no place here, and only acts to alienate and ostracize a valued ally in the War on Terrorism. Congressman Paul's amendment suggests that because Osama bin Laden may be currently at-large in Pakistan, we should strip our funding from a nation that has provided us with enormous amounts of aid in our effort to stomp out terrorism.

Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to urge my colleagues to remember the fact that we called upon the help of Pakistan during both the Cold War and the War on Terrorism, and in both instances they helped us. Without the knowledge of the future, it would be very unwise to cut off a country that we may need yet another time in the future. There is absolutely no reason to strain our ties with Pakistan by denying them the assistance needed.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to support the current bill and to applaud Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey for their hard work and leadership in crafting an effective piece of legislation. However, in making appropriations for the entire nation, it is virtually impossible to have a complete assessment or to profess a complete breadth of knowledge of the regions that need the most assistance--because this is an ever-changing issue.

Thus, I have offered an amendment. I support H.R. 4818, but I also urge that not less than $5 million be appropriated for agricultural development in sub-Saharan Africa. This money would not only provide assistance to needy farmers and villages, but it would also strengthen infrastructure and encourage sustainable agriculture growth.

Providing small farmers and villages within the assistance and the resources necessary to plant, harvest, and distribute food crops is an essential component of development in Africa. In my amendment I propose doing much more than just giving small farmers money to buy farming products such as shovels, seeds, and livestock. I propose that we also improve infrastructure such as roads, irrigation canals, wells, and storage facilities. From this small investment, rural farmers will be able to reap profits for seasons and years to come. This is essence of sustainable development.

Mr. Chairman, without such measures toward systemic change, populations all over the world will continue to be faced food shortages. It is estimated that there are already 842 million undernourished people in the world, 798 million of which lived in developing countries and 34 million of which live in developing countries. It is clear that this is an issue that affects both poor and rich countries.

The African continent, however, is undeniably the hardest hit. The continent claims 24 of the 34 countries experiencing food emergencies. The sub-Saharan African region is feeling the brunt of this crisis with some 207 million people in 1999-2001 facing and experiencing food shortages. That amounts to nearly 26 percent of the sub-Saharan population facing inadequate access to nutritious food supplies.

Such widespread hunger plays a crucial role in sub-Saharan African societies. There are implications for education. When a child does not have the proper nourishment in his breakfast, it is impossible to expect him to perform well in school. There are implications for public health. When a mother's body is ravaged by the effects of HIV/AIDS, it is impossible to expect that anti-retroviral drugs will ameliorate her situation when food is a requirement for taking such powerful drugs. There are implications for peace and security. When a young man's meager wages are not enough to help provide for his family, it is implausible to expect that he will not go to whatever lengths necessary to secure some sort of food for his family. Mr. Chairman, the United States is invested in improving the state of education, health, and peace in sub-Saharan countries. This will not be possible without providing for improvements in rural agriculture by providing assistance to small farmers.

Those living in poor, rural areas are the most vulnerable. They comprise 70 percent of the continent's population and are the most in need of agricultural development because their livelihoods are dependent on agriculture.

Small farmers produce the food that feeds the men, women, babies, and the elders living in the small villages scattered across the arid landscape of Africa. If we neglect Africa's rural population, we neglect Africa's backbone. If we provide these farmers with the necessary resources to shore up inefficient and antiquated infrastructure we open the door to alleviating a host of other problems that plague almost 70 percent of Africa's rural population that depend on agriculture.

My proposal would allow for the development of small-scale irrigation, water and drainage, post-harvest storage, crop intensification, crop and livestock diversification, and rural infrastructure. Such improvements to infrastructure would encourage sustainable development and lead to a decrease in food shortage in the short and long run.

The Special Programme for Food Security of the Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations (FAO) along with other international NGOs is already making headway in Africa and other continents to reduce the food shortage crisis. We must acknowledge the benefits of agricultural improvement and its subsequent benefits for other areas of life for those living in rural communities and villages.

Mr. Chairman, for the reasons stated above, I support H.R. 4818 with the principles set forth in the amendment that I offer.

Mr. President, when historians look back on American foreign policy in the early 21st century, they will ask a few basic questions. One will be whether we used our immense military strength wisely. Another will be whether we took effective action to avert genocide in the world. But the biggest question will be whether we did all we could to avert the use of weapons of mass destruction, and especially a nuclear catastrophe.

The resolution before us addresses one of the most sensitive nuclear non-proliferation issues of our day, that of Iran. Over the last 2 years, public allegations and International Atomic Energy Agency inspections have uncovered nearly two decades of covert nuclear programs that Iran has pursued in violation of its obligations under safeguards agreements with the IAEA. While Iran insists publicly that these programs are all peaceful, all the signs and much of the political rhetoric in Iran point to a nuclear weapons program that has been conducted under the cover of peaceful nuclear activities.

Nearly a year ago, Iran promised to come clean on its nuclear programs and to suspend all its uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities. But Iran has yet to comply fully with its commitment. Instead, it has hidden some of its activities and forced IAEA inspectors to pull teeth in order to get information about its programs; it has delayed inspections and, at times, suspended all cooperation; it has continued production of components for uranium enrichment centrifuges; and it has announced an intent to test its uranium conversion facility in a manner that will produce feed material for uranium enrichment centrifuges. All those actions are violations of Iran's legal and political commitments.

More importantly, those actions suggest that Iran still has something to hide. They relate to nuclear activities that are difficult to explain as peaceful programs. Some of those actions relate to programs involving the same criminal network that aided Libya and provided it with a nuclear weapon design. And they are accompanied by political statements that suggest Iran may well want to develop nuclear weapons. If Iran wants to gain the confidence of the international community, that is certainly not the way to go about it.

I do not believe that Iran poses an imminent threat of testing or deploying nuclear weapons. There is hence no need at this time to threaten or undertake military action, and the resolution before us does not threaten, encourage or authorize such action.

Some journalists interpreted a similar resolution in the House of Representatives as authorizing military action, despite the denials of those who supported that resolution, including its co-author, Representative Lantos of California. That is because the House resolution used the words ``all appropriate means,'' which sounded too similar to previous resolutions on other issues that did authorize the use of force. To make it absolutely clear that the resolution before us does not do that, the authors of the substitute amendment have deleted the word ``all'' from that phrase. We do not intend this resolution to encourage the use of military force by any country.

Neither can any concurrent resolution authorize the use of force by the United States. Under our Constitution and under the War Powers Resolution, only legislation signed by the President can do that. A concurrent resolution has no legal effect and cannot do so.

What we do intend by this resolution is to encourage all countries to help convince Iran that its national security is best served by giving up the urge to develop a nuclear weapons capability. An Iran with nuclear weapons--or with the ability to produce

such weapons--will not be a more secure Iran. Rather, it will only prompt great concern among its neighbors and risk their developing nuclear weapons as well; and it will estrange itself from all countries that support the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty or that believe in keeping one's international obligations.

If Iran wants to understand what nuclear weapons will bring about, it can look to North Korea, which is reduced to begging and threatening the international community in order to feed its people and to provide even minimal energy resources. Those are the wages of proliferation: not security, but insecurity; not acclaim, but ostracism.

If the nations of the world--and especially the industrialized countries in Europe and elsewhere that have important trade relations with Iran--will band together to deliver this message, I believe that Iran will hear it and heed it. But the message may well have to be delivered with more than words. Countries may have to take forceful diplomatic and economic actions in order to demonstrate to Iran the risks that it runs if it insists upon building a nuclear weapons capability. The IAEA Board of Governors may well have to report Iran's noncompliance to the United Nations Security Council, and the Security Council may have to take action under Articles 39 through 41 of the United Nations Charter to encourage or order Iran to cease its programs that would contribute to building that nuclear weapons capability.

Countries can also remind Iran that concerns which may have prompted its covert nuclear programs are now largely dissipated. The Soviet Union is gone, and Russia does not threaten Iranian sovereignty. Saddam Hussein is now a criminal in the dock, rather than a dictator with imperial ambitions. And the case of Libya demonstrates that the United States will readily adjust its policy toward a country that renounces weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism. Iran's security concerns can be met--indeed, can best be met--without its developing or producing any weapons of mass destruction.

It is time that we have a serious discussion with Europe about harmonizing our policies toward Iran. Europe has pursued a strategy of offering positive incentives for Iran to change its behavior, but no penalties if it does not--effectively the reverse of U.S. policy. By coordinating more closely, the United States and Europe are more likely to affect Iran's actions. We should clearly state that if Iran ends its pursuit of a nuclear weapons program and gets out of the terrorism business, then we would be willing to change our policy of isolating and sanctioning Iran.

I hope that enactment of the resolution before us will help galvanize world attention to the threat of nuclear proliferation in Iran and to the need to convince Iran to change its ways. I hope that it will also encourage Iran to choose the path of non-proliferation and base its future on engagement with the world, rather than increasing, self- imposed isolation.

I want to thank the original sponsors of S. Con. Res. 81, Senators Feinstein and Kyl, for their cooperation in developing a substitute text that we can all support. I believe that Representatives Hyde and Lantos, whose H. Con. Res. 398 provided much guidance to us, will also find this text something that they can accept so as to achieve enactment of this important resolution. And I appreciate the work of their staffs over the past several weeks. My own staff and Chairman Lugar's staff were also instrumental in bringing this work to what I believe will be a successful conclusion.

We have all been guided not by politics, but by the importance of the matter before us. When the issue is nuclear proliferation, uncountable innocent lives hang in the balance. On such an issue, the world must act as one.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this bill. I want to begin by thanking the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) for the close working relationship we enjoy. The bill we consider today is the result of our close collaboration and represents the bipartisan commitment of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations to bring a bill to the House floor that accurately reflects United States foreign policy priorities.

As in the past, the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) has been a gracious colleague, and I am proud of the product of our cooperation. I believe this bill successfully maintains our commitment to ensure that foreign aid remains one of the three pillars of the United States national security policy, along with defense and diplomacy.

The bill provides nearly $19.4 billion in new discretionary budget authority, which is over $1.9 billion below the President's request. It contains substantial funding for pressing needs in support of the war on terror, such as the reconstruction of Afghanistan, and significantly increases funding for HIV/AIDS programs and the Millennium Challenge Corporation.

The bill fully funds and even slightly increases the President's request for the Emergency HIV/AIDS Initiative. Since the very beginning of our effort to fight HIV, the subcommittee has led the charge to increase funding for this key priority. While I would have preferred to have included even more funding, our limited 302(b) allocation precluded us from doing so. However, within the context of our allocation, the bill does provide $400 million for the Global AIDS Fund, the same as last year's bill, and $300 million above the President's request. It also provides $30 million for microbicides research and development and a similar amount for HIV vaccine research and will allow for substantial program increases for all countries where the United States now conducts HIV programs, even those not among the 15 ``focus'' countries of the President's Emergency AIDS Initiative.

I am particularly pleased that we were able to preserve funding for other vital child survival programs, instead of cutting these as the President requested.

As we continue to ramp up funding for HIV programs and respond to the many administration initiatives requested, most notably the Millennium Challenge Account, we cannot retreat from our child and maternal health commitments in the developing world. The progress we have made on the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS will be lost if the United States does not maintain its leadership role in meeting the basic health needs of women and children in poor countries.

The bill provides $400 million for basic education, which is an increase of $75 million over last year. Increasing this commitment to basic education has been one of my top priorities as ranking member of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, and I am proud that funding for basic education has increased from $98 million in fiscal year 2000 to a total of $400 million for fiscal year 2005. For the first time, we have included funding specifically to address the issue of school fees in a comprehensive manner in the form of a pilot project to be undertaken by

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), an outstanding, effective member of the committee.

Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), our distinguished colleague who happens to have his daughter in the audience with her really distinguished road show for the show ``Oliver.'' So we are very happy to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner), a distinguished New Yorker who happens to represent my former district in Queens.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman), a good friend and distinguished, effective member of the committee.

(Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes and 10 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Providence, Rhode Island (Mr. Kennedy).

Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?

Mr. Chairman, I yield 15 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition reluctantly to this amendment.

While I have absolutely no sympathy for the government of Iran and would strongly prefer that the World Bank not approve loans to that country, I oppose this amendment because its passage will not in any way affect lending to Iran.

What the amendment would do is cut $359 million from the International Development Association, which is almost half of the proposed fiscal year 2005 U.S. contribution. IDA funds loans to the poorest countries in the world, mostly African countries, at low rates of interest and on a long-term repayment schedule.

IDA is the source of much of the capital that poor countries use to rebuild vital infrastructure and deal with the chronic problems of poor health and education systems. The World Bank, through the IDA loan window, has spent over $1 billion to combat HIV/AIDS to date. The bank is also the center for the ``Education for All'' initiative, which aims to provide a free, primary education to the 110 million children around the world who currently do not attend school.

Because the subcommittee's 302(b) allocation was $1.9 billion below the President's request, we had to make some tough choices. In that context, the funding currently in the bill for IDA represents a $200 million cut from the President's request. I am certainly not totally satisfied with the quality of the World Bank's lending programs and will be monitoring closely the result of the new Performance Evaluation Scheme. The cuts the committee made were in that context, but cutting further would be a mistake and would only serve to reduce the bank's overall lending capacity without in any way affecting Iran.

I urge opposition to the amendment.