Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that France, Germany, Russia, and other nations can contribute to Iraq's reconstruction by forgiving debts owed by Iraq to those nations and by making generous pledges for Iraq's reconstruction at the International Conference on Reconstruction in Iraq to be held in Madrid.
Legislative Activity
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The title of the measure was amended. Agreed to without objection.
October 16, 2003 • 12:24 PM
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Introduced in House
April 11, 2003
Referred to the House Committee on International Relations.
April 11, 2003
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen asked unanimous consent to discharge from committee and consider.
October 16, 2003 • 10:37 AM
Committee on International Relations discharged.
October 16, 2003
Considered by unanimous consent. (consideration: CR H9489-9491)
October 16, 2003 • 10:43 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - The Chair put the question on adoption of the resolution, as amended, and by voice vote, announced that the ayes had prevailed. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen demanded the yeas and nays and the Chair postponed further proceedings on the adoption of the resolution, as amended, until later in the legislative day.
October 16, 2003 • 10:44 AM
Considered as unfinished business. (consideration: CR H9508-9509)
October 16, 2003 • 12:15 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 394 - 31 (Roll no. 545).(text: CR H9491)
October 16, 2003 • 12:23 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
October 16, 2003 • 12:23 PM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 394 - 31 (Roll no. 545). (text: CR H9491)
October 16, 2003 • 12:23 PM
The title of the measure was amended. Agreed to without objection.
October 16, 2003 • 12:24 PM
Voting History
1 vote recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 198 on the floor
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Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 198 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, I voted to authorize the war to remove Saddam Hussein…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I voted to authorize the war to remove Saddam Hussein from power, and I believe we must provide the resources to finally finish this war and to ensure Iraq transitions to a stable democratic nation. So I anticipate supporting this bill, despite the fact that it still asks for too much from U.S. taxpayers while also doing too little for U.S. troops.
President Bush and his administration have created a very difficult situation for themselves, for Iraq, and for the United States. So while they will likely get the $87 billion they have requested, I personally doubt that they will get more for reconstruction in the future, even from this fiscally irresponsible Republican Congress, if they continue to force American taxpayers to shoulder this burden alone.
I hope that the Bush administration is finally able to convince our allies to share this burden by providing significant financial and military help, like the first President Bush did in the first Gulf War, and I am frankly mystified that they have failed to get it done so far. There is no good reason to force Americans to pay for this reconstruction alone or to shift the burden to our children and grandchildren by adding its cost to our already monstrous national debt.
Mr. Speaker, the American people are generous, but the United States has needs of its own. The Republican Congress refuses to fix our crumbling schools or help with sky-high prescription drug prices, and too many military families still live in sub-standard housing. If the Republicans who control this government can find money to take care of Iraq, why will they not take care of our needs here at home?
Moreover, the Bush administration did not prepare the American people for the costly and deadly reconstruction efforts they are now witnessing. Many Democrats in Congress repeatedly urged the President to be completely forthright with the public and to share his post-war plan. Needless to say, the administration did no such thing. Instead, they told us not to worry about the post-war plan. And whenever people like General Shinseki and Larry Lindsey let slip the truth, that it would be very expensive and require lots of troops, they were publicly rebuked and then relieved of duty.
Well, Mr. Speaker, ever since President Bush landed on an aircraft carrier and declared the war officially over, the American people have seen for themselves the post-war plan he told us not to worry about, and the public is worried because they have seen over 180 Americans killed in Iraq since President Bush declared victory. And they have seen reconstruction costs explode while certain big corporations are making massive profits at the expense of the public.
Mr. Speaker, before the war, the American people were told Iraq was an oil-rich country that could fund its own reconstruction. So the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the ranking member of the Committee on International Relations, will offer an amendment to turn this reconstruction gift into a loan so that Iraqis can use their future oil wealth to help Americans pay to rebuild the Iraq that Saddam Hussein destroyed.
Now, for some reason, the Bush administration insists that American taxpayers should shoulder this burden alone, so they oppose the Lantos amendment. President Bush has even personally lobbied Republicans against such a measure.
Like the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), I cannot imagine that Iraq's proven oil reserves have disappeared since the war began, and I do not understand the administration's opposition to protecting American taxpayers. Because the Bush administration is basically saying that Iraq oil revenue cannot be used to pay for rebuilding Iraq and instead must be used to repay the debts that Saddam Hussein ran up to rebuild his war machine.
The administration is saying that paying off Iraq's debts to countries like France and Germany, which opposed our efforts against Saddam Hussein, is a better use of American taxpayers' money than paying off America's own national debt or investing in priorities like education, health care, and the economy. To my mind, Mr. Speaker, this is simply wrong.
But if the Bush administration insists on forcing American taxpayers to foot the entire bill for rebuilding Iraq, they should at least pay the tab, instead of passing the buck on to our children and grandchildren by adding it to our massive national debt.
Make no mistake, there is a simple way to pay for it. Since President Bush took office, he has given massive tax breaks to the very wealthiest in this country. If you simply ask those wealthiest few, individuals making over $350,000 a year, to take a smaller tax break, then you can pay for this entire bill and have some left over for the next bill for Iraq.
That is why the substitute legislation, written by the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations, is so important. The Obey amendment provides more resources for U.S. troops, $4.6 billion more for priorities like 20,000 additional U.S. Army soldiers, better health care, and increased military family support services. The Obey amendment forces the administration to share the financial burdens for rebuilding Iraq by working through the World Bank. And instead of passing on the cost to our children, the Obey amendment pays for itself by asking the wealthiest few individuals, those making over $350,000 a year, to take a smaller tax break than the one Republicans have already given them.
Mr. Speaker, for reasons I cannot explain, the Bush administration opposes this reasonable, fiscally-responsible, and pro-defense plan. They would force all Americans to sacrifice in the future because President Bush will not ask the wealthiest few to take a smaller tax break now. They would raise taxes on our children in future years because they refuse to ask people making over $350,000 to take a smaller tax break.
Last night in the Committee on Rules, Mr. Speaker, the Republicans blocked the Obey amendment, preventing it from even being considered on the House floor. As a result, Members of this House have only one way to increase help to U.S. troops and relieve the burden on U.S. taxpayers, by voting ``no'' on the important parliamentary vote known as the previous question.
If the previous question is defeated, I will amend the rule to allow the House to consider the Obey amendment. But if Members vote ``yes'' on the previous question, they will be voting to deny the House the opportunity to vote on the Obey amendment, and they will be preventing the House from helping the taxpayers and the troops today.
That should not be a difficult decision, Mr. Speaker. So I hope my friends on the Republican side of the aisle will not allow blind party loyalty to keep them from doing what is right for the country and for the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter).
(Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of the time.
I would like to make a clarification for the record. In the report to accompany this rule, I am recorded as having voted ``aye'' to report the resolution. However, the fact is that I was recorded as having voted ``no'' on the motion to report.
The report submitted by the majority to the Government Printing Office makes clear that I did indeed vote ``no'' on that motion. But because GPO made an error and recorded me as an ``aye'' vote, the Committee on Rules majority has asked for a star print of the committee report which will correct the record. However, since this report is now available publicly, I wanted to state for the record that I voted ``no'' on the motion to report.
Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to oppose the previous question. If the previous question is defeated, I will offer an amendment to the rule. The amendment will give Members an opportunity to vote on the Obey substitute which will help the troops, would require accountability, and will pay for that bill.
Last night, the Republican leadership instructed Republicans on the Committee on Rules to vote against allowing the House to consider this substantive alternative to the committee bill. Voting for the previous question will deny the whole House the opportunity to debate important questions that the Republican leadership in the House do not want to air.
Mr. Speaker, the Obey amendment provides desperately needed funding for the many overlooked and severely underfunded areas that threaten our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. The amendment will reduce total reconstruction funds by $4.6 billion and use it instead to provide desperately needed protection for our soldiers in the field and to help ease the difficulties these brave men and women face every day.
It will provide funds to repair and replace military equipment. It will allow the Army to increase the number of active duty troops to ease the burden on those currently deployed. It will provide funds for water purification, predeployment health and dental screening, and extension of Guard and Reserve health benefits.
That is not all this amendment will do. It will also pay for this bill so our children will not be burdened with its staggering costs for years to come. We can pay off this enormous IOU simply by eliminating the Bush tax break for the wealthy 1 percent of Americans with annual incomes in excess of $350,000. Our troops make huge sacrifices every day; I think the wealthy can do their part too.
It is very disturbing that the Republican leadership of the House would deny Members an opportunity to vote on an amendment to improve the conditions faced daily by our troops.
Mr. Speaker, I want to make something very clear. A ``no'' vote will not, I repeat will not, prevent us from voting on this supplemental. But a ``no'' vote will allow Members to vote to better protect our troops who are risking their lives every day in Iraq and Afghanistan. A ``no'' vote on the previous question is a vote for our troops, and I urge each and every Member of this body to stand up and do the right thing by these men and women who are on the front lines.
At this point, Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment and a description of the amendment immediately prior to the vote.
Vote ``no'' on the previous question so we can have an opportunity to vote on the Obey substitute.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, we have previously appropriated almost $80 billion to deal with the problems in Iraq and now we are being asked to provide $87 billion more. We have had no real accounting of how that…
Mr. Speaker, we have previously appropriated almost $80 billion to deal with the problems in Iraq and now we are being asked to provide $87 billion more. We have had no real accounting of how that previously appropriated money has been spent, and we certainly have no line item information about how the next $87 billion is going to be spent. If that is not a blank check, it is certainly a malleable one.
It seems to me that if the administration wants us to consider their aid package today, that we have a right to see to it that we can offer on the House floor a responsible, comprehensive alternative. But under this rule before us, we are being denied that opportunity. The majority Members of this House will say the rule gives us an open rule. That is a meaningless comment. Because the key to understanding our problem is to understand that the rule waives several of the House rules to enable the committee to bring its bill to the floor but then when we want to bring a parallel substitute to the floor, they say, ``oh, no, no, no, you can't waive those same rules to allow your package to come to the floor.'' So that is the way that the majority leadership funnels us into a situation where it is either their way or no way. That is not the way to unite people in fighting a war.
What we are asking is to give the minority the same right to offer a comprehensive amendment that was given to the minority in the Senate. Here is what the amendment would say. The amendment would essentially say if this House is hellbent on providing $87 billion, then there is a better way to do it.
If any Member of this House votes for the previous question without allowing our amendment to be made in order, that Member will be voting to block our efforts to transfer about $4.5 billion of badly-thought- out reconstruction plans to categories in the budget that would do us a whole lot more good.
Example. We want to do something about the fact that 80 percent of American troops in Iraq right now are drinking putrid water, getting dysentary. There is absolutely no reason that we should not provide clean water to 100 percent of American troops in Iraq. If you vote for the previous question, you will be denying us the opportunity to correct that. If you vote for the previous question, you will denying us the opportunity to provide predeployment health and dental services to Guard and Reserve forces who right now have to pay those expenses on their own. If you vote for the previous question, you will be blocking us from extending postduty health care coverage from the 60 days which Guard and Reserve people now have when they are coming off duty to 6 months. That is what you will be doing. You will also be preventing us from providing the money that the Army and the other services asked for to refurbish equipment which was worn out or used up in Iraq.
The Services asked for the full amount that they could spend on that over the rest of the year, but the Department slashed those recommendations, in my view, in order to hide from the public the full cost of reconstituting that equipment which will approach $20 billion by the time it is done rather than about the $2 billion asked for by the administration.
If Members vote for the previous question, they will be voting against our efforts to relieve pressure on Guard and Reserve forces, many of whom have now been told they are going to have to serve an extra year. You will prevent us from correcting the mess that we now have in our troop rotation schedules. What we try to do to correct those items is to recognize the validity of General Shinseki's warning when he warned us that we should not follow a 12-division strategy if we only had a 10-division Army. So what we do is face up to the need to create another division so that you can restore order to the lives of Guard and Reserve forces and restore order to the rotation schedule for our regular troops.
If Members vote for the previous question, they will also be swallowing, swallowing whole, the administration plans to rely on huge contracts with politically well-connected multinational corporations rather than relying on more appropriate low-technology contracts with indigenous groups within Iraq so that we can put Iraqis to work doing something constructive besides shooting Americans.
If you vote for the previous question, you will be blocking our efforts to convert one-half of the reconstruction funds in our package to loans by running that portion through the World Bank and having it matched by other international contributors. You will also be preventing us from insulating those contracts against cronyism if you have an agency administering these contracts that is responsive to the political appointees at the White House. And, most importantly, if you vote for the previous question, you will be blocking our efforts to meet our responsibilities to our taxpayers by paying for this adventure rather than putting it on the cuff.
We have got two choices on that score. We can either charge this bill to our kids or we can pay for it now.
There is a whole lot of talk about shared sacrifice on this floor. We heard a lot of it last night. I would like to ask who on earth in this country is being asked to share the sacrifice except the troops and their families? The Guard and Reserve forces right now face a total discombobulation of their life. Our regular troops face the same thing. They are sacrificing in spades. Yet, if you vote for this previous question motion, you will be denying our effort to say there is a better way to achieve self-sacrifice.
What is wrong with asking a millionaire to settle for a $53,000 tax cut rather than the $130,000 tax cut they will get absent our amendment? Persons in the $50,000 to $75,000 range will get on average from all sources perhaps $1,000 if they are lucky under the tax cuts now in effect. Persons in the $200,000 to $500,000 range will get $2,200. Why shouldn't millionaires be happy with 25 times that amount?
I ask Members to vote against the previous question to give us a chance to offer an amendment that is a truly balanced, comprehensive alternative.
Mr. Speaker, I just said that I am not planning to use the 9\1/2\ minutes. First of all, let me thank my friend, the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings), and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost)…
Mr. Speaker, I just said that I am not planning to use the 9\1/2\ minutes.
First of all, let me thank my friend, the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings), and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost) for ably managing this measure; and I am glad we were able to correct the record for the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost) on his vote last night. But I am proud of the fact that he did indicate and he does plan at the end of the day to vote in support of this measure.
The reason is because it struck me, a friend of mine the other day stopped me and said, how in the world can you be supportive of our troops and not be supportive of this package, which my friend from Mississippi and my friend from Georgia earlier both said is very important to defend and protect our troops. So at the end of the day, it is my hope that we will be able to continue this strong bipartisan spirit in passing this measure, which is so, so critical, not only for the protection of our troops, but for the stabilization of the region.
The President has, I think, made a very strong and effective case that if we look at neighboring countries in that very troubled region of the world, bringing about a free, democratically elected leadership in Iraq will go a long way towards encouraging the kind of positive moves that we need throughout that part of the world and, frankly, in other parts of the world. The President, the other night, reminded a group of us to look at Kim Jong-il in North Korea and realize that he poses a great threat. But the fact that he now knows
that behind diplomatic words from the United States of America stands strength is an important signal to him and any others who are not considered to be friendly towards the United States.
I urge strong support of this rule and, of course, before that, passage of the previous question.
My good friend, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations, has, on a regular basis, come before the Committee on Rules on appropriations measures; and, in fact, on seven of the 10 measures which we have reported out of the Committee on Rules on appropriations, he has made a request similar to the one that he is making on this supplemental appropriations bill. I respect him for proceeding with it, and I admire his tenacity; but I think that he understands that it would require a waiver which would move into the jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means, and so this is nongermane.
The structure around which we will be considering this is an open rule. It is an open amendment process; and it is what the Democrats, when they were in the majority, used as the normal consideration for appropriations, the structure for consideration on appropriations bills; and it is what we have done, Mr. Speaker. I believe that it is proper for us to do that.
Any amendment that any Member wants to offer that complies with the rules of the House will be in order, and that is why we are going to have a very full day ahead of us with, I am sure, a lot of different amendments offered. So we have provided protection for the bill and not made in order these other amendments which do, as I say, violate the rules of the House.
The proposal that the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) has, while an interesting one, as I said, would, I believe, have a very deleterious effect on the small business sector of our economy.
Mr. Speaker, we are very, very gratified that the tax and economic growth package that we worked so hard on and passed out of this House was a bipartisan measure and passed the other body, and we got the President's signature on it; and we are already beginning to see the benefits of that. We have seen improvements take place in markets. We have seen a lot of very, very clear benefits. One of my colleagues earlier today was talking about increased earning reports from a number of large companies; and if we look at the proposal that the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) has that he would like to have made in order, if we were to, in fact, defeat the previous question, it would have a very negative effect on that important small business sector of our economy. I know we talk about people in upper income levels, but we have to realize the tremendous numbers of those who are small business men and women, the backbone of our economy, where 95 percent of the creativity emanates from.
So that is why I believe it is important for us to make sure that we pass the previous question, pass this rule, and then move ahead with what will be a very interesting debate; and at the end of the day, at the end of the day, I hope and pray that we will have strong bipartisan support, so that we can stand behind our troops, so that we will be able to do the kinds of things that can bring about the goals that we all, in a bipartisan way, share for the people of Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the right to object. This is a good bill if it came up at any other time, but today, it serves a unique purpose, and that is, to deal with the great debate that is the big…
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the right to object. This is a good bill if it came up at any other time, but today, it serves a unique purpose, and that is, to deal with the great debate that is the big issue that will come up today as the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher) pointed out. That issue is whether the $18 billion, not to rebuild Iraq but to build Iraq as it has never been built before, whether that money will go in the form of a loan or some other collateralized instrument, perhaps an advance payment on the purchase of oil, or whether, instead, it will go as a gift.
What are we told? We are told that we cannot make it a loan because the Iraqi balance sheet is already in such terrible shape. I would first point out that the American balance sheet is not in great shape either, and we will be adding $500 billion to the debt side of that just this year.
But why is the Iraqi balance sheet in bad shape? It is in bad shape because Saddam borrowed $100 billion, and the people who hold the promissory notes signed by Saddam want to be paid, and for reasons I cannot figure out, the administration feels it is a critical national priority that those who lent money to Saddam get repaid. Promissory notes were signed by Adolf Hitler; they were not repaid. Promissory notes were signed by the Imperial Government of Japan; they were not repaid. Why is it that this administration believes that we cannot burden Iraq with $18 billion in debt because we must preserve their ability to pay the $100 billion of debt that Saddam Hussein borrowed?
Follow the money. Because in 2008 and 2010 and 2012, Iraq, a country with the second largest oil reserves in the world, will be exporting more oil than it needs, the revenue to finance its ongoing operations. It will be able to pay debt service. It has collateral. That is why these folks lent Saddam $100 billion. It will have that money.
Where will that money go? If none of it comes to us, the first claimant for $25 billion is Saudi Arabia. The Saudis are not content with the revenue from their own oil. They want $25 billion to be paid by the new Iraq because they have a loan made to the old Iraq. Who is second? Kuwait is in for only $17 billion, except they claim that they are also owed reparations for the invasion. Okay. That is interesting. The new Iraq should pay for the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam.
So we are told by the Kuwaitis that not only, not only did we have to spend our treasure and our blood to liberate them, not only do they have more oil than one can imagine per capita, but that they should have a high claim on Iraqi oil and that the American taxpayer should be at the back of the line.
I would say that we must do more today than give $18 billion to Iraq and then have this resolution saying, oh, please, pretty please, these other creditors should forgive their debts. First of all, the resolution identifies as the main creditors France and Germany and Russia when, in fact, the major creditors of Saddam are Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.
Second, they do not have to forgive the loan. What incentive do they have? It is not like we are saying forgive your loan and this will happen or we will make our efforts contingent upon yours, but rather, today, we are going to be asked to give $18 billion to Iraq to eliminate any possibility of adding an incentive for others to forgive their debt to enshrine the debt signed by Saddam while denigrating the American taxpayer.
We will be talking about more of this in the rest of today, but no one should believe that the passage of H. Res. 198, a mere plea to the wrong people that they forgive debt that they have no intention of forgiving so that we can give away American taxpayer dollars, that we do not have to give away, this is the smallest fig leaf for the biggest problem.
I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
(Mrs. MALONEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, I am going to yield to my colleague from Texas, but let me point out one use of this $18 billion.
Two billion dollars of it is going to go to build new oil wells and oil facilities in Iraq. This will be the first time in history that we invest $2 billion in oil drilling, hit oil and get nothing. Why do we need these $2 billion of additional oil wells and oil facilities? So that Iraq can produce more oil, so they can sell that oil, so it can give the money to Saudi Arabia. What a great deal for the American taxpayer.
I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas.
Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection, noting that another gentleman from California may also wish to object.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, last spring we appropriated $79 billion, it was just this past spring, to fund the war on the reconstruction efforts in…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, last spring we appropriated $79 billion, it was just this past spring, to fund the war on the reconstruction efforts in Iraq. And again the administration is asking us to open up the Federal purse and hand over billions more. The Federal Government is already facing record deficits, the highest deficits the country has ever faced. But the President now wants our permission to charge $18 billion more, which would have to be charged, by the way. We have no money to pay for that, pay for Iraqi reconstruction on the American credit card. What happened to the $79 billion that Congress handed to the administration? One might well ask. Why are American soldiers being sent into life-threatening situations without the body armor or adequate training?
We do not know the answers to these questions, but we do know the conditions in Iraq for our military is shameful. I have received volumes of calls and letters from the families of soldiers serving in Iraq. They are concerned about their children, their brothers, sisters, husbands, and wives suffering from heat exhaustion and dehydration. We just heard that they are just now beginning to study the possible 12 suicides of our service people since they have been in Iraq. Some soldiers are rationed only two bottles of water a day despite the 120 degree weather, and we have been told that they have often had to survive on one meal a day.
I was flying back to D.C. this week to go to work on this appropriation. At the airport a TSA official told me of her recent assignment at the airport in Baghdad. She, a civilian employee, was housed in an air-conditioned trailer; but the U.S. soldiers had no relief. She felt so bad for the Army that she would let them sleep on the floor of the trailer just to get a little nap and escape the sweltering heat.
Just this morning, The Washington Post reports that many soldiers have very low morale. In fact, a poll was done by ``Stars and Stripes'' that says that only half the people in Iraq now think that the morale is any good at all; 48, 49 percent say the morale is very low; and the same number, about 50 percent of those who are there now, say they will not reenlist. They claim that their mission lacks clear definition and they characterized the war in Iraq as of little or no value. These are the people who are there fighting it. Fully 40 percent said the jobs they were doing had little or nothing to do with the training that they had received.
The largest proportion of this appropriation that has been asked for, some $60 billion, is for the troops; and they desperately need more. They need more water, more food, more adequate shelter, more body armor to save their lives, and other essentials. We were also told this week that ammunition dumps are all over the country of Iraq where we know where they are, but we do not have sufficient troops to guard them. These are supporting the ammunition which is being used to shoot at our soldiers. These men and women have to be our top priority.
Congress must demand and receive a full accounting of the reporting on the Federal dollars appropriated for our brave troops and for rebuilding Iraq. No one has been able to tell us that they know where the $79 billion has gone. Congress must demand to receive a full and thorough accounting and justification for any Federal taxpayer dollars spent anywhere, but it is as part of a contract that did not go through a proper competitive bidding process that is particularly egregious. I intend to offer an amendment to ensure that Congress receives the specific information on no-bid contracts that our oversight duties and obligations to our constituents demand.
Mr. Speaker, I find it odd we cannot find the funds to pay for the mandates of No Child Left Behind or fully fund Medicaid or upgrade America's electrical grid, but somehow there is money to build schools and hospitals and an electrical grid for Iraq. The people of New York will pay $1.26 billion of the $18.6 billion to rebuild Iraq. That could be used to place almost 150,000 children in Head Start programs.
This money could also be used to fund healthcare for over 150,000 New Yorkers. We cannot forget the great needs at home. If State and local governments received matching funds for the $18.6 billion to rebuild Iraq, New York State would receive approximately $2 billion in State and local government budget relief. That is why I am cosponsoring the American Parity amendment.
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Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of…
Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 396 is an open rule waiving all points of order against consideration of H.R. 3289, the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense and the Reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan, 2004.
The rule also waives points of order against provisions in the bill for failure to comply with clause 2 of rule XXI except as specified in the resolution. The rule provides for 1 hour of general debate to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations.
In accordance with the rules of the House, the rule provides that the bill shall be read by paragraph. The rule also authorizes the Chair to accord priority recognition to Members who have preprinted their amendments in the Congressional Record.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, the rule provides for one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
This supplemental appropriations bill, H.R. 3289, was approved and reported out of the Committee on Appropriations by a strong bipartisan vote, with a majority of Republicans and Democrats on the Committee on Appropriations supporting this emergency funding measure.
The Committee on Appropriations worked diligently to review the administration's request; and having personally observed a portion of the committee's work, I can attest to the seriousness with which they approached their responsibilities.
The bill provides a total of $86.9 billion in supplemental appropriations with $64.7 billion dedicated to our military personnel and national defense, $18.6 billion for Iraq relief and reconstruction, and $1.2 billion for Afghanistan relief and reconstruction.
The funding provided in this bill is vital to winning the war on terrorism, Mr. Speaker. The bill places a priority on ensuring our men and women in uniform receive the support that they need.
Funding is provided to protect our forces, including increased funds for body armor and equipment to jam radio frequencies to better protect our soldiers from explosives detonated from afar by cell phones. The bill also fully funds hazardous pay and family separation allowances.
Winning the war on terrorism requires us to ensure that the removal of Saddam Hussein from power leads to a free and secure Iraq, and not a haven and breeding ground for terrorists.
The Iraq reconstruction funds provided in this bill are not only an investment in building this safe and secure Iraq; it is an investment in protecting America and in making Americans safer from terrorists.
The bill includes a commonsense provision that prohibits the use of any of these emergency supplemental funds from being used to pay any of Iraq's foreign debts.
Mr. Speaker, as I stated, this emergency supplemental received strong bipartisan support in the Committee on Appropriations. Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support both the rule, House Resolution 396, and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller).
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Pryce), a member of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn).
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Kingston), a member of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker), a member of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Miller).
Mr. Speaker, I would advise my friend from Texas (Mr. Frost) that we just have one more speaker, so if he wants to close.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield the balance of our time to the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier).
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I oppose this rule, and I oppose the underlying bill. Our policy toward Iraq is one of the biggest issues facing this country today, and every Member of this House deserves an…
Mr. Speaker, I oppose this rule, and I oppose the underlying bill. Our policy toward Iraq is one of the biggest issues facing this country today, and every Member of this House deserves an opportunity to have their voices heard. Shamefully, the rule before us does not meet that standard and should be rejected. I also believe that the underlying $87 billion supplemental appropriation bill fails in several key areas.
The administration has not provided an adequate plan for success in Iraq. The United States invaded Iraq and now occupies that country. In my view, the war was a mistake based on inadequate and shifting rationales unsupported by the evidence and damaging to our security at home and our standing in the world.
Having said that, I recognize that we now have a moral obligation both to support our troops in the field and to help rebuild Iraq. Our soldiers deserve the equipment, training, and supplies they need to continue their remarkable work; and the people of Iraq deserve help in rebuilding their infrastructure and establishing a democratic society. Those are the goals that all of us share, but I have seen nothing from this administration that leads me to believe that a plan exists to get us there.
How long will our troops be stationed in Iraq? Why have we not successfully reached out to our allies for help? When can we expect the security situation to improve on the ground? What is the strategy for dealing with increasing ethnic tensions? What is the total price tag of our policy? How many more emergency supplemental bills? Has the war made us safer? Has it reduced terrorism? These are not trivial matters, Mr. Speaker. They are serious and fundamental questions, the answers to which will help determine our success or failure in building a more stable, more secure world.
In addition, I am deeply concerned that this bill shortchanges important priorities here at home. Yes, we should build schools and hospitals and roads and bridges in Iraq, but we should build them in this country too. To make matters worse, this bill has no offsets. It is not paid for. It will add $87 billion to our national deficit, and it passes the cost on to our children and our grandchildren, and that is wrong.
It has been nearly 6 weeks since President Bush made a speech to the country requesting the money. I simply cannot believe that in those 6 weeks given all the smart people we have in this Congress that the leadership could not come up with a single offset, a single deferred tax break for millionaires, a single corporate loophole to pay for this. But, no. Instead, we are going to charge this money on the national credit card and send the bill to our kids.
We are constantly being told that we are at war and that wars demand sacrifices. The young men and women who are serving, being attacked and in some cases dying in Iraq, are certainly sacrificing. The people in the middle class and those trying to get in the middle who rely on adequate funding for education, health care, and housing, veterans benefits, they are sacrificing. But heaven forbid that we ask the Nation's millionaires to defer a small portion of their tax cuts.
Mr. Speaker, our policy in Iraq is not working. I simply cannot support a bill that merely endorses the status quo. We are being asked to close our eyes and spend $87 billion on top of the $79 billion that we have already spent and that nobody can seem to account for. Right now there is a kid from Massachusetts on some corner in Baghdad wondering what he is doing there, wondering when he is coming home, wondering if he will have a job or health care when he comes back. He deserves a voice in this Congress.
This House spent a grand total of 1 day, 1 day, debating the resolution authorizing war. We did not ask the tough questions. We did not get straight answers. We abdicated our responsibilities, and we must not make the same mistake again. Congress should do its job. We need to get this right, to spend this money wisely, not just for the future of Iraq but for the future of that young man from Massachusetts, his family, the thousands like him serving in Iraq, and the millions of Americans here at home.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this rule and to oppose the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I shall not object, I rise to support this important resolution, H. Res. 198. (Mr. COLE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his…
Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I shall not object, I rise to support this important resolution, H. Res. 198.
(Mr. COLE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, this resolution encourages France, Germany, Russia and other countries to forgive the debt owed to them by Saddam Hussein's regime; to make generous pledges for Iraq's reconstruction at the forthcoming Madrid donor conference; to work with the Paris Club on debt forgiveness issues for Iraq; to acknowledge the role that Iraq's current debt has in hindering reconstruction efforts; and to educate their populace about the importance of debt forgiveness in Iraq's reconstruction.
France, Germany, Russia and other countries have all been vocal about opening up Iraq's reconstruction contracts. If they wish to participate in this process, they should have the generosity and decency to contribute positively to the reconstruction effort by forgiving the debts.
Mr. Speaker, it is unconscionable for nations to expect the Iraqi people to repay the debts contracted by the terrorist and despotic regime of Saddam Hussein, particularly when those people were in part the victims of that regime and had no say in the loans in question. H. Res. 198 will assist the public debate in these issues going into the Madrid conference of donors and will put this House on record for supporting debt forgiveness on this significant issue.
Mr. Speaker, America's given its most sacred resource, the lives and blood of its soldiers, as well as billions of dollars, in order to rid Iraq of Saddam Hussein and begin the difficult task of reconstruction. It is only right that other nations should forgive their debt and begin to participate in the process.
Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Resolution 198. This is a resolution which I introduced several months go to address the inadequacies of France's, Germany's, and Russia's efforts in participating in the reconstruction effort. In doing so, I believe it best to highlight the outstanding debt owed to them by Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, the time has come for the consideration of its resolution. In the past year, the United States has committed its most precious commodity, the lives of our men and women, for the liberation of an oppressed people. It is not an action which we took lightly as a Congress, and one which we took after much consideration. Now we must win the peace, and in doing so, call upon the very nations who have indicated they would like to see the successful reconstruction of Iraq to forgive its debt.
The odious debt which the regime of Saddam Hussein contracted with numerous countries is not one which would be foisted upon the innocent people of Iraq. Now is the time for debt forgiveness and now is the time for the community of nations to come together and assist in solving this problem. In particular, France, Germany, and Russia must bear special responsibility for this because they represent the countries most vocal in supporting the illegitimate regime of Saddam Hussein.
The Speaker, the past policies of these countries were particularly helpful to Saddam Hussein's regime when United Nations Resolutions prohibited such relationships. They have requested that they be allowed to assist in reconstruction, and this is a first step.
Furthermore, because of their particular role over the last decade, it would be particularly helpful if they were to pledge greater amounts of money to aid in Iraq's reconstruction at the upcoming Madrid Donors' Conference. Thus, we have amended this legislation to reflect that fact.
Mr. Speaker, we are about to enter into a great debate over the substance of a Supplemental that will directly aid Iraq in its reconstruction. While there are a variety of opinions on the Supplemental, there is little doubt that America will keep her word to the Iraqi people and directly aid her in reconsideration. There is absolutely no question that we will not hold the innocent people of Iraq responsible for the actions of Saddam Hussein.
Vote ``yes'' on House Resolution 198.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and of the underlying legislation, and I rise to observe, first of all, that there are at least four…
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and of the underlying legislation, and I rise to observe, first of all, that there are at least four different points of view being expressed in the debate leading up to this vote that we will have either today or tomorrow.
First of all, there are those who feel that the military action against Saddam Hussein was the right thing to do and that we should stay the course.
Secondly, there are those who never supported the President's action and see no need to support him now.
Then there are those who disagree with what we did in Iraq, but also realize that we have an obligation, having gone in, to bring stability to the region.
Finally, there is at least a fourth group, Mr. Speaker, who were happy to pay for the war, to appropriate funds for the bombs and tanks and ammunition and for our troops, but who are suddenly taken by surprise to learn that we must now spend money to protect the peace.
I find myself in the first group, those who support President Bush's action in Iraq and who realize how important it is now to do what is necessary to win the peace.
I firmly believe that the United States of America did the right thing in removing Saddam Hussein. It has cost us the lives and health of hundreds of young Americans, to be sure. It is costing our taxpayers billions of dollars, but it is worth the cost.
When we consider the history of Saddam Hussein, his torture and cruelty, his use of weapons of mass destruction in previous wars, his repeated defiance of the United Nations, and when we learn what has already been uncovered since our military offensive, then it becomes clearer and clearer that this Congress and this President made the right decision.
Contrary to the initial media analysis of the Iraq Survey Group on weapons of mass destruction, the report of Dr. David Kay details discoveries of dozens of WMD-related activities, including significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations, a secret network of laboratories, strains of biological organisms hidden in a scientist's home, plans and advance designs for new long-range missiles, and details of secret negotiations with North Korea to secure technology to develop ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and other military equipment. I believe these findings provide strong justification for our military action.
Finally, it bothers me to hear some of my colleagues refer to the $18 billion in Iraqi reconstruction as an outright gift to Iraq. On the contrary, Mr. Speaker, whether in the form of a loan or an outright grant, these are taxpayer dollars being spent in the U.S. national interest. Some Americans will be employed using these dollars. There is an element of altruism and charity involved, to be sure, but these reasons are secondary. The principal reason we are appropriating these reconstruction dollars is that they will be used to protect our troops as long as they have to be over there and to provide electricity, water, public safety and other infrastructure so that Iraq can have stability and so that our troops do not have to go back and win this war yet another time.
Mr. Speaker, today is a day when we will be called upon to make some tough votes, votes which may not be politically popular at first blush, votes which may require some explaining, but which we are fully able to explain and justify. That is one definition of leadership.
President Bush is providing strong national and international leadership. I believe the actions he has taken and that this Congress will take this week are the best chance for a true and lasting resolution to the Iraqi situation, and, in the long run, will provide enormous dividends in our continuing struggle against world terrorism.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the ranking member, for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this rule and bill. Anyone who has read a newspaper or watched a…
Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the ranking member, for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this rule and bill. Anyone who has read a newspaper or watched a news program can hardly argue that American troops need and deserve additional support. I have voiced my support for an amendment to this bill, several as a matter of fact, but more specifically one offered by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt). That amendment will increase imminent danger and hardship duty pay for our military. It would increase the family separation allowance and add funding to a program that assists disabled service members who are returning to civilian life. The Spratt amendment will also eliminate the fees currently charged to hospitalized service members and several other vital themes for our military. That amendment was not made in order.
However, because of my support for the members of the armed services, I cannot in good conscience vote in favor of this massive supplemental blank check, at least not until this administration is forthcoming in answering the questions that Congress has asked again and again and again. My good friend, the dean of the Florida delegation, the chairman of the appropriations committee and my good friend, the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations on yesterday both
averred that they were unable to answer in detail how 79 billion taxpayer dollars are being spent. That is unconscionable, and not to mean that we did not have general understanding as to how the money was spent; but we as persons with oversight responsibility have a responsibility to have a detailed analysis.
Thirteen months ago when we were debating a resolution on the use of U.S. Armed Forces against Iraq, at that time I offered an alternative war resolution, one with some definitive conditions. It called on the President to provide Congress with a comprehensive plan for the long- term cultural, economic, and political stabilization in a free Iraq. When I presented my resolution, I said, ``The young men and women of our Armed Forces are already fighting a war on terrorism. Before we expand their role and send them even deeper into harm's way, I want assurances that we have a plan for maintaining stability in the region once we declare victory.''
Mr. Speaker, I gave that speech on September 23, 2002. More than a year has passed. More than 320 U.S. troops have lost their lives in Iraq, and hundreds more have been wounded. I am still waiting for an answer. The only thing we have been told by this administration is that the next installment, this one, is going to cost American taxpayers $87 billion.
We have already seen what happens when we relinquish our oversight authority and fail to hold this administration accountable ahead of time. There are far too many questions that need to be answered before we abrogate our responsibilities to the American taxpayer and simply hand over nearly $87 billion. For instance, where is the comprehensive strategy that will ensure our goals for the Iraqi people will be met?
How long will it take to implement that strategy? How much is it going to cost the American taxpayer? And, finally, exactly how did this administration spend the $79 billion we already appropriated for this war? And just how much more are we going to do by way of supplemental without benefit of authorization, without benefit of clear understanding, without benefit of oversight responsibility.
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, everyone in this Chamber needs to support this important funding package. The President made it very clear when he articulated his plan…
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, everyone in this Chamber needs to support this important funding package. The President made it very clear when he articulated his plan to fight the war on terror. In no uncertain terms he declared that Iraq is now the central front in this war. The job is only half done, though. Terrorists still roam the globe and threats still exist. If we leave Iraq now, we essentially allow the country to become a terror magnet, a flypaper that attracts terrorists from all over the world to its vast deserts and its countless caves. Iraq will become their home base as they wage their war against freedom, their war against civilization.
Mr. Speaker, to vote against this funding package and the goals it seeks to achieve would be to vote in favor of terror and against America's homeland security. It is that critical. This package will provide the funds necessary to establish a working society in Iraq. A government that is run by free Iraqis is a government that provides hope to her people. A free government responds to the wishes and desires of those whom it governs. People who live under a responsive and fair government have no need for terrorism. They do not experience the desperation and destitution that so often are the precursors to a life dedicated to terror.
So, Mr. Speaker, a free Iraq keeps terror out of that country and, therefore, out of ours. A free Iraq will send a clear message to people of the Middle East and around the world that freedom and democracy, not violence and terrorism, are the best paths for the future. Hope and stability in Iraq translate into security and peace for Americans here at home. We are close. Iraq is experiencing the first fruits of freedom and now they must be completely transitioned into a state of stability. So far, the coalition provisional authority has made significant progress on infrastructure improvements and governmental restructuring. All of Iraq's hospitals are now fully functional. Schools are opening and running. They are now places for young minds to receive information, not indoctrination.
Colleagues of ours who have been there talk of wheat fields and oil fields and cotton fields. This is progress. It is a beautiful picture of what comes of our noble pursuit in the fight for freedom and the war against terror. But more is needed to secure Iraq to bring our troops home soon. The funding in this package will provide the body armor that is so essential to protect them from terrorists. It will provide extra pay and benefits to the soldiers who are already sacrificing so much on our behalf. It will provide our troops the weapons and systems necessary to finish the mission we started and get our troops home to their families. Finally, this package will effectively help to revolutionize Iraq, turning this country from a terrorist breeding ground into yet another beacon of democracy in the Middle East. Terror will be shunned rather than invited.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill to secure America by stabilizing Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on International Relations be discharged from further consideration of the resolution (H. Res. 198) expressing the sense of the House of…
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on International Relations be discharged from further consideration of the resolution (H. Res. 198) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that France, Germany, and Russia can initially best contribute to the reconstruction of Iraq by the forgiveness of outstanding debt between both Iraq and France, Iraq and Germany, and Iraq and Russia, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
Mr. Speaker, on a day when we are posed to debate the Emergency Supplemental for Iraq and Afghanistan, it is critical that we call on France, Germany, Russia and other nations, to contribute to Iraq's reconstruction, including by making generous pledges at the Madrid Donors' Conference.
It is a matter of fairness and equity. Many of these nations are starting to benefit from a free, liberated Iraq. Their companies will reap financial windfalls from reconstruction efforts. Yet, they expect the U.S. and a small group of nations, to bear the financial burden.
France, Germany, and Russia, in particular, should be called upon to match the generous commitment from countries such as Japan which, despite suffering from a severe fiscal situation, has pledged more than $1.5 billion for the immediate reconstruction needs of Iraq.
These countries and all of the creditor nations to Iraq should provide debt relief, that will enable the Iraqi people and a future freely-elected government, to rebuild Iraq's infrastructure and industries which deteriorated so severely during the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein.
Were it not for the ongoing commercial relations and close links between the governments and companies of France, Germany, and Russia and the Hussein regime, the Iraqi people would not be confronted with $21 billion in debt to 19 creditor nations. The Iraqi people and their new leaders should not be held responsible for the corruption and mismanagement of the Hussein regime.
The Iraqi people did not have a say in any of the policies or decisions of the Hussein regime. They were victims in their own homeland. Therefore, it is critical that they not be punished or made to pay for the actions of their oppressor.
We call upon France, Germany, and Russia to acknowledge this reality and make amends for the role they played in prolonging the existence of the Hussein regime and, in turn, the suffering of the Iraqi people.
Through the resolution we are considering today, we call upon these three nations to make a public commitment to debt reduction in the meeting of Paris Club creditors. We further ask them, and all nations, to make generous pledges for Iraq's reconstruction.
We hope they will answer this call.
I urge my colleagues to support the resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I offer an amendment in the nature of a substitute.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I stand in support of the rule and support of the emergency supplemental bill. Here is what it does. It does four very important things. Number…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I stand in support of the rule and support of the emergency supplemental bill.
Here is what it does. It does four very important things.
Number one, it supports our troops. We have troops on the ground. We need to support them. Republicans in Congress supported President Clinton when he had, I think, something like over 30 deployments. I hope that the Democrats will support our President by supporting the troops and put aside partisan differences in support of this bill for our troops on the ground.
The second thing it does is it supports freedom in Iraq. There are those on the left who truly believe that this war was such a mistake that the people of Iraq were better off under Saddam Hussein, even after we found jet airplanes that were buried, even after they violated 17 UN resolutions, even after we found something like hundreds of thousands of mass graves. There are people in America, liberals on the left, who believe that Iraq was better off before we got there. This bill supports their freedom.
The third thing it does, it helps them begin reconstruction. It is going to cost about $150 billion to rebuild this country. This bill has a little bit over $18 billion to get that started. It is a grant, it is not a loan. The reason is we want other nations around the globe to step forward and pull out their checkbooks. There will be meetings coming up in the next month to try to urge them to do that. If we start off by saying we are going to lend you this money, Iraq will never be rebuilt.
Think about the great strides that have already taken place. Electricity and water in 80 percent of the country. Health care, $200 million has already been spent, compared to $13 million spent previously under Saddam Hussein. Newspapers, 150 newspapers are up and being published in Iraq every day. Police forces in the municipalities have already been trained, some are up and going and some are on line to come. Those are steps of great progress. That is why this reconstruction effort cannot stop midstream.
Finally, the fourth and final thing this bill does is it brings security to the people of the United States and all over the world. What if we had left Saddam Hussein in charge in Iraq? What if all this saber rattling to the terrorist organizations of the world was for naught? What if we just wanted to continue with the rhetoric, as opposed to action? We would just be sitting, waiting, counting the clock for another 9/11. It still could happen, but it is not going to be the same world as it would have been if we had just sat back and said, well, America likes to run its mouth, but not have action.
This bill today and our war effort helps bring peace and stability to the world, and we cannot afford to stop with the job half done. Please vote for the rule and the bill.
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Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Gentlewoman for bringing this important resolution to the floor. I would have preferred to see this resolution considered by the Committee on International Relations…
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Gentlewoman for bringing this important resolution to the floor.
I would have preferred to see this resolution considered by the Committee on International Relations so that we could debate and discuss its provisions. It is unfortunate that a resolution like this was taken directly to the floor rather than first being considered by the committee of jurisdiction as House Rules provide.
In calling on Russia, France, Germany, and other nations to forgive Iraqi debt, this resolution focuses on one of the issues most important to Iraq's future development.
Because of Saddam Hussein's profligate and murderous ways, Iraq is saddled with an international debt estimated to be as high as $200 billion. That means an inordinate amount of Iraq's resources will be devoted to debt repayment, unless something is done such as
this resolution suggests. Unless that debt is dealt with soon, Iraq will be unable to develop as its resources and the skills of its people would otherwise allow. This is an absurd situation and an affront to any reasonable standard of justice.
The Iraqi people had absolutely nothing to do with the acquiring of this debt. Creditor nations supplied Saddam resources to build up his army to invade his neighbors and attack his own citizens; for his effort to develop weapons of mass destruction; and for his building of palaces and monuments for self-aggrandizement.
This money did not serve the needs of the Iraqi people. These loans were not used to develop the infrastructure and resources of the country. The Iraqis not only failed to benefit from this policy of relentless borrowing; they were its primary victims.
Without debt forgiveness, we are now asking the Iraqis literally to pay for Saddam Hussein's crimes for generations to come. By way of illustration, let me boil this absurd situation down to a simple truth: Without debt forgiveness, generations of Iraqi Kurds will be asked to pay the bills for developing the chemical weapons that were used to kill and maim their brethren at Halabja.
As a further absurdity: If the Iraqi people are forced to repay Saddam's debts, most of these repayment funds would be directed to creditor nations that actually opposed Iraq's liberation.
Mr. Speaker, our nation not only liberated Iraq. It has also already donated--I repeat, donated--approximately $3 billion to provide for Iraq's humanitarian needs and rebuild its crumbling infrastructure. And now it has been asked to give more. It is time for Iraq's creditors to step up to the plate and at last do something for the Iraqi people, instead of for Saddam Hussein. As both direction to Administration policy-makers and to strengthen their hand, it is important that this body go on record with a clear demand for international debt forgiveness for Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, sometimes I think that too many of us are ignoring the big picture during this debate, and sometimes we lose sight of what this money will mean, not only to America but for the entire…
Mr. Speaker, sometimes I think that too many of us are ignoring the big picture during this debate, and sometimes we lose sight of what this money will mean, not only to America but for the entire world.
I have got an article off of CNN.com that just came out that shows that Damascus even ended up voting for the Security Council resolution this morning. They want stability, they want security.
There is another part of this debate that we get caught up in. We all agree that the $66 billion portion of the supplemental is absolutely critical for our troops, for their well-being as they are defending freedom. The debate that we have set about today and through the past couple of weeks, not only as a legislative body but as a people, has really focused on the remaining $18.6 billion of the appropriation.
Let me put it this way: In my district, one of the things we have talked about is that the $66 billion is for the military, and that $18.6 billion that is for reconstruction, that is for you, Mr. Speaker, it is for me. That $18.6 billion is for every single American man, woman and child who never, ever, wants to see another September 11 take place. It is for every American who understands that we have an opportunity, a very unique opportunity, to help reshape a region of the world that has been a breeding ground for hatred and for terrorism.
I have visited with my constituents at Fort Campbell, people that have family members deployed over there. I have stood on the tarmac to shake the hands of the men and women that are returning from over there. These are people that are on the front lines and they understand what is at stake, and they have told me that they think it would be a mistake to withdraw now; if we choose to leave, we will have done a tremendous disservice to our children, to our country; that the work there that we are doing is an investment in making the world a safer place.
I am going to be going to Iraq this month because I want to see the progress that we have made there. I want to see it with my own eyes. I want to thank our men and women in uniform, and I want to let the Iraqi people know we understand that they will be an important and valuable ally in our war on terrorism, but only if we do what is right and necessary for the future and for our kids' futures by providing a critical investment in that country.
We can talk all day about domestic needs and different needs and all sorts of programs that are great programs, but there will never be an end to these, and it is necessary that we fight the war on terrorism.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to step back, take another look at the bigger picture, to support this.
Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, let me note that I support H. Res. 198, and I commend the author for trying to do something. I would note to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman)…
Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, let me note that I support H. Res. 198, and I commend the author for trying to do something.
I would note to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman) that a fig leaf is better than no leaf at all, and this is a step, a very small step in the right direction that focuses on the debt forgiveness and how important that is that we do not keep a mill stone around Iraq's neck, and the people of Iraq, they are going to be democratic.
If they are going to have the stable society, they cannot have this massive debt hanging around their neck that was left them by Saddam Hussein. These are debts that were given to Saddam Hussein, loans that were given to him by these major financial international partners, for example, the Saudis and certainly German and French banks. We should not be saying that they have to repay these loans because no matter how much money we give them or how much is in the donor's conference, they will never prosper with these loans around their neck.
We tried this with Russia and we tried this with Eastern Europe. We insisted that they repay the debts of the Communist-era debts, and it created chaos and undercut progress in that part of the world for 10 years. We cannot afford that with Iraq.
So I support H. Res. 198, but the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman) was absolutely correct when he said this is only part of the major debate which is should the $18.6 billion that we are going to provide as reconstruction money go to Iraq as loans or go to Iraq as a gift. The reason why they are saying it must be a gift is because of these loans that these big bankers made to Saddam Hussein when he was in power. That is no excuse at all. We should not be protecting the validity of $100 billion for the loans to Saddam Hussein from these heavy international financial institutions by giving our money away. We are borrowing this money, this reconstruction money, $18.6 billion because we are in deficit spending, and we are expecting our children to pay it back rather than to have the Iraqi children pay it back when they are on their feet 10 or 20 years from now, when they are the biggest oil producer in the world. We are going to end up paying it back rather than them paying it back. It makes no sense at all.
So I would ask my colleagues to make sure that they pay close attention to the Rohrabacher amendment which makes sure that this will be a loan to Iraq and not a grant and a gift or a giveaway. With that, I support H. Res. 198.
Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to provide an explanation for the votes I missed on October 15 and 16, 2003. Due to a Congressional fact-finding trip to Iraq and other parts of the Middle East, I…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to provide an explanation for the votes I missed on October 15 and 16, 2003. Due to a Congressional fact-finding trip to Iraq and other parts of the Middle East, I unfortunately missed several votes on the floor of the House on the evening of October 15. Additionally, I missed votes on October 16 because I had to attend a conference regarding information technology at the Department of Defense, an issue over which my Subcommittee on Terrorism and Unconventional Threats and Capabilities has sole jurisdiction.
Had I been present, I would have voted in the following fashion:
Rollcall vote 540: ``Aye'' (H.R. 6, On motion to instruct Conferees on the Energy Conservation, Research, and Development).
Rollcall vote 541: ``No'' (H.R. 1308, On motion to instruct Conferees on the Tax Relief, Simplification, and Equity Act).
Rollcall vote 542: ``No'' (H.R. 1, On motion to instruct Conferees on the Medicare Prescription Drug and Modernization Act).
Rollcall vote 543: ``Aye'' (H.R. 1828, On motion to suspend the rules and pass the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Restoration Act of 2003).
Rollcall vote 544: ``Aye'' (H. Res. 396, On ordering the previous question for providing for the Consideration of H.R. 3289: Emergency Supplemental Appropriations for Defense and for the Reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan for Fiscal Year 2004).
Rollcall vote 545: ``Aye'' (H. Res. 198, On agreeing to the resolution as amended which expressed the sense of the House of Representatives that France, Germany, and Russia, can initially best contribute to the reconstruction of Iraq by forgiveness of outstanding debt).
I would like to also note, that I am a cosponsor and strong supporter of the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Restoration Act of
2003 (H.R. 1828) because it holds Syria accountable for the serious international security problems it has caused in the Middle East. Specifically, H.R. 1828 calls on Syria to halt its support for terrorism, end its occupation of Lebanon, stop its development of weapons of mass destruction, and cease its illegal importation of Iraqi oil and illegal shipments of weapons and other military items to Iraq.
Knowing the importance of this bill, I have been a long-time supporter of H.R. 1828. As such, I would have voted in favor of its passage and will continue to work to ensure it is signed into law as soon as possible.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I support this Iraq supplemental because it specifically includes language which I insisted on, which prohibits any American…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I support this Iraq supplemental because it specifically includes language which I insisted on, which prohibits any American taxpayer dollars from being used to pay Iraq's foreign debts. Americans would be justifiably outraged if a dime of the taxpayer aid requested by President Bush allowed Iraq to pay creditors in France, Germany, Russia, or Saudi Arabia. I applaud Chairman Young for including this language to make sure that does not happen.
As we move forward, we must do two things. First, while supporting President Bush and our troops, we must make sure that other countries and the Iraqis themselves contribute substantially to the rebuilding effort. Second, we must work toward the day when we can bring our troops back home and turn control over to a free Iraq. To achieve this mission, Iraqis are creating their own constitution. They are working toward free elections next year, and they are training 55,000 of their own people to provide their own future security.
Now in the interest of straight talk, let me squarely address what may be the most controversial aspect of this bill, and that is whether the money to rebuild Iraq should be in the form of a grant or a loan. After personally speaking with Ambassador Paul Bremer yesterday, who was kind enough to call me from Baghdad, I decided to support President Bush's proposal to make this money available in the form of a grant. And let me tell the Members why. The cost of rebuilding Iraq is estimated to be $55 billion, and the United States is proposing to invest $18.6 billion toward that effort. That means other countries and the Iraqi people themselves will be expected to pay two thirds of the cost for rebuilding Iraq, which is appropriate.
Supporting President Bush's proposal to make this money available as a grant has two key advantages. First, the conference in Madrid, Spain, on October 23 and 24 will remain a donors conference and not turn into a lenders conference. And second, Iraq will be in a much better position to write off nearly all of their foreign debt incurred by Saddam Hussein.
For these reasons I urge my colleagues to support President Bush and vote ``yes'' on the Iraq supplemental and vote ``yes'' on the rule.
Mr. Speaker, today we are debating an issue that has tremendous consequences, certainly for America, for Iraq, for the entire world. After the absolutely horrific attacks on our Nation of the 9/11, I…
Mr. Speaker, today we are debating an issue that has tremendous consequences, certainly for America, for Iraq, for the entire world. After the absolutely horrific attacks on our Nation of the 9/11, I think the al Qaeda thought America would respond by perhaps shooting off a few cruise missiles and go right back to our couches watching the football games. They calculated that Americans would not have the political will to respond; that we would be afraid that if we did respond, that terrorists might ratchet up their attacks against us.
Well, they calculated wrong. They seriously underestimated the resolve of the American people, and they most certainly did not understand an American President who was not afraid, who was willing to take the fight to them. They never expected Afghanistan, and they certainly never expected Iraq.
Today, we have successfully removed the regimes of both the Taliban and of Saddam Hussein, and, as we continue to successfully prosecute the war on terror, as we liberate millions of people, as we continue to export freedom and democracy and liberty across the world, the burden is on us to recognize that we are at a pivotal moment in world history, that we face the task of either stabilizing and ensuring a free Iraq, a democratic Iraq, or not. We need to decide if this war was truly about liberation and not occupation, or let the enemies of freedom point to the United States and say, see, they never really meant it, that this really was about the oil after all, anyway.
Conflict with Saddam was never optional; it was only a matter of when. And if we would have waited, the cost would surely be higher, both in terms of dollars as well as in terms of human life.
Our mission in Iraq has been incredibly successful, and that success has translated in mitigation against future terrorist attacks whose cost cannot be calculated. Today, the entire world watches this vote, and the citizens of the world will be trying to decipher the message that we are sending.
I say the message that we should send is that America is there to help. America will not cut and run. America is serious about assisting them to build their own democracy.
The world is watching us now. We must not fail.
Pass the supplemental.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I rise in support of the resolution and thank the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) for his work. This…
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I rise in support of the resolution and thank the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) for his work.
This resolution is a good start but I believe the House must do more to promote debt relief for Iraq. The sense of Congress states that France, Germany and Russia should recognize the role that Iraq's current debt could play in hindering its reconstruction. I strongly agree with this language but we should move beyond France, Germany and Russia on this issue.
While total debt figures are difficult to gather, Representative Coalition Director Paul Bremer has put the number at roughly $200 billion, and actually, the debt of France, Germany and Russia is just a fraction of the total debt. Russia's estimated to be owed between $9 and $12 billion. The amount of Iraq's debt to France ranges from $1.7 to $4 billion and Germany is owed $4 billion. Iraq owes its neighboring countries far, far more money than it does Germany and Russia and over $4 billion is owed to the United States.
Together with the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) I have introduced a bill, the Iraq Freedom from Debt Act, and this legislation would require the U.S. representatives at the IMF and World Bank to vote within these highly influential international financial institutions to reduce the debt owed to Iraq.
The IMF and World Bank are owed roughly $150 million, and together with the U.S., these institutions are working with the international community on the donor conference to reduce Iraq's debt.
As my colleague pointed out, the neighboring countries of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait owe much much more. Just this past weekend in Qatar, the foreign minister indicated the $1.5 billion owed to Qatar, they would negotiate relief in that debt. Much of this debt was odious debt to build palaces for Saddam Hussein, and certainly the people of Iraq should not be saddled with having to repay it.
I will put the balance of my remarks in the record in the interest of time.
Mr. Speaker, to visit an Austin widow with three preschool children and no longer a husband is to understand that far more than $87 billion is involved in what we do today. We all honor those who die…
Mr. Speaker, to visit an Austin widow with three preschool children and no longer a husband is to understand that far more than $87 billion is involved in what we do today. We all honor those who die for our country. But the question for Congress is whether we can pursue a policy that allows more of these brave young Americans to live for America.
We do not have a shortage of money in Iraq. We have a shortage of sound thinking and in good planning in pursuit of international cooperation in Washington, DC, where we have Washington ideologues paired up against courageous young Americans who are fighting for us in Iraq.
Our responsibility in Congress is to ensure that more lives and more tax dollars are not squandered as quickly as this Administration squandered international goodwill after 9/11. To those in Washington who defend this failed policy by saying, ``we have to stand with our troops,'' of course, this Administration did not even ask for additional spending until last month. Until that point, they told us nothing was necessary. Indeed a nonpartisan report released yesterday, as reflected in this chart, indicates that if we did not appropriate a single cent today, the Army has enough appropriations to last through half of next year. This question is not about providing more Kevlar vests for our troops. It is about providing ``political Kevlar'' for those who want to get through the next election.
Those who pursued an extreme ideology have reversed 50 years of bipartisan American foreign policy in favor of a preemptive war, and today a large number of Members of this Congress are going to say ``no,'' not to our troops, who we stand with and honor, but ``no'' to a failed policy. We are going to stand by the courageous young men and women in Iraq in uniform, but not with the ideologues in Washington in business suits who have failed them with their policies.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the former speaker's comments, but I rise today to oppose the rule and the underlying bill, because I think the very thoughtful amendment of the gentleman from Wisconsin…
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the former speaker's comments, but I rise today to oppose the rule and the underlying bill, because I think the very thoughtful
amendment of the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) should have had a full discussion on the floor of the House.
Maybe we have not listened to the words of the administration. I do not believe that $20 billion is for any one of you in America. It actually is undermining the needs of Americans with Medicare and Medicaid and jobs.
Secretary Rumsfeld said just a few weeks ago, ``If you worry about just the cost, the money, Iraq is a very different situation from Afghanistan. Iraq has oil. They have financial resources.'' But yet we find the administration coming and asking us for $20 billion.
There is no reason to vote for this supplemental under the guise of supporting troops, when our troops do not have the armor, they do not have the water, they do not have the right kind of equipment.
I would say to this body, it is imperative that you use your oversight responsibilities to stand with the troops, to make sure that they have the number of troops so they can be refreshed and cycled back home. You have troops on the frontline that I have met this weekend in the Mideast who told me that they have been there for 6 and 7 and 8 months and nobody will tell them when they can go home.
I am going to stand for the troops today. Vote against this ill- fated, misdirected $87 billion, because the administration does not know what they are talking about.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Speaker, I will take just a brief moment to bring this point to the table. This is a meritorious resolution if we had had a consensus and a collaboration…
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I will take just a brief moment to bring this point to the table.
This is a meritorious resolution if we had had a consensus and a collaboration with France and Germany and Russia on how they would participate in the overall rebuilding of Iraq, but I do believe, as my colleague from California has indicated, that this is only sort of a stopgap or sort of a distraction from the overall massive debate of how outrageous the $87 billion is, and I will just say this, Mr. Speaker, and then I will yield back.
Right now, the $87 billion in comparison to the Marshall Plan will generate about $900 per Iraqi, per Iraqi, if we were to give that amount of money. That is a far cry from the amount of money that was generated on behalf of those during the Marshall Plan when there were 16 countries involved, and even though it was in those dollars, it was somewhere around $200 per capita.
This would be a good resolution if we had had a cooperation or collaboration or agreement with our allies on how they would participate in the rebuild, but right now we are sort of making a statement to those who are actually not going to listen.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on House Resolution 198, the…
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on House Resolution 198, the resolution just considered.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 198 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
October 16, 2003.
Whereas France, Germany, Russia, and other nations have expressed an interest in
assisting in the reconstruction of Iraq;
Whereas France, Germany, Russia, and other nations have previously encouraged
and provided debt relief as a way to assist other nations;
Whereas France, Germany, Russia, and other nations had extensive trade
relationships with Iraq;
Whereas loans and other support from France, Germany, Russia, and other nations
were used by the Saddam Hussein regime to support the development of its
weapons of mass destruction programs, the expansion of the Iraqi Army
that the regime used to invade its neighbors, and the building of
palaces, monuments, and other means of aggrandizing Saddam Hussein;
Whereas the United States has already provided approximately $3,000,000,000 in
the form of grants to provide for the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi
people and to rebuild Iraq's crumbling infrastructure; and
Whereas France, Germany, Russia, and other nations are capable of making
generous pledges for the reconstruction of Iraq at the International
Conference on Reconstruction in Iraq to be held in Madrid: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Representatives that France,
Germany, Russia, and other nations--
(1) should work with multilateral institutions and with creditor
nations in the ``Paris Club'' to establish a debt forgiveness program
for Iraq to aid its reconstruction;
(2) should make generous pledges for the reconstruction of Iraq at
the International Conference on Reconstruction in Iraq to be held in
Madrid; and
(3) should acknowledge the role that Iraq's current debt plays in
hindering its reconstruction.
Attest:
Clerk.