Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 339) to prevent frivolous lawsuits against the manufacturers, distributors, or sellers of food or non-alcoholic beverage products that comply with applicable statutory and regulatory requirements.

Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to substitute myself for the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) and control the time in opposition to the bill.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I want to start by putting a couple of things in perspective. First of all, I agree with a lot of what the gentleman from Wisconsin (Chairman Sensenbrenner) has said about personal responsibility, so I want to go on record as saying that. I personally like fast food on some occasions, but I also take personal responsibility for my own fitness. So I am not here about personal responsibility. People do have personal responsibility. Let me put that on record.

I am here as the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law, a subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary and, for that reason, I have the responsibility to control the disposition of time on this bill. And because I am standing

in the middle of it, I suspect there will be a number of things said that I need to clarify in advance to position myself.

First of all, I suspect that my colleagues are going to hear that I am somehow a defender of fat, irresponsible people today. I suspect that at some time during the course of this debate, I am going to be characterized as the defender of irresponsible litigation. I suspect at some point during the course of this debate today I am going to be characterized as the defender of trial lawyers, the hated trial lawyers that many of my Republican colleagues just despise so much.

Let me make it clear at the outset of this debate that I am not here as any of those things. I personally do not think much of these kinds of lawsuits, and I want to go on record as saying that. But that is not the criteria in which I can evaluate this proposed legislation.

As a member of the Committee on the Judiciary, I have some other responsibilities. I have a responsibility to defend the federalist system that has been set up under which we operate and which is a constitutional framework over which States and local governments have certain responsibilities and over which the Federal Government has certain responsibilities. And too often, what we hear in this body is lip service to that federalist system and lip service to the proposition that people support States' rights and, yet, when the rubber meets the road, they walk away from any commitment to it. I think that is what is happening with this legislation that we are debating today, because this has been an area that has been uniquely within the province of States and State judiciaries and State legislatures.

I also want to warn us against this notion that somehow or another, our court system is run amok and that we should take responsibility as Members of Congress in trying to correct every aspect of our court system. Now, I want to tell my colleagues, I suspect that if there was anybody here who ought to be suspicious and concerned about State courts and State courts running amok, it would be me. I grew up in the era of the civil rights movement, and many of the State court judges during that era were not especially sensitive to people who looked like me and had the racial characteristics that I do. But one of the things that I learned during that process is that I do not always like the result that a court comes out with, but the system of justice and judicial responsibility and the division of responsibilities between the legislative branch and the judicial branch, between the Federal, State, and local governments is a pristine, wonderful system that we should honor, and sometimes we have to be patient and let this work itself out in a way over time, and that is exactly what has happened in this case. From the dropping of this bill to the time that we have come to the floor to debate it today, every single lawsuit that has been filed dealing with this issue, every single lawsuit has been dismissed by the courts.

So when I say this is a solution in search of a problem, understand that there is no problem out there. The court system has already addressed this perceived problem that we have. This, I say to my colleagues, is an effort to take this politicized notion of personal responsibility and try to rub people's faces in it without regard to the federalist system in which we are operating.

This bill would insulate an entire industry from liability and would undermine and insult, insult our State judiciaries in the various States around the country, and the State legislatures and the whole concept of Federalism. The growing trend in this body to attempt to preempt by legislation litigation that is deemed ``undesirable'' or ``frivolous'' is very troublesome. It gets us to a legislation by anecdote, a legislation by result, rather than any kind of honoring of the process that we should be working within.

I believe it is arrogant and disrespectful of our system of government. This bill and others like it presume that State courts, State legislatures, and the citizens of the States themselves are woefully incompetent to address burdens on their systems of government and that, somehow, we, as Members of Congress, have some great intellectual capacity and responsibility up here to control everything that exists in our country. It is a wrong-headed approach that we have set upon.

There is absolutely no evidence in support of the proposition that our States cannot handle these matters. The details of this bill drafted in haste will be aptly debated throughout the amendment process. But my major concern, and one that I will reflect in the amendments to the bill that I offer, is what we should be doing as national policymakers. I do not believe that overreacting to every headline constitutes responsible legislating. I hope that this body will get back to the business of evaluating the serious problems confronting the American people and developing some solutions to those problems: employment, the economy, deficits, war. And this bill does not do that. Simply put, as I indicated before, this is a solution in search of a problem, and it would not even be on the floor, I think, today if we were dealing with some of the problems that we really ought to be confronting.

Mr. Chairman, with that, having set the framework, I will reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute simply to respond to the prior speaker.

Here we go, exactly what I said was about to happen is happening. 89 percent of the public support does not support these kinds of lawsuits, but that does not mean that we need a Federal statute to deal with this issue. In fact, it probably means exactly the opposite of that.

Second, there have been a number of suits filed and every single one of them has been dismissed up to this point. So the process is working. And you are already beginning to see that this is really about having this opportunity in an official context to beat up on trial lawyers. We ought to be trying to do some serious legislating rather than just politicking with this bill.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Scott.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton).

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman and Members, I would just reiterate a couple of points. It strikes me that given what has transpired since this bill was introduced, even if it was originally a good idea and even if you accepted the notion that State courts were going to be irresponsible and not do what they are supposed to be doing, now that we have seen the passage of time and had the proof that State courts will dismiss these lawsuits, even if this bill was a good idea, it seems to me that we have proven with the passage of time that it is now definitely a solution in search of a problem. The lawsuits have been dismissed.

So, in effect, the system has worked exactly like we would like it to work. That is the way our system is set up. If an individual believes that he has a cause of action and they believe that they have been wronged, or somebody has failed in meeting a standard that is applicable, they have the right to file a lawsuit, go to court, and have that court make a determination on their lawsuit. And that is exactly what has happened.

Now, quite often people make those judgments in different ways and you end up with lawsuits being filed that get dismissed. And that happens to probably well over 90 percent of the cases that get filed in court--they get dismissed before they come to trial.

Does that mean that they are all frivolous? Well, some of them probably are frivolous. And there are rules in place that allow the courts to sanction people and fine them and charge them attorneys fees of the opposing party when they file frivolous lawsuits. But people still file frivolous lawsuits, and those rules then are triggered and the courts handle that.

Does it mean that even the frivolous lawsuits should not have been dismissed? Well, there is another category of cases where there is not enough law to support filing a lawsuit. Whether you have a good lawsuit is a function of whether you have got the facts and a function of whether you have got the law on your side. But our system is set up to allow courts to make that determination, and I would submit that State courts have as much expertise, probably more expertise, in making these determinations than our Federal judiciary.

The next point I would draw from this is that as these lawsuits have been dismissed, it strikes me that it is less and less and less likely that subsequent lawsuits will be filed because then you have got a backdrop against which people can go into court and say, well, this issue has been determined by a court adversely and so it should not be here. There is an increased possibility, probability that courts will find that subsequent lawsuits are frivolous in this area. But all of those things argue for our staying out of this and not building a whole new Federal framework for dealing with a problem that does not exist because our system is working.

Now, the next point I want to make that I have heard come out of this general debate up to this point is this job loss notion. I have heard some really interesting explanations by this administration about why we are losing jobs in this country. But this about takes all I have heard. Here we are now with some of my colleagues saying, well, if we allow these lawsuits to be filed against McDonalds or whatever the fast food chains are, we are going to result in job loss, and that is what is causing the big job loss in this country.

Give me a break. We ought to know better. And there are a bunch of reasons that I could go into about why we are losing jobs, but this would be about the 999,000th reason that I would get to before I would be identifying a source for job loss in this country. So we are kind of grasping at straws here, from my perspective, on that argument.

Finally, it amazes me how the same people who, over and over and over, had campaigned saying they believe in local control and States' rights. When they do not get the result that they want at the State level or even in this case when they do get the result that they want at the State level because all of these cases have been resolved adversely that have been filed, it is amazing to me why we think in our arrogance in this body that we ought to just take over because we do not like the result or we think State legislators are incompetent or local elected officials are incompetent, we ought to take it over at the Federal level and forget about the constitutional framework that we are operating in. And it is more inexcusable to me when these bills come out of the Committee on the Judiciary, where there should be the highest of respect for the constitutional parameters in which we operate.

This is not something that we should be doing from a number of different perspectives. And I just beg my colleagues, I guess it is a good debate. It is a good way to get us out here on the floor and take up some time when we really ought to be talking about the things that are really causing job loss. We are out here grasping at straws looking for some something to do today. Do we not have something else that we could be doing on the floor today that really honors our constitutional framework? Surely there must be something better.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I am going to ask the gentleman from Michigan if I can ask him a question or two, if he will go back to the microphone because he touched on a subject that I talked about in the general debate here, and he at least has tried to put this in perspective for me.

I could not quite figure out what it was that the argument was that this bill was about job creation. Is the gentleman now saying that the production of hamburgers is a manufacturing job?

I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman giving me that enlightenment because I had been trying to stretch my imagination to figure out how this debate was about jobs, and I think the gentleman has put his finger on it. I do not necessarily agree with him, but at least that gives the argument some plausibility if one is trying to argue that the processing of hamburgers is manufacturing jobs and it is a manufacturing process and that we have got to protect manufacturing jobs in this country, then we want to do everything we can, but I think it is a stretch.

As I said before the gentleman arrived on the floor, I have heard some pretty interesting explanations for job loss in this country, but this would be way, way, way down the list, like 999,000 on my list of the problems that is creating job loss in this country. I am surprised that the sponsors of this bill have couched it in terms of job creation, but the gentleman has certainly, with the years of experience he has been here, given me some framework within which to evaluate that. I am most appreciative to him.

I yield to the gentleman.

Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I am going to join my colleague from Michigan in supporting the amendment. I am not sure whether it was tongue-in-cheek that he was supporting the whole concept, but I cannot join him in supporting the bill if he is supporting the bill. I doubt that that is what he is doing. I think that was kind of tongue-in-cheek that he was proceeding, but I certainly support this amendment. It makes a terrible bill less terrible. We could not make it any worse, I do not think, and more importantly, from the sponsor's perspective, it keeps the bill from having to go to the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

But this is such a critical piece of legislation that it must be considered on the floor today and anything that would delay the consideration of it on the floor today, even if it went to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, which has jurisdiction over most food issues and matters of commerce of this kind, would surely be counterproductive.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the gentleman from Virginia's (Mr. Scott) amendment. It seems to me to be absolutely consistent with the manager's amendment which said that this legislation was not going to be construed to include an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act.

State consumer protection laws are characteristically State counterparts to the Federal Trade Commission Act. They are States' efforts to protect the same kind of things at the State level that the Federal Trade Commission has jurisdiction over at the Federal level.

Now, this kind of takes me back to the argument before, I had the notion that the reason that they really were striking the Federal Trade Commission Act from the applicability of this proposed law was because they really did not want this legislation to have to go to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, so it was more about them not wanting to delay today's proceedings and not wanting them to let the Committee on Energy and Commerce, for which there has been a long-standing tension on many issues between the Committee on the Judiciary and the Committee on Energy and Commerce, they did not want them to have any jurisdiction over this.

But if we are going to exclude actions brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act at the Federal level, in fairness, unless we are saying to the States that somehow or other they are less attentive to these issues or less intelligent or have less of an interest in protecting your citizens than your big brother Federal Government has, then it seems to me that we ought to be following the same process at the State level, and it is the State consumer protection laws that are the equivalent of the Federal Trade Commission Act on the Federal basis.

So if we are going to be parallel or consistent in our evaluation of these things, it seems to me that the amendment of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) makes patently good sense. And of course I am not sure that any of this is designed to make patently good sense, but I think it is our obligation in this body to at least try to bring some consistency to it.

Now I am assuming that under the Federal Trade Commission Act, if there are any individual causes of action, those things would be protected also. I do not know that. We have not had any hearings on this to make that kind of determination, but certainly the word ``person,'' as it is defined, would exclude State consumer protection laws that are typically administered by the attorney general for the protection of the citizens in that particular State, and perhaps that is the reason that the State attorneys general are so vigorously opposed to this legislation. They do not view us or the Federal Trade Commission as being their big brothers, and more brilliant, sometimes more arrogant, they would tell you. They think that they serve a pretty valuable role in this Federal system that we have. Again, we are dishonoring that role. I urge support for the gentleman's amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. Chairman, the amendment that is being offered simply strikes two words from the bill. Those words are ``or State.''

This is an opportunity for those of us who really believe in the Federalist system in which we operate. Those of us who believe truly in the rights of States to control what happens in their States and in their communities, those who believe truly in States' rights to get it right, I am giving you the opportunity.

If there is a rationale for our involvement in this and if there is something that we should be exercising jurisdiction over, it is what comes into the Federal courts, and not what goes into the State courts. So the effect of this amendment is simply to take out the State court component of this.

I want to confess up front that I think this is a bad idea, whether it is in the Federal court or the State court; so I am going to vote against the bill even if this amendment passes. But for those who believe that this is a good bill, that this is a worthy cause, if you have any belief in the Federalist form of government in which we operate, that States and State judiciaries and legislators have certain powers, then you should be supporting this amendment.

State courts and legislatures are perfectly capable of determining which lawsuits are appropriate and which lawsuits constitute an undesired drain on their resources. Right now, 11 State legislatures, including California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, South Dakota, Washington and Wisconsin, the chairman's own State, have introduced or passed legislation to ban some form of obesity-related lawsuits. Some of those States have banned a broader range of cases than this proposed legislation would ban.

H.R. 339, this legislation that we are considering, would displace and disrespect the actions of those State legislatures that have acted and impose a ban on those States that have not perceived a need to enact legislation banning obesity suits.

The bill arrogantly presumes that State court judges are incapable; and I am going to keep saying that over, and over and over again. I have said it a million times; I may say it a million more times before this debate is over. It is arrogant for us to assume that State court judges are incapable of carrying out their judicial responsibilities. Should State court judges determine that any lawsuit lacks merit or appropriate proof, they can dismiss it. If they determine that a case is frivolous, they can dismiss it and sanction the attorneys involved.

The proponents of this bill seek to prevent cases that have already gone through the system and have been dismissed. This bill is a solution in search of a problem, believe me.

If there is a rationale for this bill, and I do not believe there is, we at least ought to respect the Federalist form in which we are operating and limit the application of the bill to cases filed in the Federal court. We are not Big Brother here in this body, and my colleagues have reminded us of that many, many times rhetorically. They say they believe in States' rights. If they do, if you do, my colleagues, please support the Watt amendment.

Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding. The gentleman puts it a lot milder than I do.

I am not surprised, but I am extremely insulted, that this piece of crap, this bill, would be put on the same level that our civil rights laws in this country have been put on.

Now, I am not surprised. I knew that was coming, because we have had this discussion with my chairman on several occasions on this floor. But I want you to know that the notion that there are basic constitutional rights that the civil rights laws had to enact to enforce was based on rights that were articulated in the Constitution. The right to vote, and it is a shame that we had to have legislation at the Federal level to make it clear that the right to vote applied to all of our citizens in this country, there is no comparison between this bill and that.

The right to travel on a bus and sit where you want, it is a shame that we had to have Federal legislation to tell the States that they had to enforce that basic human constitutional right.

I am insulted that this piece of legislation, and if I went too far in calling it a piece of crap, I apologize to the Chair. I knew he shuddered when I said that, so maybe that is going too far. But it is an abomination for us to be trying to compare this statute to the civil rights laws.

I am really disappointed that this kind of expansive, unprecedented interpretation of the Commerce Clause would be articulated by the chairman of our committee on the floor of the House of Representatives. Under the theory that has just been advanced, to tie it back to the Commerce Clause, to tie this legislation back to the Commerce Clause, anything could be taken over by the Federal Government. There would not be any State legislatures or State courts. Anything in commerce of any kind could be taken over.

That is not what the Commerce Clause says. And with all due respect, I went to law school too. I took my constitutional law under a guy named Robert Bork. I do not think he would say that is what the Commerce Clause says.

I am flabbergasted that we would be told on this floor that this proposed legislation is sanctioned by the Commerce Clause and that it is anywhere in the ball park close to what the civil rights laws were designed to do.

We ought be ashamed of ourselves. And we ought be ashamed of ourselves for destroying the Federal concept that our Founding Fathers made for us. It would be something else if we were doing it about something that is real. There is not a single pending lawsuit now involved that has not already been dismissed. The States are already acting on this. It is not as if they are ignoring it.

If you were in the State legislature, if you want to go vote on stuff like this, go to the State legislature. Many of us came out of the State legislatures. There are people there that are just as smart, just as intelligent as we are here in this body. For us to insult our State legislators and our State judiciary for some political purpose is unforgivable, in my opinion.

announcement by the chairman pro tempore

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Andrews amendment, and I would say that this is one of the areas, one of several areas, in fact, that the processing of this bill without really letting it go through the Committee on Commerce or without really a whole heck of a lot of deliberation in the Committee on the Judiciary, and hearings, this is just one of those areas that might have been dealt with if the bill were being considered in a serious legislative process, rather than just a political vehicle.

I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I would just say that the gentleman need not worry about whether there is a definition of obesity. If they do not like the definition of ``obesity'' that the courts give, I guarantee my colleagues we will be back here next year or the year after next with a Federal piece of legislation that is designed to solve that problem. That is the way this bill is being processed and the spirit in which it is being processed. Unfortunately, nobody has any good ideas or can protect their own States, other than this Congress or my colleagues on this committee, and that is the way they proceeded.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the gentleman from Washington's (Mr. Inslee) amendment; and I want to yield to him, but I want to make one comment before I do so.

My colleague, the sponsor of this bill, has on several occasions told us a persuasive, powerful reason for doing something related to this bill is something that we did related to H.R. 1036. First of all, many of us voted against H.R. 1036. It did pass this body, but then it went to the Senate and the Senate jettisoned the bill. So to use as some powerful reason that something is in a bill that had not even gone through the legislative process, was not even worthy of sending to the President's desk for signature, strikes me as being about as far a stretch as saying that this bill is about employment rather than politics.

Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee).

Reclaiming my time, I would just reiterate the points that the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) has made and suggest to him and the body and the chairman that it is unfortunate that the Committee on the Judiciary in the House has become the repository of everything essentially political. And so two things quite often result from that: number one, just about every vote is a party-line vote because we know that there is a political reason, not a substantive reason that the legislation is being put forward.

Number two, it quite often puts us in a position of thinking, well, this legislation is not serious and it is not going anywhere anyway, and as happened with the legislation that has been referred to on several occasions here, well, the United States Senate, the more deliberative body, will bail us out and save us from ourselves.

I think that is a dangerous slippery slope that our committee has gotten on, and I wish there was some way to pull us back from that so that we would in our committee anticipate, have hearings, and deal with the kind of serious problem that has been identified by the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) here; and it would not be just a question of whether the sponsor of the bill thinks that this does not apply or may not apply. Maybe under those circumstances the committee and its members would look at what this stuff really says, the bill, look at the drafting of the bill. That is part of our responsibility as legislators, and it is even more a part of our responsibility as members of the Committee on the Judiciary; and I fear that we have failed in that responsibility.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

The chairman of our committee may be correct about that part of the bill, but only if the manager's amendment passes, I think would he be correct in what he has said, and at this point, while all of us are in support of the manager's amendment, I guess until this bill passes, I mean, we are still here.

I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time just for a second, because when we are in the middle of a debate and we are trying to figure out the impact of amendments and coordinate them, it becomes a little unclear what is happening.

The original bill did say that an action regarding the sale of a qualified product which is adulterated, as described in section 402 of the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act was one of the things that was not covered under the base bill. The manager's amendment, however, struck that language and inserted instead, such terms shall not be construed to include an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act. It makes no reference to adulterated, I believe. Maybe I am misreading this, but this is one of those things where I think we should take absolutely no chance.

Even if it is redundant in some way, it clearly was not intended and I would hope that my colleagues would just accept the amendment. If it turns out to be redundant, then there are a whole bunch of things in the law that are redundant. That has never been something that we have shied away from. If we want to make something patently clear, we quite often make it redundant. We might say it three, four or five times in the same statute, and this is a point that I think needs to be made patently clear.

I yield back to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman).

Reclaiming my time, the gentleman seems to be shaking his head yes. Maybe that means he is going to accede to the argument. If he is, I am happy to yield to him for that purpose.

The gentleman is not there yet. In that case, I hope he will get there, because if there is any ambiguity in this, we need to make sure that it is cleared up, and I think it is very ambiguous at this point. I would rather have a redundant provision in the bill than to have an ambiguous or no provision in the bill.

Mr. Chairman, I am just wondering whether we have the right manager's amendment, because I do not for the life of me see any of what the gentleman just described as being in the manager's amendment, or in the amendment that I have. Perhaps I have the wrong one.

The manager's amendment I have substitute language that says nothing about adulteration.

Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield, is it not true that only the government could bring an action there? It would not be an individual action. And would that not be the exact point that the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman) is making?

Mr. Chairman, I just want to respond to one thing that the gentleman just said who just debated. I, obviously, did not know any of our Founding Fathers personally, so it is hard for me to imagine what would make them turn over in their grave or whatever, as he indicated. But I think they would be a lot more distressed that we were here in this body today saying that State legislators are incompetent to handle these issues in our Federalist form of government than they would likely be incensed with us dealing with this mundane issue having to do with french fries and hamburgers. I think that is what would distress our Founding Fathers. And I regret that the gentleman missed that part of the debate earlier here. I think that is the distressing thing about this debate.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Lampson).

I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself 8 minutes.

(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, despite the rhetoric coming from the other side, this is not an open rule. This rule requires that any Member who wants to improve this bill must have already preprinted their amendment in yesterday's Congressional Record. Now, it is interesting to note that when they were in the minority, the Republicans condemned preprinting requirements, but now that they are in power, they find this and other procedures to close the process completely acceptable. In fact, even the very distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier) agrees that preprinting requirements are wrong, or at least he used to.

On July 20, 1993, the very distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules said this about a Democratic rule requiring that all amendments be preprinted: ``This rule also requires amendments to be printed in the Congressional Record. Now, that might not sound like much, but it is another bad policy that belittles the traditions of House debate. If amendments must be preprinted, then it is impossible to listen to the debate on the floor, come up with a new idea to improve the bill, and then offer an amendment to incorporate that idea. Why do we need this burdensome preprinting process? Shouldn't the committees that report these bills have a grasp of the issues affecting the legislation under their jurisdiction? Again, Mr. Speaker, I think we can do better.''

Well, I agree completely with my friend from California. We can do better. Unfortunately, in this Congress, we are actually doing worse. This year, of the nine rules this body considered, only one has been a truly open rule. That is a batting average of 111, which will get you kicked off of my son's T-ball team. According to the Republicans' own definition, eight out of nine rules have been restrictive, and that one open rule brought a bill to the floor that was approved by a voice vote.

Now, Mr. Speaker, as for the underlying bill, this is an unnecessary distraction from the real problems facing the American people. In August 2002, two children brought suit against McDonald's, claiming the corporation bore legal responsibility for their obesity and health problems. The case got a great deal of media attention which is, I am sure, part of why we are doing this thing today. The judge working on the case quickly recognized that this lawsuit was clearly frivolous and dismissed the case.

In other words, Mr. Speaker, the system worked. But that is not good enough for the Republicans. Now they want to radically change the rules, not just so Americans cannot bring forth so-called frivolous lawsuits, but so that almost any case of negligence against these types of companies is banned. This bill is retroactive: any case currently pending before a judge would be subject to the new law. Mr. Speaker, you do not change the rules during the middle of the game, but that is just what this bill does.

This bill has many, many, many problems, and my colleagues on the Committee on the Judiciary will talk more about the merits or lack of merits of the bill during general debate. But there are bigger issues here.

Mr. Speaker, obesity is a problem, and this week we learned that obesity will soon pass smoking as the leading cause of preventable deaths. Americans, especially children, are gaining weight at alarming rates. In fact, according to the National Alliance for Nutrition and Activity, obesity is the Nation's fastest rising public health problem. According to the Department of Health and Human Services,

unhealthy eating and inactivity cause about 1,200 deaths every day. That is five times more than the number of people killed by guns, HIV, and drug use combined.

Now, adding to this is the fact that it just does not affect the obese person; it puts a burden on the entire system, from hospitals to the workplace to the home. And, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, healthier diets could prevent at least $71 billion per year in medical costs, lost productivity, and lost lives. The Centers for Disease Control estimates that if all physically inactive Americans became active, we would save $77 billion in annual medical costs. And this does not even begin to discuss the issue of hunger in America.

Unfortunately, there are many people in this country who suffer from hunger and yet, paradoxically, are obese because the little food they do get is not nutritious. Low-income families face a real need to stretch their food dollars to maximize the number of calories they consume. We are finding that low-income families may eat foods that may cost less, but that have relatively higher levels of calories per dollar to stave off hunger when they lack the money or other resources like food stamps to purchase a healthier balance of more nutritious foods. Simply put, it becomes a trade-off between food quantity and food quality.

Now, it is obvious to everyone, everyone but the House Republican leadership, apparently, that obesity and hunger are serious public health issues that need to be dealt with in serious ways.

But instead of bringing legislation before this body that will help feed the hungry, provide families with information on how to prepare and eat nutritious meals, encourage the food and restaurant industry to be more responsible and help raise the standard of living, we are here today considering a fake bill that pretends to fix a fake problem.

Now, I would like to tell the American public that we are actually having a real substantive debate about obesity in ways to address this national problem but we are not. And although today's bill would undoubtedly restrict lawsuits against restaurants, food manufacturers, and food distributors, what it really does is highlight the priorities, actually the lack of priorities, of this Republican-controlled Congress.

For example, over 760,000 Americans sit at home, jobless and without any income because the Republicans in Congress will not extend them unemployment benefits. But the majority party all of a sudden can find the time to take up this legislation.

While the European Union adds tariffs to American goods because of a trade dispute, the Republican majority continues to let a bipartisan compromise sit and gather dust; but the leadership can find the time to try to ram another partisan corporate tax cut through the House that will not address any real problem.

And while over 40 million Americans woke up this morning without health insurance, last week the majority took precious time out of their limited legislative schedule to set the rules for commercial space flight, which does not even exist yet.

With all the challenges facing this country, and with the limited schedule set by the Republicans this year, is this the best bill to consider? Is this the best use of the House's time? The answer is no. And, unfortunately, the Republican Party continues to ignore the real issues facing this country.

And it just goes to show you how misguided and out of touch the majority party continues to be.

Mr. Speaker, the United States House of Representatives is supposed to be a serious place. This is where the great issues are supposed to be debated. But under this Republican leadership, this House has become a place where trivial issues are debated passionately and serious ones not at all.

We should have a debate about the problem of obesity. And that debate should include serious discussions about the ways we can effectively deal with that issue. But that is not what we are doing here today. What we are doing here today, quite frankly, is, once again, concocting a way to avoid doing the people's business.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman yield for a question?

Mr. Speaker, I thought the gentleman from California was going to yield to me.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me ask the question to the gentleman from California (Mr.

Dreier) that I wanted to ask, which was he says this is an open rule, but if a Member is watching this debate right now, either a Democrat or Republican, and comes up with a great idea for an amendment, will that Member be allowed to offer his or her amendment on the floor right now? It is a simple yes or no answer.

Mr. Speaker, I reclaim my time.

I also point out again the gentleman (Mr. Dreier) talks about the openness of the Committee on Rules, but let me use his definitions, the definitions of the Republicans when they were in the minority. Under those definitions, this year of the nine rules we have had, one has been open, one has been closed, one was procedural, and there were six restrictive rules. This is hardly any kind of an example.

Mr. Speaker, I will not. Mr. Speaker, I control the time.

Mr. Speaker, I will extend the same courtesy to the gentleman that he extended to me.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), who has been a champion on the issue of nutrition issues.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, all these insane, crazy lawsuits that people are referring to are getting dismissed and the system seems to be working.

We have a real problem and this bill does not address that problem in any way, shape, or form. If anything, this bill says to the restaurant industry and the food industry, you do not have any responsibility, you do not have any responsibility to our kids and the type of products that you try to peddle to them. I think that is the wrong message.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record an article that appeared in today's Washington Post entitled ``Obesity Passing Smoking As Top Avoidable Cause of Death.''

[From the Washington Post, Mar. 10, 2004]

Obesity Passing Smoking as Top Avoidable Cause of Death

(By Rob Stein)

America's weight problem is rapidly overtaking cigarette

smoking as the leading cause of preventable deaths, federal

health officials reported yesterday.

Although tobacco is still the top cause of avoidable

deaths, the widespread pattern of physical inactivity

combined with unhealthful diets is poised to become No. 1

because of the resulting epidemic of obesity, officials said.

``Obesity is catching up to tobacco as the leading cause of

death in America. If this trend continues it will soon

overtake tobacco,'' said Julie L. Gerberding, director of the

federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which

conducted the study.

If current trends continue, obesity will become the leading

cause by next year, with the toll surpassing 500,000 deaths

annually, rivaling the number of annual deaths from cancer,

the researchers found.

``This is a tragedy,'' Gerberding said. ``We are looking at

this as a wake-up call.''

Being overweight or obese makes people much more likely to

develop a variety of deadly health problems, including

diabetes, heart disease and cancer.

In response, the Bush administration announced a new public

education program yesterday, including a humorous advertising

campaign that encourages Americans to take small steps to

lose weight. In addition, the National Institutes of Health

proposed an anti-obesity research agenda. Tomorrow, a special

task force will present the Food and Drug Administration with

recommendations on what that agency can do to help reverse

the cresting public health crisis.

``Americans need to understand that overweight and obesity

are literally killing us,'' said Health and Human Services

Secretary Tommy G. Thompson. ``To know that poor eating

habits and inactivity are on the verge of surpassing tobacco

use as the leading cause of preventable death in America

should motivate all Americans to take action to protect their

health.''

Critics, however, immediately denounced the moves as

inadequate, saying the administration should take more

aggressive steps to encourage more healthful diets, and force

the food industry to improve its products and stop

advertising junk food to children.

``The government should have been much more aggressive

about this much earlier,'' said Kelly Brownell, director of

Yale University's Center for Eating and Weight Disorders.

``Even now, the administration defaults to explaining the

problem away by individual responsibility and lack of

physical activity rather than focusing on the toxic food

environment.''

The new estimates of the rising toll of obesity come in the

first update of a landmark paper that ranked the nation's

preventable causes of death in 1990.

Cigarette smoking, which increases the risk of a host of

illnesses including lung cancer, emphysema and heart disease,

topped that list. But antismoking campaigns have led to a

steady decline in the number of Americans who use tobacco,

slowing the rise in the resulting toll of illness and death.

In the new analysis, published in today's Journal of the

American Medical Association, Gerberding and her colleagues

conducted a comprehensive review of the medical literature to

calculate the most precise estimate possible of the risk of

dying from all the leading causes of preventable death,

including being obese or overweight. They then multiplied

that risk by the number of Americans known to be overweight

or obese, based on long-term, ongoing national surveys used

to track the nation's health, which are the most accurate

data available. The result, the researchers said, is the most

reliable such estimate to date.

Tobacco still ranked No. 1, accounting for about 435,000

deaths, or 18.1 percent of the total. But poor diet and

physical inactivity were close behind and rapidly increasing,

causing 400,000 deaths, or 16.6 percent. That represented a

dramatic change from 10 years earlier, when tobacco killed

400,000 Americans (19 percent) and poor diet and physical

inactivity killed 300,000 (14 percent).

``There's been a big narrowing of the gap,'' said Ali H.

Mokdad, who heads the CDC's behavioral research branch. It is

particularly striking because the toll of every other leading

cause of preventable death--including alcohol, infections,

accidents, guns and drugs--steadily decreased over the same

period, Mokdad said.

Despite intense public concern, the number of overweight or

obese Americans has continued to climb to epidemic

proportions. In 1990, about 60 percent of adult Americans

were either overweight or obese, including about 20 percent

who were obese. By 2000, that number had climbed to 64

percent being obese or overweight, including about 30 percent

who were obese.

``Physical inactivity and poor diet is still on the rise.

So the mortality will still go up. That's the alarming part--

the behavior is still going in the wrong direction,'' Mokdad

said.

Experts praised the government for highlighting the

worrisome trend and taking countermeasures. But several said

the severity of the problem warrants a much more intensive,

innovative response.

``If we just count on the American population to change

their eating habits and exercise habits, we're going to

continue to have obesity,'' said Richard L. Atkinson,

president of the American Obesity Association. ``What we're

doing is not working.''

The government should consider more innovative strategies

than simply encouraging people to eat better and exercise,

such as subsidizing the cost of healthful foods such as fresh

fruits and vegetables to make it more affordable to eat well.

``Let's start looking at things that make a difference,''

Atkinson said.

The federal government could take much more dramatic

action, said Yale's Brownell. The Department of Agriculture

``has the power to get rid of soft drinks and snack foods

in the schools, and they're not. The [Federal Trade

Commission] could deal with the tidal wave of unhealthy

food advertising aimed at children. The government could

change agriculture policy to subsidize the industry making

healthy foods instead of unhealthy ones,'' he said.

Officials rejected suggestions that the administration take

more dramatic steps, such

as requiring food labeling at fast-food restaurants or

prohibiting certain sugary, fatty products in schools.

``I don't want to start banning things,'' Thompson said.

``Prohibition has never worked.''

Officials have ``been elated by the response'' of the

private sector to promote more healthful lifestyles, Surgeon

General Richard H. Carmona said. ``Everything we've seen from

the industry has been positive.''

Thompson urged Congress to pass legislation granting tax

credits to people who lose weight, and said he has been

lobbying health insurers to cut rates for those who lose

weight or exercise.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's comments, but I would just say that what his bill does is it protects an industry that does not need to be protected at this particular point. We are dealing with a problem that does not exist. The problem that does exist is that we do have a problem with obesity in this country. This bill does nothing to deal with that issue. If anything, what it does is it tells the fast- food industry, you have no responsibility to our kids. You can do whatever you want to do. And that is the wrong message we want to be sending at this particular point.

I also want to correct the gentleman on one other thing. He referred a couple of times to this rule as an open rule. This is not an open rule. This is not an open rule. And by the definition taken by the Republicans when they were in the minority, they said any rule that is not considered under a completely open process is considered restrictive, and this is not a completely open process. They further said that these rules are the rules that limit the number of amendments that can be offered and include the so-called modified open and modified closed, as well as completely closed, rules.

This is not an open rule. The Republican majority when they came into power said they were committed to an open process. They have given us anything but an open process. And the question that I asked the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules still stands. If a Member is watching this debate and scratching their head, why are we debating such a trivial matter when we have so many other issues to deal with that really do impact the American people very directly, and they wanted to come down here right now and offer an amendment, they would be unable to under this restrictive process that the Republicans on the Committee on Rules have given us today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo).

Mr. Speaker, I will close the debate on our side, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks, and include extraneous material.)

Mr. Speaker, first, I will enter into the Record a letter from the Center for Science in the Public Interest opposing H.R. 339.

Center for Science in the

Public Interest,

Washington, DC, June 18, 2003.

Re hearing on H.R. 339.

Hon. Chris Cannon,

Chairman, Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law

Committee on the Judiciary, Rayburn House Office

Building, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Cannon: On behalf of our 700,000 members in

the United States, I request that you make this letter part

of the record of the June 19, 2003 hearing on H.R. 339, The

Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act.

The Center for Science in the Public Interest (``CSPI'')

strongly opposes H.R. 339. Despite its stated purpose of

banning frivolous lawsuits, H.R. 339 bans any lawsuit against

a manufacturer, distributor, or seller of a food or a non-

alcoholic beverage ``unless the plaintiff proves that, at the

time of sale, the product was not in compliance with

applicable statutory and regulatory requirements.''

H.R. 339 ignores the fact that both legislatures and

administrative agencies frequently are too busy to enact

specific standards dealing with a particular food safety or

nutrition problem, and so the victims must turn to the courts

for help. Meritorious lawsuits can, of course, spur the food

industry to improve its practices.

Both Congress and state legislatures, recognizing their

inability to deal with the myriad of food safety and

nutrition problems, have delegated regulatory

responsibilities to specific agencies. Congress, for example,

has delegated regulatory responsibility over food to the Food

and Drug Administration (``FDA''), the Department of

Agriculture, and the Environmental Protection Agency.

However, these agencies, like their state counterparts, do

not have enough resources to promptly address all the new

concerns about food safety and nutrition. For example, in

February 1994 CSPI petitioned the FDA to require the

disclosure of trans fatty acids on packaged foods. More than

five years later, in November 1999, the FDA published a

proposed regulation in response to our petition. The FDA

still has not issued a final rule, although FDA Commissioner

Mark McClellan has said that a final rule, requiring the

disclosure of the amount of trans in packaged foods, will be

announced in the near future.

In conclusion, H.R. 339 should be rejected because lawsuits

can play a valuable role in

protecting consumers by filling the interstices in

legislative and regulatory requirements.

Sincerely,

Michael F. Jacobson, Ph.D.,

Executive Director.

Let me conclude my remarks by again expressing my concern, first of all, over the rule because this is a restrictive rule, and what I have been trying to find out from the chairman of the Committee on Rules, and maybe the gentleman from Texas may be able to enlighten me on this, is the wave of the future, no more completely open rules? Are we now going to be forced to deal with restrictive rules on every bill that we now deal with?

I yield to the gentleman from Texas.

We have had one open rule out of, I think, nine, but I mean, it seems that now we are being required to preprint all our amendments in advance, which by my colleagues' own definition is a restrictive rule. Is that the wave of the future?

Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I appreciate the answer. I guess the question that I asked to the chairman of the Committee on Rules, and I will ask the gentleman from Texas, if a Member of either party is watching this debate and would like to offer an amendment based on something that they have heard here today, do they have the right to come to the floor and offer an amendment at this particular point?

Okay. So, again, it kind of makes my point of the restrictive nature of this process, and I raise this issue because I hope that this is not going to be a trend where Members are going to be restricted.

Again, it is not just something the Democrats feel passionately about. Again, I have been reading quotes from Republicans over the years who feel very passionately about the importance of not having preprinting requirements because they believe that that constitutes a restrictive rule. So I think that there is a bipartisan consensus here that we should move away from restricting debate and restricting what can be offered and opening up this process on controversial bills and on noncontroversial bills. That is the only point I would make to the gentleman.

With regard to the bill that we are talking about here today, I will again say that I regret that we are dealing with this particular bill today because it does not address any real problem. This is a bill that corrects a problem that does not exist. These lawsuits that people are complaining about with regard to obesity and the fast food industry are being routinely dismissed. This is not a problem.

The problem is obesity. The problem we should be talking about here is how to make sure that our kids get more nutritious foods. The issue that we need to be dealing with here is how to make sure that the Federal programs that provide breakfasts and lunches to our children in schools meet proper nutrition guidelines.

The issue we should be talking about is better labeling, informing the public in a better way about what, in fact, they are eating. We should be encouraging more corporate responsibility by the fast food industry, and that is not being debated here. In fact, what we are trying to do is we are sending the exact opposite signal to the fast food industry.

We should be encouraging more physical fitness programs in our schools and so that our young people can take advantage of them, and we should also be having a discussion on this floor about the issue of hunger, which is relevant to this issue of obesity.

As I pointed out in my opening statement, people who have precious little resources tend to buy things that are high in calories, that are not nutritious, and there is a relationship between hunger and obesity, and it is something we never even talk about on the floor of this House.

But then we bring this bill to the floor. We bring this bill to the floor, and we are telling the people who are watching here today that we are addressing a huge problem out there, a problem that does not exist, and we are bringing this bill up today and we are only in for a couple of days, notwithstanding the fact that we are not dealing with the issue of extending unemployment benefits to those workers who are unemployed, which is a national disgrace.

I do not know how people can come here and appear on the House floor with a straight face having not dealt with that issue. I know the gentleman from Texas' (Mr. Sessions) district, like my district, includes a number of people who are out of work, who have run out of their unemployment benefits, who are desperately trying to figure out how to make ends meet, put food on their table and pay their bills, and they are looking to us to help them out, to provide them a bridge until they can get a job. We are not doing anything here, and we should be ashamed of that fact.

The gentleman from Oregon mentioned the transportation bill that is kind of languishing in committee. That will put people to work, but we are not dealing with that. We are not dealing with the issue of those who do not have health insurance. We are not dealing with anything that matters to anybody, and here we are again dealing with an issue that really is trivial. This place is becoming a Congress where trivial issues are debated passionately and important ones not at all.

So, for a whole bunch of reasons, I oppose the rule because it is restrictive, and I oppose this bill because it is silly. We should not be dealing with this today. We should be dealing with something important.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 552 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to my friend, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.

During consideration of this resolution, all time is yielded for the purposes of debate only.

Mr. Speaker, the resolution before us is a fair and open rule that allowed every single Member of this body to offer any amendment that they wished to debate after simply having it preprinted in the Congressional Record. On March 4, the Committee on Rules publicly notified Members of the possibility that it may report a rule to give every Member of Congress an opportunity to have their amendment heard on the House Floor, giving Members ample time to draft and submit their amendments for consideration.

The rule also provides one hour of general debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary, and allows the amendment in the nature of a substitute to be considered an original bill for the purpose of amendment, and that it shall be considered as read.

The rule waives all points of order against the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute and provides that only the authoring Member or a designee may offer a preprinted amendment. Finally, the rule provides the minority with one motion to recommit either with or without instructions.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce the rule for H.R. 339, the Personal Responsibility and Food Consumption Act. This bill is common sense legislation that requires courts to dismiss frivolous lawsuits seeking damages for injuries resulting from obesity and its attendant health problems that are filed against the manufacturers, distributors, sellers, marketers, and advertisers of any food product by a claimant or their spouse, parent, or child. That is, simply put, what this bill does, and I would like to congratulate our chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) and the bill's sponsor, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller) for their hard work in bringing this legislation to the floor for its consideration today.

Despite its opponents' claims to the contrary, what this bill does not do is to relieve manufacturers of their existing Federal and State responsibilities for manufacturing, marketing, distributing, advertising, labeling, or selling their products, nor does it affect existing State laws against deceptive trade practices or lawsuits filed for the relief of claimants who become sick from tainted food products. This bill is a carefully crafted bill to address a specific problem: to put an end to frivolous lawsuits that have been filed against the lawful and productive food services industry, an industry that provides 12 million Americans with jobs and is the Nation's largest private sector employer. And, it accomplishes this while protecting all of the other rights currently given to consumers.

This bill simply codifies the current tort law of every State in America that already has preventive injury claims based on obesity and makes permanent what a recent Gallup poll has shown that 89 percent of Americans already knew: that lawsuits against the food industry are an attempt by the trial bar to make an end-run around our Nation's established democratic process through litigation. H.R. 339 creates a narrow, national solution to the problem of these costly and wasteful lawsuits, and establishes in Federal law

the simple concept that consumers, not the plaintiffs' bar or a government agency, shall have the right to choose what they eat.

Every Member of this Chamber understands that obesity and the greater health problems that it causes, such as heart disease and diabetes, is a dangerous and growing problem to America. Over the last 20 years, obesity rates have increased by more than 60 percent among adults, and the rate of increase in obesity among young people has risen even more rapidly. To address this problem, President Bush has demonstrated his leadership by providing funds in his budget for general health promotion activities, including efforts to educate the public on preventing diabetes and obesity. President Bush has also outlined a fitness challenge to all Americans by asking adults all across America to get at least 30 minutes of physical activity each day, for children and teenagers to get at least 60 minutes of physical activity each day, and for parents to commit to family activities that revolve around physical activity.

But the American people understand that fitness, health, and well- being is not something that can be legislated, nor something that lawyers can sue for. A commitment to a healthy lifestyle is something that everyone must make for themselves, and it is a matter of personal responsibility. People all across this country understand that since 2002, trial lawyers have been sizing up the deep pockets of the food industry and are ready to pounce upon them when they see a golden opportunity to reap billions of dollars for themselves by filing these lawsuits against the productive food industry.

John Bahnzaf, one of the lead litigators of these frivolous suits, has publicly announced that his goal is to ``open the floodgates'' of the litigation against the food industry because, he says, ``Somewhere there is going to be a judge and a jury that will buy this, and once we get the first verdict, as we did with tobacco, it will open up the floodgates.'' All it will take to do irreparable harm to consumers, the economy, and millions of jobs is just one judge making a nonsense opinion by falling victim to what the trial lawyers wish to do. I believe it is Congress's obligation to allow commerce to proceed by preventing these suits from wasting the time of our courts and the resources of a lawful industry.

By passing this legislation today, the House will tell consumers, investors, and countless employees of local Mom and Pop burger joints all across America that we care about them and their jobs, and that we will make sure that we will protect them. We will be telling Americans we think that they are smart enough to decide what they choose to put in their own mouth, and we will be helping those everyday working Americans who rely on fast, affordable nutrition in their hectic lives, not by allowing the courts to increase the price of food that they freely choose to eat.

If the House fails to pass this legislation, where will the madness end? Will sit-down restaurants, which some studies have shown often, serve food with a nutritional and caloric content similar to fast food? Will they be next on the trial lawyers' hit list? Will trial lawyers target chicken producers who supply countless moms across America with the raw materials for homemade fried chicken, or the beef producers who conspire to provide them with raw ingredients for fattening homemade meatloaf? Or will they simply wait for the next fad diet trend to come along and go after whoever is producing the unfashionable food of the moment?

Mr. Speaker, there is a cure to the obesity problem in America. By taking the road to reducing the medical costs associated with obesity is the right way to do it, not in the courtroom. It begins when Americans decide to leave a little bit on their dinner plate and to run that extra mile. It begins when a parent decides to take an active role in their child's life and coaches their son or their daughter's Little League team. It begins the next time you or I step up to the counter and order the salad, not the extra cheese pizza. But that should be our choice as Americans, because we know best that we make better decisions than the government or than trial lawyers can make for us. These are decisions that Americans can and should make for themselves. Unlike the opponents of this bill, I trust the American people and believe that Americans are smart enough to make these decisions for themselves.

Mr. Speaker, I support this rule, and I support the well-crafted underlying bill of the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller).

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, a good number of Members of Congress spend a lot of time trying to promote health and fitness and worthiness, and one of those Members is with us today. He is the chairman of the Committee on Rules, from San Dimas, California.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier).

(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ney), the chairman of the Committee on House Administration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Orlando, Florida (Mr. Keller), the original sponsor of the bill.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to notify my colleague that we do not have any further speakers at this time, and I would entertain him to please feel free to run down that time and then I will choose to close.

Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Speaker, I believe we had an open rule last week.

I thank the gentleman for allowing me to respond. The Committee on Rules, when we file the rule and when we prepare these documents ahead of time, we notify every Member of Congress of our intent to have a meeting at the Committee on Rules to consider a subject. We ask them to please preprint those things that would be necessary. We ask every Member to please work with legislative staff who would help in preparing those documents to make sure that they are in order, would be made in order under the rule, under the rules of this House, and we believe we are trying to do things to move legislation forward, allow time just as we have done here, notify people ahead of time.

One of the things about this process is that for years and years the House has worked off Jeffersonian rules. We have a Speaker who is up here. We have a parliamentarian. We have people who make decisions about what is right and what is wrong and what is fair and what is not, and we believe what we have done here today from March 4 was said here on the floor of the House, all Members of Congress----

Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield, the answer is no.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

(Mr. SESSIONS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks, and include extraneous material.)

Mr. Speaker, this House has, in the 8 years I have served in it had debate after debate, hours on the floor, to make sure that we discuss the issues that are of relevance and important to the American public, but these same things also take place, the debates, in our committee system, and committees hold hearings. Committees go around the country to hear testimony from people about issues like obesity, like prescription drugs, like health care, that are important to the American public and to our health and to our safety.

Mr. Speaker, these issues about obesity and about what the answer would be, we hear from the trial lawyers that they want to open up the floodgates, and we hear from people who are engaged from the nutritional side talking about how better labeling would be good or how food that is served to our children should be leaner and have less fat. We have heard from people like Dr. Kenneth Cooper from Dallas, Texas, talk about how our children need more physical fitness and to be more active. All of these things have contributed to a part of what this bill is about.

Mr. Speaker, I will include in the Record at this point the testimony of Dr. Gerard Musante, who is the founder of the Structure House, before the Senate Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight and the Courts on October 16.

Testimony of Dr. Gerard Musante

Good afternoon, Chairman Sessions and Honorable members of

the Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight and the Courts.

I am Dr. Gerard J. Musante and I appreciate the opportunity

to appear before you today. I have been called here to share

my expertise and educated opinion on the importance of

personal responsibility in food consumption in the United

States. This lesson is one I have been learning about and

teaching for more than 30 years to those who battle moderate

to morbid obesity--a lesson that emphasizes the criticality

of taking responsibility for one's own food choices. I am

testifying before you today because I am concerned about the

direction in which today's obesity discourse is headed. We

cannot continue to blame any one industry or any one

restaurant for the nation's obesity epidemic. Instead, we

must work together as a nation to address this complex issue,

and the first step is to put the responsibility back into the

hands of individuals.

As a clinical psychologist with training at Duke University

Medical Center and The University of Tennessee, I have worked

for more than 30 years with thousands of obese patients. I

have dedicated my career to helping Americans fight obesity.

My personal road, which included the loss and maintenance of

50 of my own pounds, began when I undertook the study of

obesity as a faculty member in the Department of Psychiatry

at Duke University Medical Center. There, I began developing

an evidenced-based, cognitive-behavioral approach to weight

loss and lifestyle change. I continue to serve Duke

University Medical Center as a Consulting Professor in the

Department of Psychiatry. Since the early 1970's, I have

published research studies on obesity and have made

presentations at conferences regarding obesity and the

psychological aspects of weight management. Today, I continue

my work at Structure House--a residential weight loss

facility in Durham, North Carolina--where participants come

from around the country and the world to learn about managing

their relationship with food. Participants lose significant

amounts of weight while both improving various medical

parameters and learning how to control and take

responsibility for their own food choices. Our significant

experience at Structure House has provided us with a unique

understanding of the national obesity epidemic.

Some of the lessons I teach my patients are examples of how

we can encourage Americans to take personal responsibility

for health and weight maintenance. As I tell my participants,

managing a healthy lifestyle and a healthy weight certainly

are not easy to do. Controlling an obesity or weight problem

takes steadfast dedication, training and self-awareness.

Therefore, I give my patients the tools they need to

eventually make healthy food choices as we best know it.

Nutrition classes, psychological understanding of their

relationship with food, physical fitness training and

education are tools that Structure House participants learn,

enabling them to make sensible food choices. As you know, the

obesity rates in this country are alarming. The Centers for

Disease Control and Prevention have recognized obesity and

general lack of physical fitness as the nation's fastest-

growing health threat. Approximately 127 million adults in

the United States are overweight, 60 million are obese and 9

million are severely obese. The country's childhood obesity

rates are on a similar course to its adult rates, as well as

increases in type II diabetes. Fortunately Americans are

finally recognizing the problem. Unfortunately, many are

taking the wrong approaches to combating this issue.

Lawsuits are pointing fingers at the food industry in an

attempt to curb the nation's obesity epidemic. These lawsuits

do nothing but enable consumers to feel powerless in a battle

for maintaining one's own personal health. The truth is, we

as consumers have control over the food choices we make, and

we must issue our better judgment when making these

decisions. Negative lifestyle choices cause obesity, not a

trip to a fast food restaurant or a cookie high in trans fat.

Certainly we live in a litigious society. Our understanding

of psychological issues tells us that when people feel

frustrated and powerless, they lash out and seek reasons for

their perceived failure. They feel the victim and look for

the deep pockets to pay. Unfortunately, this has become part

of our culture, but the issue is far too comprehensive to lay

blame on any single food marketer or manufacturer. These

industries should not be demonized for providing goods and

services demanded by our society.

Rather than assigning blame, we need to work together

toward dealing effectively with obesity on a national level.

Furthermore, if we were to start with one industry, where

would we stop? For example, a recent article in the Harvard

Law Review suggests that there is a link between obesity and

``preference manipulation,'' which means advertising. Should

we consider suing the field of advertising next? Should we do

away with all advertising and all food commercials at half

time? We need to understand that this is a multi-faceted

problem and there are many influences that play a part. While

our parents, our environment, social and psychological

factors all impact our food choices, can we blame them for

our own poor decisions as it relates to our personal health

and weight? For example, a recent study presented at the

American Psychological Association conference showed that

when parents change how the whole family eats and offer

children wholesome rewards for not being couch potatoes,

obese children shed pounds quickly. Should we bring lawsuits

against parents that don't provide this proper direction?

Similarly, Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston recently

reported in ``Pediatrics'' that children who diet may

actually gain weight in the long run, perhaps because of

metabolic changes, but also likely because they resort to

binge eating as a result of the dieting. Do we sue the parent

for permitting their children to diet?

From an environmental standpoint, there are still more

outside influences that could be erroneously blamed for the

nation's obesity epidemic. The Center for Disease Control has

found that there is a direct correlation between television

watching and obesity among children. The more TV watched, the

more likely the children would be overweight. Should we sue

the television industry, the networks, cable, the television

manufacturers or the parents that permit this? And now we

have internet surfing and computer games. Where does it stop?

School systems are eliminating required physical education--

are we to also sue the school systems that do not require

these courses?

Throw social influences into the mix and we have a whole

new set of causes for obesity. Another recent study in

``Appetite'' indicated that social norms can affect

quantitative ratings of internal states such as hunger. This

means that other people's hunger levels around us can affect

our own eating habits. Are we to blame the individuals who

are eating in our presence for our own weight problems? As

evidenced in these studies, we cannot blame any one

influencing factor for the obesity epidemic that plagues our

nation. Through working with obese patients, I have learned

that the worst thing one can do is to blame an outside force

to get themselves ``off the hook,'' to say it's not their

fault, and that they are a victim. To do this can bring about

feelings of helplessness and then resignation. Directing

blame or causality outside of oneself allows the individual

not to accept responsibility and perhaps even to feel

helpless and hopeless. ``The dog ate my homework'' and ``the

devil made me do it'' allows the individual not to take

serious steps toward correction because they believe these

steps are not within their power. We must take personal

responsibility for our choices.

What does it mean to take personal responsibility for food

consumption? it means making food choices that are not

detrimental to your health, and not blaming others for the

choices we make. Ultimately, Americans generally become obese

by taking in more calories than they expend. But certainly

there are an increasing number of reasons why Americans are

doing so producing rising obesity rates. Some individuals

lack self-awareness and overindulge in food ever more so

because of psychological reasons. Others do not devote enough

time to physical activity, which becomes increasingly

difficult to do in our society. Others lack education or

awareness as it relates to nutrition and/or physical activity

particularly in view of lessened exposure to this

information. And still others may have a more efficient

metabolism or hormonal deficiencies. In short, honorable

members of the Subcommittee, there is yet much to learn about

this problem.

Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing

Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity

epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from

being filed against any industry for answering consumer

demands. The fact that we are addressing the issue here today

is a step in the right direction. No industry is to blame and

should not be charged with solving America's obesity problem.

Rather than pointing fingers, we should be working together

on a national level to address the importance of personal

responsibility in food consumption. The people who come to

Structure House have a unique opportunity to learn these

lessons, but they are only a select few. These lessons need

to be encouraged on a national level, from an early age--in

schools, homes and through national legislation that prevents

passing this responsibility onto the food or other related

industries. In closing, I'd like to highlight the fact that

personal responsibility is one of the key components that I

teach my patients in their battle against obesity. This

approach has allowed me to empower more than 10,000 Americans

to embrace improved health. I urge you to consider how this

type of approach could affect the obesity epidemic on a

national level. By encouraging Americans to take personal

responsibility for their health by limiting frivolous

lawsuits against the food industry, we can put the power back

into the hands of the consumers. This is a critical first

step on the road toward addressing our nation's complex

obesity epidemic.

For years, I have seen presidents call for ``economic

summits.'' I urge that we consider an ``obesity summit.'' Let

me suggest instead of demonizing industries that we bring

everyone to the table--representatives in the health care

industry, advertising, restaurants, Hollywood, school

systems, parent groups, the soft drink industry, and the

bottling industry. Instead of squandering resources in

defending needless lawsuits by pointing fingers, let's make

everyone part of the solution. Let us encourage a national

obesity summit where all the players are asked to come to the

table and pledge their considerable resources toward creating

a national mind set toward solving this problem.

That would be in the interest of the American people.

I feel privileged to be a part of the Subcommittee's

efforts. I want to thank you for allowing me to testify here

before you today and I will now be glad to answer any

questions.

Mr. Speaker, let me tell my colleagues what he said. He is a gentleman who has worked for 30 years on obesity in this country, and he said, ``Through working with obese patients, I have learned that the worst thing one can do is to blame an outside force to get themselves `off the hook,' to say it's not their fault, and that they are a victim. Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from being filed against any industry for answering consumer demands. The fact that we are addressing the issue here today is a step in the right direction.''

Mr. Speaker, I will tell my colleagues that the Republican House and the Republican Senate are addressing the issues. We are doing those things that not only Members find of interest to people back home, but also in the interest of what is the right thing for America to do.

I feel like what we are doing today is right in line with what all 50 States have and that is a law that says we will not take these fast food restaurants to task, to go and have a lawsuit against them, and the Federal Government, we, as members of Congress, are going to affirm that, to avoid a problem before it becomes one. We have been warned about the problems. We are trying to do aggressive things and the right thing for it.

I support this rule. I support this underlying legislation, and I think that it will win overwhelmingly because this is the best answer.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, the food industry is our Nation's largest private sector employer, providing jobs to some 12 million Americans. Today, that industry is threatened by an array of legal claims alleging that it should be liable to pay damages for the overconsumption of its legal products by others. H.R. 339, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, is designed to foreclose frivolous obesity-related lawsuits against the food industry.

From June 20 to the 22nd of last year, personal injury lawyers from across the country gathered at a conference designed to ``encourage and support litigation against the food industry.'' Attendees were required to sign an affidavit in which they agreed to keep the information they learned confidential and to refrain from consulting with or working for the food industry before December 31, 2006, apparently setting a deadline for bringing that vital industry to its knees in a nationally coordinated legal attack.

The hatred of some lawyers for the food industry is stark. Ralph Nader, for example, has compared food companies to terrorists, saying that the double cheeseburger is ``a weapon of mass destruction.''

H.R. 339 prohibits obesity or weight-gain-related claims against the food industry, with reasonable exceptions, including those in which a State or Federal law was broken and as a result the person gained weight, and those in which a company violates an expressed contract or warranty. Also, because this bill only applies to claims based on ``weight gain'' or ``obesity,'' lawsuits could go forward under the bill, if, for example, someone gets sick from a tainted hamburger.

The bill also contains essential provisions governing the conduct of legal proceedings. H.R. 339 includes the very same discovery provisions designed to prevent fishing expeditions that are already a part of our Federal securities laws. It also contains provisions that appropriately require that a complaint set out the fact as to why the case should be allowed to proceed.

Some trial lawyers are mounting an attack on personal responsibility

against the advice of the Nation's leading weight-loss experts. Listen to the insightful words of Dr. Gerard Musante, a clinical psychologist with training at Duke University Medical Center, who has worked for more than 30 years with thousands of obese patients. He is the founder of Structure House, a residential weight-loss facility in Durham, North Carolina. Dr. Musante said the following at a Senate hearing on this legislation:

``Through working with obese patients, I have learned that the worst thing one can do is to blame an outside force to get themselves `off the hook,' to say it's not their fault and that they are a victim. Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from being filed against any industry for answering consumer demands. The fact that we are addressing the issue here today is a step in the right direction.''

The chairman of the American Council for Fitness and Nutrition, Susan Finn, has also written that ``if you are obese, you don't need a lawyer; you need to see your doctor, a nutritionist and a physical trainer. Playing the courtroom blame game won't make anyone thinner or healthier.''

Even the Los Angeles Times, which rarely agrees with people on this side of the aisle, has editorialized against such lawsuits, stating, ``People shouldn't get stuffed, but this line of litigation should.''

On the other hand, the lobbying organization for personal injury attorneys, the Association of Trial Lawyers of America, which opposes this legislation, has published a litigation instruction manual that openly belittles jurors who believe in ``personal responsibility.'' According to that instruction manual, ``Often a juror with a high need for personal responsibility fixates on the responsibility of the plaintiff. According to these jurors, a plaintiff must be accountable for his or her own conduct. The personal responsibility jurors tend to espouse traditional family values. Often these jurors have strong religious beliefs. The only solution is to identify these jurors and exclude them from the jury.''

Besides threatening to erode values of personal responsibility, the legal campaign against the food industry threatens the separation of powers.

Nationally coordinated lawsuits seek to accomplish through litigation that which has not been achieved by legislation and the democratic process. As one mastermind behind lawsuits against the food industry has stated, ``If the legislatures won't legislate, then the trial lawyers will litigate.'' In order to preserve the separation of powers and support the principle of personal responsibility and to protect the largest private sector employer of the United States, let us pass H.R. 339.

Mr. Chairman, at this time, I will insert in the Record jurisdictional letters the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) and I have exchanged regarding this legislation.

Congress of the United States,

House of Representatives,

Washington, DC, March 4, 2004.

Hon. F. James Sensenbrenner, Jr.,

Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, House of

Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Sensenbrenner: On January 28, 2004, the

Committee on the Judiciary ordered reported H.R. 339, the

Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. As ordered

reported by your Committee, this legislation contains a

number of provisions that could fall within the jurisdiction

of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Specifically, I believe that H.R. 339 would impose a new

scienter requirement with respect to certain enforcement

actions taken by agencies and statutes within our

jurisdiction. This requirement could fundamentally alters how

agencies, such as the Federal Trade Commission and the Food

and Drug Administration, enforce violations of laws they

administer.

Recognizing your interest in bringing this legislation

before the House expeditiously, the Committee on Energy and

Commerce agrees not to seek a sequential referral of the

bill. In exchange, you have agreed to eliminate our

jurisdictional concerns with a floor amendment that expressly

eliminates lawsuits brought under the Federal Trade

Commission Act and the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act

from the definition of ``qualified civil liability action''

under the legislation.

By agreeing not to seek a sequential referral, the

Committee on Energy and Commerce does not waive its

jurisdiction over the bill as your committee ordered it

reported. In addition, the Committee on Energy and Commerce

reserves its right to seek conferees on any provisions within

its jurisdiction which are considered in any House-Senate

conference.

I request that you include this letter and your response as

part of the Congressional Record during consideration of this

bill by the House.

Sincerely,

Joe Barton,

Chairman.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller), the author of the bill.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I have been listening to this debate since it began and until the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt) got up and brought in the whole subject of job loss, I did not hear anything about job loss at all.

Well, this bill is about preventing job loss because if a franchisee of a major national fast food chain ends up getting sued, he will be out of business, even if he wins his lawsuits because of all the legal fees and deposition fees and expert witness fees that he is going to have to pay.

So it seems to me that for once, Congress is getting ahead of the curve on this because we do have the evidence that a bunch of plaintiffs lawyers got together and they required everybody who went to this conference to sign an affidavit of confidentiality and a promise that they would not consult with or represent the food industry until the end of 2006.

Now, let us get back to what this bill consists of. This bill consists of imposing personal responsibility. And in my part of the general debate, I quoted Susan Finn, who is the head of the American Council on Fitness and Nutrition. She said, ``If you are obese, do not get a lawyer. See your doctor. See a nutritionist and see a personal trainer, because you made yourself obese. It was not the system that did it or the local fast food chain that did it. You did it yourself.''

And then I quoted the doctor who runs the residential facility in Durham, North Carolina, and he said, ``The worst thing in the world you can do for an obese person is to give them a way out, to let them blame somebody else. They are going to have to look in the mirror if they want to get better and they want to prevent themselves from having all the health problems and lowered life expectancy as a result of eating too much and eating too much of bad stuff.''

So, let us talk about saving jobs before they go. Let us talk about not giving people who are in denial a reason to get themselves off the hook. And let us talk about putting some sense in our legal system because it is not the food industry or those who sell a legal product that make people obese. It is people buying too much and consuming too much of that legal product. That is what this bill attempts to address and that is why it ought to pass.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. Chairman, my amendment does not alter the substance of the bill, it simply clarifies it further. First, to clarify and ensure consistency in interpretation, it simply amends one phrase in the bill's stay provisions in Sec. 3(c) to track language used in the bill's pleading requirements in Sec. 3(d). Second, it replaces Sec. 4(5)(c) with language making it clear that the term ``qualified civil liability action'' does not include an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act or the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.

I believe that this change satisfies the objections that the Committee on Energy and Commerce levied against the bill.

I would urge the Members to support my clarifying amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from North Carolina and I have a little bit different view of the role of federalism in our country. All I can say is I am happy that his view did not prevail during the great debates on civil rights that occurred in this Chamber and down the hall in the Senate Chamber during the sixties, seventies and eighties, because the notion of States' rights would not have been agreed to by the gentleman from North Carolina.

I think this amendment must be defeated because it would gut the bill and also fail to protect the decisions of State legislatures regarding food policy. I do not think we want to see a single judge in a single State court deciding to establish national policy. We have seen far too much of that, and the Watt amendment would allow that type of judicial misinterpretation to occur in a State court somewhere in this country.

This bill is also about protecting the separation of powers and the legislative prerogatives of the elected representatives at the State level. The amendment would gut those provisions.

The drive by overeaters' personal injuries attorneys to blame those who serve them food and to collect unlimited monetary damages is an attempt to accomplish through litigation that which has not been achieved by legislation and the democratic process.

John Banzhaf, a law professor at George Washington University who helped spearhead lawsuits against tobacco companies, has said, ``If the legislatures won't legislate, then the trial lawyers will litigate.'' National Public Radio, August 8, 2002.

Various courts have described similar lawsuits against the firearms industry for harm caused by the misuse of its products by others as an attempt to ``regulate through the medium of the judiciary'' and ``improper attempts to have the court substitute its judgment for that of the legislature, something which the court is neither inclined to

nor empowered to do.'' Such lawsuits break down the separation of powers between the branches of government.

Large damage awards and requests for injunctive relief have the potential to force the judiciary to intrude into the decision-making process properly within the sphere of another branch of government, namely, State legislatures. That is the intent behind these fast-food lawsuits, to circumvent legislatures, to circumvent the Congress and the popular will of the people who elect us.

Further, Congress has the clear constitutional authority and the responsibility to enact H.R. 339. The lawsuits against the food industry H.R. 339 addresses directly implicate core federalism principles articulated by the United States Supreme Court, which has made clear that ``one State's powers to impose burdens on the interstate market is not only subordinate to the Federal power over interstate commerce, but is also constrained by the need to respect the interests of other States.''

Congress can, of course, exercise its authority under the Commerce Clause to prevent a few State courts from bankrupting the food industry.

In fast-food lawsuits, personal injury lawyers seek to obtain through the court stringent limits on the sale and distribution of food beyond the court's jurisdictional boundaries. By virtue of the enormous compensatory and punitive damages sought, and because of the types of injunctive relief requested, these complaints in practical effect would require manufacturers of lawfully produced food to curtail or cease all lawful commercial trade in that food in the jurisdictions within which they reside, almost always outside of the States within which the States are brought, to prevent potentially limitless liability. Insofar as these complaints have the practical effect of halting or burdening interstate commerce in food, they seek remedies in violation of the Constitution.

Such personal injury attorneys' claims directly implicate core federalism principles articulated by the Supreme Court in BMW of North America v. Gore, 1996. The Gore case makes clear that ``one State's power to impose burdens on the interstate market is not only subordinate to the Federal power over interstate commerce, but is also constrained by the need to respect the interests of other States.''

Mr. Chairman, the Supreme Court in Healy v. Beer Institute, 1989, elaborated on these principles concerning the extraterritorial effects as follows: ``The critical inquiry is whether the practical effect of the regulation is to control conduct beyond the boundaries of the State. The practical effect of the statute must be evaluated not only by considering the consequences of the law itself, but also by considering how the challenged law may interact with the legitimate regulatory regimes of other States and what effect would arise if one, but many or every, State adopted similar laws. Generally speaking, the Commerce Clause protects against inconsistent laws arising from the projection of one State regulatory regime into the jurisdiction of another State.''

So this bill is supported by sound federalism principles, there is a national interest involved, and that is why the amendment should be defeated.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I am very supportive of food labeling requirements, including labeling requirements for a genetically-modified food, and would support such legislation if it were coming as an amendment to the Pure Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act. However, the amendment of the gentleman from New Jersey is the wrong way to do it, and here is why.

If the amendment of the gentleman from New Jersey passes and the bill is enacted into law with his amendment, then all someone needs to do to defeat the immunity that is given to the food industry under this bill is to simply allege that there was not the proper notice that was given. This allegation, at least in terms of the preliminary motions in court, is taken as true, and that sets up a question of fact. All of the expenses that are needed in terms of defending a lawsuit, such as depositions and the like, are going to have to be incurred in order to prove that there was the proper notice given or that there were no genetically-modified organisms that were supplied in the food that the plaintiff consumed.

So as a result, in the name of better labeling rather than attacking this issue as an amendment to the Pure Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, which is where I think it belongs, the gentleman attempts to have what is in the jurisdiction of another committee and which deals with another enactment on the statute books of the United States of America through this method.

I would support the gentleman from New Jersey if he was doing it the proper way through an amendment to the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, but this is not the way to do it.

Now, secondly, there is nothing in the gentleman's amendment that says what constitutes an adequate notification. Does an adequate notification consist of the nutritional sign on the wall of a fast food restaurant that talks about ingredients and that nobody stands and stares at unless the line is so long that they have to do it? Does it require that there be this kind of a label on every package that is handed to the customer with the food contained in it? These are the types of things that really should not be left up to the courts to, in their infinite imagination, determine what is adequate and what is not; it should be done in the proper way by the proper committee, and that is why this amendment ought to be rejected.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, listening to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) I think shows the differences between those of us who support this legislation and those of us who oppose this legislation.

First, the example that he used relative to the professional baseball player who unfortunately passed away, this bill does not apply to. It is a complete unrelated argument and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller) has pointed that out. But the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) persists on using this as an example. And then the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) quotes the story of the press conference that was held yesterday relative to obesity catching up to tobacco as the number one killer of people in the United States of preventable conditions.

Now, the problem with that attitude is that those who espouse it expect the government to take over personal responsibility. The victim always finds someone else to blame for his or her own behavior. And what this bill does is that it says, do not run off and file a lawsuit if you are too fat and you end up getting the diseases associated with obesity. It says, look in the mirror, because you are the one who is to blame. And I have referred twice to a doctor in North Carolina and to the woman who is the president of the American Council on Fitness and Nutrition in saying that if you are obese, do not get a lawyer. See your doctor. See a nutritionist. See a personal trainer. And what this bill does is it will pin the responsibility of those whose job it is to correct the problem to begin with and that is the person who caused the condition which could have been preventable.

Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller).

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, this bill provides for a specific exemption for adulterated food, and anybody who eats meat which may have been infected with mad cow disease and comes down with the human variant of mad cow disease under this bill will have a cause of action against those who are responsible.

Secondly, if a person eats an adulterated hamburger and becomes seriously ill or perhaps dies of salmonella infection, this bill does not apply. The survivors will have a cause of action against those who provided the adulterated meat in the food chain.

What this bill does apply to is lawsuits that currently can be filed as a result of people eating too much, becoming obese and coming down with the diseases that are associated with obesity. That has nothing to do with downer cattle. It has nothing to do with mad cow disease. It merely means that people who have eaten too much cannot go back at those who have sold or provided a legal product in legal commerce.

Now, I wish that this debate would concentrate on the issues that are posed in this bill. The issue that the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman) has brought up is a very serious issue, but that issue is not presented in this bill, and if the gentleman from New York would look at page 6, lines 9 through 12 inclusive of the bill as reported by the Committee on the Judiciary, he would see that exemption there plain as day.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, this amendment will do exactly the opposite of what the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Lampson) says it will do, because what the amendment says is that it tells parents that if they are not responsible, they can become millionaires. The amendments exploit children and it discourages parents from exercising parental

responsibility at all times. It is the parents that buy the Happy Meals. It is the parents that take their kids to the fast food chain. And few kids under 8 either have their own money to buy the Happy Meals or can make it to the fast food outlet without their parents taking them down there.

So if this amendment is adopted and little Johnnie or little Mary become big Johnnie and real big Mary before the age of 8, then their parents can sue and hopefully break the bank, according to what their lawyers tell them.

The Los Angeles Times says this is wrong. And one of their editorials they said, in part, ``If kids are chowing down to excess on junk food, though, aren't their parents responsible for cracking down?''

The gentleman from Texas' (Mr. Lampson) amendment says, no, they are not. And as a matter of fact, we will give those parents the opportunity of monetary enrichment if they buy their kids far too many happy meals and do not just say no when Johnnie and Mary pull on their parents' shirt tails and say, let us go down to McDonalds or the Burger King or one of these other fast food outlets.

Now, even the best obesity doctors realize this amendment is another sad assault on the concept of parental responsibility. Dr. Jana Clauer, a fellow at the New York City Obesity Research Center of St. Luke's Roosevelt Hospital has said, ``I just wonder where were the parents when the kids were having those McDonalds breakfasts every morning. Were they incapable of pouring a bowl of cereal and some milk?''

Well, this amendment tells those parents that if they do not pour that bowl of cereal and put some milk on the top of it and ruin their kids health as a result, if those kids are under 8 they can go off to court because it was not their fault. Vote this amendment down.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.

Mr. Chairman, the food industry is the largest private sector employer in the United States, providing jobs for 12 million American citizens. The consequences of these obesity lawsuits against the food industry is that consumers will pay a higher price for food in restaurants. Mom and pop restaurants would face unaffordable insurance rate hikes, and jobs could be cut as a result.

This legislation, in essence, provides that a seller or maker of a lawful food product shall not be subject to civil liability where the claim is premised upon an individual's weight gain relating to the consumption of that food. This is a narrowly-drawn, measured piece of legislation. It does not immunize the food industry. This legislation does not preclude suits from false advertising, mislabeling of food, adulterated foods, or injuries from eating tainted food. The gist of this legislation is that there should be common sense in the food court, not blaming other people in the legal court.

Most people have enough common sense to realize that if they eat an unlimited amount of french fries, milk shakes, and cheeseburgers without exercising, it can possibly lead to obesity. But in a country like the United States where freedom of choice is cherished, nobody is forced to supersize their fast food meals or to choose less healthy options on the menu. Similarly, no one is forced to sit in front of their TV all day and play video games, instead of walking or bike riding.

Richard Simmons, the famous exercise guru, recently said that people who bring these lawsuits against the food industry do not need a lawyer, they need a psychiatrist, and the American public seems to agree. In a recent objective Gallup poll, nearly nine out of 10 Americans, 89 percent, oppose holding the fast food industry legally responsible for the diet-related health problems of people who eat that kind of food. Interestingly, overweight people agreed with skinny people that the fast food industry should not be held responsible for these types of claims.

Which brings me to the subject of lawyers. And, while we are here, some of the same lawyers who went after the tobacco industry now have a goal of suing the food industry for $117 billion, which is the amount the Surgeon General estimates as the public health costs attributable to being overweight.

Now, based on a standard contingency fee of 40 percent, that means these selfless lawyers interested in public good would be recovering $47 billion for themselves in attorneys' fees, and that is, ultimately, what this is about. In fact, in June of 2003, lawyers from all across the United States gathered in Boston for what they called the first annual conference on legal approaches to the obesity epidemic. To attend each work shop, the people had to sign an affidavit to attend the legal work shop in which it said, ``This is intended to encourage and support litigation against the food industry.''

One of the ringleaders of this litigation conference is a lawyer named John Banzhaf. Mr. Banzhaf freely admits that his goal is to open the floodgates of litigation against our Nation's largest private sector employer: the food industry.

Specifically, Mr. Banzhaf said this: ``Somewhere there is going to be a judge and a jury that will buy this. And once we get the first verdict, as we did with tobacco, it will open the flood gates.''

Now, the Democrats could have called anybody they wanted to. We had a hearing on this. But they chose to call this man who says it will open the flood gates. He wants to open the flood gates. That is what they said then. Then they come here today and it is, What do you mean? There is no intent to sue the food industry. Well, indeed, lawsuits have been filed against McDonald's, Burger King, Wendy's, KFC, Kraft/Nabisco with new suits now threatened by Mr. Banzhaf and others against the makers of ice cream.

The New York suits included one with a man named Caesar Barber, who went on ``60 Minutes'' and told them, ``I want compensation for pain and suffering.'' ``60 Minutes'' said, ``How much money do you want?'' Caesar Barber: ``Maybe $1 million. That is not a lot of money right now.''

We must think of what this is about. The litigation against the food industry is not going to make a single person any skinnier; it is only going to serve to make the trial attorneys' bank accounts a lot fatter.

In summary, we need to make it tougher for lawyers to file frivolous lawsuits. We need to care about each other more and sue each other less. We need to get back to the old-fashioned principles of common sense, of personal responsibility and get away from this new culture where everybody plays the victim and sues others for their problem.

This legislation is a step in the right direction. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on H.R. 339.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

I am not going to support this amendment, and I would ask all of my colleagues to vote no on this amendment on two grounds.

The first ground is that the bill only precludes lawsuits in which the injury claimed is obesity and weight gain. State consumer protection statutes are not lawsuits in which the injury claimed is obesity or weight gain. Rather, in the State consumer protection cases, the injuries claimed are unfair and deceptive trade practices or misleading labeling.

However, because the amendment implies that the State consumer protection laws somehow do allow lawsuits in which the injury claim is obesity or weight gain, Courts may well read it to grant all State agencies new power to use their State consumer protection laws to seek damages against the food industry for obesity-related claims. In other words, this would essentially gut the bill by allowing State Attorneys General to bring the very same claims that we are trying to get rid of.

I cannot think of a single State consumer protection law right now that allows a State agency to sue because someone got fat from eating too much.

The second ground I object to this amendment on is the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) said he does not like the fact we have the knowing and willful standard. The knowing and willful standard is exactly the same standard used in H.R. 1036, the Protection of Lawful Commerce and Arms Act that overwhelmingly passed this House in a bipartisan fashion. It got 285 votes, and so anyone who voted for H.R. 1036 and who votes for this amendment will literally be voting for stronger protection for gun manufacturers than for the food industry, which is the largest private sector employer, providing jobs to some 12 million Americans.

I urge my colleagues to vote no on this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the enthusiasm of the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt), and as the author of the bill that was described that way, I can assure you that I take no offense. Sometimes in the heat of passion things come out, so there is no need to apologize to me.

Let me just say this with respect to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt), he is at least consistent. He offered this same amendment in committee, made the same arguments, it was rejected in committee. I urge my colleagues to reject it once again here on the House floor and for the very same reason.

This amendment would essentially gut the bill and encourage venue shopping among very creative trial lawyers. Let me just give you one example.

The Louisiana legislature, which, by the way, is a Democrat legislature, both the House and the Senate, passed a very similar bill to mine after I filed mine with 94 percent of the legislators voting ``yes,'' broad bipartisan support.

So, yes, you cannot bring an obesity lawsuit in Louisiana.

So if you are an ambitious trial lawyer, what about Mississippi? Well, they do not have such a law, and that is exactly where the suit would be filed, or some other State that is a nice haven for tourists.

We do not have to guess about this, because we had a hearing on this matter; and the Democrats could have chosen anyone to appear, and they chose a man named Mr. Banzhaf, who says it is his goal to open the flood gates of litigation against our major employers such as McDonald's.

This is what he said. Keep in mind the potential Mississippi lawsuit: ``Somewhere there is going to be a judge and a jury that will buy this, and once we get the first verdict, as we did with tobacco, it will open the flood gates.'' We do not have to guess what their theories are; they have already told us.

So Congress, of course, can exercise its authority under the Commerce Clause to prevent a few States from bankrupting the food industry, which is the largest nongovernmental employer in the United States. Congress, of course, has the authority under the Commerce Clause. That is not just the opinion of the gentleman from Wisconsin (Chairman Sensenbrenner) or myself. The U.S. Supreme Court in Healy v. Beer Institute said, ``Generally speaking, the Commerce Clause protects against inconsistent laws arising from the projection of one State regulatory regime into the jurisdiction of another State.''

I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the Watt amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. Chairman, I am going to ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the Andrews amendment on several grounds. This amendment opposes additional regulations on the food industry, increasing their cost of doing business and threatening additional jobs in the food industry, our Nation's largest private sector employer. But more problematic, the amendment contains no definitions of what would constitute a proper label and, therefore, it would expose even those companies who could afford to comply with the new regulations to lawsuits that would cost yet more jobs.

This amendment is an attempt to regulate an entire industry with one clause, and that is a recipe for confusion and disaster. Even companies who labeled, in an attempt to gain the benefits of the bill, might not get such protections because some judge somewhere will deem their attempt to label inadequate, and the amendment provides no standards to guide either the private sector or judges. Additionally, there is no definition in the amendment of genetically engineered, so people will not even know if their products have to comply with these additional regulations.

Essentially where the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews) should have his day is trying to amend the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act and make his changes there, but not here where it is so vague that it does not have those definitions that would be needed.

Also I would point out that if there is some State statute dealing with genetically-altered foods and it requires certain labeling and so on and so forth or advertisement requirements, and if that State statute is violated, under the provisions of this bill, the claims could go forward.

So I would ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the Andrews amendment for the reasons suggested earlier.

Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Chairman, that scenario you just posed about someone taking some kind of improperly labeled diet drug has nothing to do with this legislation. That claim would still go forward and be unimpacted.

This legislation specifically is narrowly targeted to claims based on weight-gain or obesity.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. Chairman, at the committee there was an attempt to strike the knowing and willful standard from the bill. That was unsuccessful. I would ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this amendment as well, which is kind of a new twist there, keeping the knowing and willful, but then they also add ``negligently,'' which in effect does the same thing, strike it. So all you have to do is prove negligence.

This bill already allows a case to go forward any time a Federal or State statute has been knowingly and willfully violated and that violation is a proximate cause of the injury.

Let me tell you why it is important to have this knowing, willful standard and what the precedent is.

The knowing and willful standard is the exact same standard used in H.R. 1036, the Protection of Law Commerce and Arms Act that overwhelmingly passed this House in a bipartisan fashion. In fact, it received 285 votes. Therefore, anyone who voted for H.R. 1036 and who votes for this amendment will be voting for stronger protections for firearms manufacturers than for the food industry, which is the largest private sector employer in the country providing 12 million jobs.

The claim that it is too burdensome to require a person to knowingly violate a law before they can be said to meet the exceptions to this bill, fails to understand the flexible nature of the requirements. Let me give you an example. A typical jury instruction regarding what the so-called mens rea requirement for knowing means states as follows: ``Knowledge may be proved by all the facts and circumstances surrounding the case. You, the jury, may infer knowledge from a combination of suspicion and indifference to the truth. If you find a person had a strong suspicion that things were not what they seemed or that someone had withheld important facts yet shut his eyes for fear of what he may learn, you may conclude that he acted knowingly.''

Therefore, the knowing standard is certainly flexible enough to produce justice in our courts in all circumstances. There is precedent for it, and it should be used here as well. I also would point out that under the bill, claims can go forward for breach of contract, or breach of warranty as well.

I ask my colleagues to vote ``no.''

Mr. Chairman, to go back to the gentleman from Washington's (Mr. Inslee) question about the diet drug, I have explained it does not apply. It talks about ``a person's consumption of a qualified product.'' What is that? That is food under the definition. Food means articles used for food or drink, chewing gum and articles used or components of such article.

The second part of it is of a weight gain, obesity or any health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain. What are the health conditions associated with a person's weight gain? High cholesterol, for example, diabetes, for example, cardiovascular disease. This has nothing to do with diet drugs or labeling of diet drugs or mislabeling. Whatever that person's claim under State law for negligence can go forward and is completely and totally unrelated to this bill.

Mr. Chairman, it is not worth yielding then. I am not going to accede to this.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I am going to ask that my colleagues vote ``no'' on the Ackerman amendment on three separate grounds.

First, the concept of adulterated food claims are specifically allowed, both under the base bill, where it specifically says adulterated in section 402 of the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, and under the manager's amendment, which specifically says that the term ``qualified civil liability action'' does not include an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act or the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.

Under the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, it specifically defines adulterated food in section 342. A food shall not be deemed to be adulterated if it is considered in whole or part of any filthy, putrid or decomposed substance, which, clearly, mad cow disease or e- coli or anything else would be considered.

The second reason to reject this that it does not apply is the language of this particular bill expressly says that we are talking about claims relating to weight gain, obesity or any health condition that is associated with weight gain or obesity: diabetes, high cholesterol, heart disease. It does not have anything to do with mad cow disease. If a person eats a mad cow burger, their claim goes forward. If a person eats an e-coli burger, their claim goes forward.

A final reason. The gentleman says, well, if that is the case, why does the gentleman care about my amendment? Well, let me address that as well.

This amendment would exclude from the protections of the bill any company that uses particular methods to slaughter perfectly healthy animals. For example, if a company during the slaughtering process places cattle in positions, like in a coral, in which they cannot walk unassisted, then these perfectly law-abiding companies that make meat from perfectly healthy animals would be unfairly excluded from the bill. That is wrong.

Perfectly healthy animals may be unable to stand or walk unassisted during the production process, so this amendment unfairly excludes many law-abiding sellers or perfectly healthy meat from perfectly healthy animals.

For the aforementioned reasons, that it is not needed; and even if it was, it is inappropriate.

I yield to the gentleman from North Carolina.

Reclaiming my time, Mr. Chairman. The manager's amendment specifically says, ``Such terms shall not be construed to exclude an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act or the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.'' I read the gentleman a section under the Federal, Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act dealing with adulterated products.

Reclaiming my time once again, Mr. Chairman, I still, on the other grounds I mentioned earlier, it is still not needed because we are not talking about a claim based on weight gain or obesity.

I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, and I respect the gentleman's enthusiasm, but his claim that that would be barred is patently

untrue. Brain damage or death as a result of eating meat from an animal with mad cow disease is not a claim for weight gain or obesity. It is just totally not. It has nothing to do with this.

Why do people allow mad cow burgers to be sold? I do not know that any company does knowingly allow mad cow burgers to be served.

Well, that is for another day and another forum. It has nothing to do with this particular bill.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I ask my colleagues to vote no on the Lampson amendment for at least three reasons. First, one of the cases involving McDonalds was brought by a 400-pound child. And every single meal, breakfast, lunch and dinner, that parent would take the kid to McDonalds and then shockingly one day wakes up and says, oh, the kid is 400 pounds. I never encouraged him to get any exercise. I never encouraged him to step away from the video games. I never encouraged him to not watch TV all day. I never encouraged him to eat healthy food. I never encouraged him to exercise. Now I want a million dollars.

That is insane.

This amendment tells parents that they are not responsible. And if they are not responsible, they can even profit by becoming millionaires and sue for it.

Now, it was brought up that these companies market to kids as well as adults. I have two kids, 8 years old and younger. I can tell you who else markets to kids. Barney, Bear in the Big Blue House, Dora the Explorer, Blue's Clues, Nickelodeon, the Disney Channel. In fact, one could argue if you take this argument, that, in fact, those programs are so enticing and so addicting and so enjoyable to kids but they have no choice but to sit there and watch them every day, and as a result, they lead a stagnant life-style, so why not sue them for obesity since they are marketing to them?

It puts the incentives in the wrong place totally.

Third, I want to briefly point out that childhood obesity is certainly a serious problem. The childhood obesity rates have doubled in the last 30 years. I do not stand before you today and hold myself out as the world's leading expert on physical fitness, but I can tell you the world leading expert on physical fitness, Dr. Kenneth Cooper, the founder of the aerobics movement, testified before my Committee on Education and the Workforce on February 14 of this year and said to us that these lawsuits against the food industry are putting, or putting a tax on Twinkies is not going to make a single person any skinnier.

He said, 30 years ago did kids come home from school and eat potato chips and cupcakes and cookies? Absolutely, they did. The difference is then they went out and rode their bike and played.

Now, they spend 1,023 hours a year in front of a TV screen watching TV or playing video games versus only 900 at school. Where are the parents? If you are talking about a kid eating fast food 21 times a week, where are the parents?

This amendment says the parents have no responsibility whatsoever. It defies common sense however well meaning the author may be. I urge my colleagues to vote no.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

I ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the Jackson-Lee amendment. The Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, the base bill, pertains to lawsuits people bring because they gained weight and are suing the company that served them the food, claiming it is their fault. This amendment would prevent manufacturers or sellers of food from suing individuals because, and I am not making this up, the company literally got fat. I would like to ask, how is it possible to determine what the body mass index of General Motors is? Did it gain weight over the holidays? This amendment should be defeated solely because it erroneously assumes companies can literally get fat.

The author of the amendment mentioned a little insight into where she was going when she talked about she does not want individuals like Oprah Winfrey getting sued. Well, if my colleagues recall, that did not have anything to do with this. Oprah Winfrey got sued by the Beef Cattlemen's Association because they claimed she allegedly defamed them. They did not, the Beef Cattlemen's Association, that because of her comments, this association got fat.

So this is an erroneously drafted bill, has no application here, however it is intended, and I would ask my colleagues to vote ``no.''