Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1375) to provide regulatory relief and improve productivity for insured depository institutions, and for other purposes.
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Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
March 18, 2004 • 11:16 AM
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Introduced in House
March 17, 2004
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 108-439, by Mr. Sessions.
March 17, 2004
Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 1375 with 1 hour of general debate. Previous question shall be considered as ordered without intervening motions except motion to recommit with or without instructions. Measure will be considered read. Specified amendments are in order.
March 17, 2004 • 9:29 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 155.
March 17, 2004
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H1234-1241)
March 18, 2004 • 10:25 AM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 566.
March 18, 2004 • 10:27 AM
The previous question was ordered without objection.
March 18, 2004 • 11:15 AM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote.(text: CR H1234)
March 18, 2004 • 11:15 AM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote. (text: CR H1234)
March 18, 2004 • 11:15 AM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
March 18, 2004 • 11:16 AM
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 566 on the floor
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Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 566 on the floor
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I rise today to bring some more facts to the debate over industrial loan companies. ILCs are well regulated, both at the State and…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I rise today to bring some more facts to the debate over industrial loan companies.
ILCs are well regulated, both at the State and Federal levels. They have played an important part in our country's financial system for over 100 years. I have a letter from the chairman, Donald Powell, of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and I will provide it for the Record, but I also thought I would just read some of the observations that Chairman Powell makes about ILCs.
Chairman Powell says that industrial loan companies and industrial banks have existed since the early 1900s, and overall it is the FDIC's view that ILC charters pose no greater safety and soundness risk than other charter types. As with any other insured institution, ILCs are subject to examinations and other supervisory activities. The FDIC's authority to pursue formal or informal enforcement actions against an ILC is the same as the FDIC authority with respect to any other State nonmember bank, with limited exceptions. In short, the FDIC does not believe that there are any compelling safety and soundness reasons to impose constraints on this charter type that are not imposed on other charter types.
Chairman Powell of the FDIC goes on to say that the FDIC and the State chartering authorities directly supervise insured ILCs, which must comply with the FDIC's rules and regulations, including those requirements for capital standards, safe and sound operations, and consumer compliance and community reinvestment. Further, as he says, the FDIC has the authority to examine any affiliate of an ILC, including its parent company, as may be necessary, to determine the relationship between the ILC and the affiliate, and to determine the effect of such relationship on the ILC.
I thought I would bring those facts to light. I know that some competitors of ILCs worry because they do not want more competition in the banking marketplace, but we all know that competition is good for consumers, it is good for businesses, and it is good for our economy as a whole. And since I have heard other companies make the argument that ILCs are not safe and sound, I wanted to respond by saying that ILCs are heavily regulated financial institutions, ILCs are regulated by the FDIC and by State banking regulators in every State in which they operate, and I think we should judge ILCs on the facts.
To that end, Mr. Chairman, I submit the letter of Chairman Donald Powell for the Record herewith:
Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation,
Washington, DC, April 30, 2003.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Congressman Royce: Thank you for your recent letter
concerning industrial loan companies. We are closely
monitoring the recent attention that industrial loan
companies are receiving and appreciate your questions.
Industrial loan companies and industrial banks
(collectively, ILCs) have existed since the early 1900s.
States with existing insured ILCs include California,
Colorado, Indiana, Minnesota, Nevada, and Utah. There are 51
insured ILCs, with the vast majority operated from Utah (24)
and California (17). The charters are unique in that, as long
as they meet certain criteria (typically, not accepting
demand deposits), they are not considered ``banks'' under the
Bank Holding Company Act. As a result, an ILC's parent
company is not subject to supervision by the Federal Reserve.
Just as is true of unitary thrift holding companies and
parent companies of limited-purpose credit card banks,
the parent companies of ILCs include a diverse group of
financial and commercial firms.
Overall, it is the FDIC's view that ILC charters pose no
greater safety and soundness risk than other charter types.
As with any other insured institution, ILCs are subject to
examinations and other supervisory activities. The FDIC's
authority to pursue formal or informal enforcement actions
against an ILC is the same as the FDIC's authority with
respect to any other state nonmember bank, with limited
exceptions. Those exceptions pertain to cross-guaranty
authority and golden parachute payments, and legislative
changes to eliminate those exceptions are being pursued in
H.R. 1375, the proposed Financial Services Regulatory Relief
Act of 2003. In short, the FDIC does not believe there are
compelling safety and soundness reasons to impose constraints
on this charter type that are not imposed on other charter
types.
The risk posed by any insured depository institution
depends on the appropriateness of the business plan and
model, management's competency in administering the
institution's affairs, and the quality and implementation of
risk management programs. Similar to institutions with other
charter types, an ILC's capital adequacy and overall safety
and soundness is driven by the composition and stability of
its lending, investing and funding activities and the
competence of management.
The FDIC and the state chartering authorities directly
supervise insured ILCs, which must comply with the FDIC's
Rules and Regulations, including, but not limited to, those
requirements for capital standards, safe and sound
operations, and consumer compliance and community
reinvestment. ILCs also are subject to Sections 23A and 23B
of the Federal Reserve Act, which restrict or limit
transactions with a bank's affiliates and the Federal Reserve
Board's Regulation O, which governs credit to insiders and
their related interests. Further, the FDIC has the authority
to examine any affiliate of an ILC, including its parent
company, as may be necessary to determine the relationship
between the ILC and the affiliate and to determine the effect
of such relationship on the ILC.
Answers to your specific questions are enclosed. If you
would like additional information, please do not hesitate to
contact me or Alice Goodman, Director of our Office of
Legislative Affairs, at (202) 898-8730.
Sincerely,
Donald E. Powell,
Chairman.
Enclosure.
Response of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation's Division of Supervision and Consumer Protection to Questions Concerning Industrial
Loan Companies
In what banking activities are these institutions engaged? Do
they have the authority to provide services that may not
be offered by full-service commercial banks?
Generally, the authority of industrial loan companies and
industrial banks (collectively, ILCs) to engage in activities
is determined by the laws of the chartering state. The
authority granted to an ILC may vary from one state to
another and may be different from the authority granted to
commercial banks. Except for offering demand deposits, an ILC
generally may engage in all types of consumer and commercial
lending activities and all other banking activities
permissible for banks in general.
Core ILC functions are traditional financial activities
that can generally be engaged in by institutions of all
charter types. The exception would be institutions organized
and chartered as limited-purpose institutions, which
generally focus on credit card or trust activities.
Existing ILCs can generally be grouped according to one of
four broadly defined business models:
Institutions that are operated as community-focused
institutions, including stand-alone institutions and those
serving a community niche within a larger organization. These
institutions often provide credit to consumers and small- to
medium-sized businesses. In addition to retail deposits (many
ILCs offer NOW accounts), funding sources may include
commercial and wholesale deposits, as well as borrowings.
Institutions that operate within a larger corporate
organization may also obtain funding through the parent
organization.
Independent institutions that focus on specialty lending
programs, including leasing, factoring, and real estate
activities. Funding sources for this relatively small number
of institutions may include retail and commercial deposits,
wholesale deposits, and borrowings.
Institutions that are embedded in organizations whose
activities are predominantly financial in nature, or within
the financial services units of larger corporate
organizations. These institutions may serve a particular
lending, funding, or processing function within the
organization. Lending strategies can carry greatly, but,
within a specific institutions, are often focused on a
limited range of products, such as credit cards, real estate
mortgages, or commercial loans. Corporate strategies play a
larger role in determing funding strategies in these cases,
with some institutions periodically selling some or all
outstanding loans to the parent organization. Parent
assessments of funding options across all business units
frequently determine the specific tactics at the ILC level. A
few institutions restrict themselves to facilitating
corporate access to the payment system or supporting cash
management functions, such as administering escrowed funds.
Institutions that directly support the parent
organizations' distinctly commercial activities. These
institutions largely finance retail purchases of parent
company products, ranging from general merchandise to
automobiles, truck stop activities, fuel for rental car
operations, and heating and air conditioning installations.
Loan products might include credit cards, lines of credit,
and term loans. Funding is generally limited to wholesale or
money center operations, borrowings, or other options from
within the parent organization.
From a federal law perspective, one of the primary
differences between an ILC charter and other depository
institution charters is that certain ILCs have a
grandfathered exemption from the requirements and
restrictions of the Bank Holding Company Act (BHCA).
Generally, an LIC can maintain its exemption so long as it
meets at least one of the following conditions: (1) the
institution does not accept demand deposits, (2) the
institution's total assets are less than $100,000,000, or (3)
control of the institution has not been acquired by any
company after August 10, 1987.
How does the FDIC go about regulating ILCs? What authority
does the FDIC have to examine ILC parent companies? Does
the FDIC feel it has the tools necessary to adequately
and comprehensively regulate ILCs and their relationship
to their owners?
The FDIC regulates ILCs in the same manner as other state
nonmember institutions. ILCs are subject to the FDIC's safety
and soundness regulations (with two exceptions discussed
below), as well as federal consumer protection regulations.
Like all insured depository institutions, ILCs receive
regular examinations, during which compliance with the
regulations is reviewed and overall performance and condition
are analyzed. For FDIC-insured, state-chartered institutions
that are not members of the Federal Reserve System, the FDIC
and/or the state authority will conduct the examination. The
FDIC has agreements with most states to conduct examinations
under alternating schedules, although in the case of a
troubled institution, the FDIC and the estate authority
generally conduct joint or concurrent examinations.
Transactions with affiliates are reviewed during each
examination. An ILC's transactions with its affiliates are
restricted by Sections 23A and 23B of the Federal Reserve
Act, which are made applicable to state nonmember banks in
general by section 18(j) of the FDI Act, 12 U.S.C.
Sec. 1828(j). Section 23A essentially limits the total amount
of loans to affiliates and limits other transactions between
a bank and its affiliates. These restrictions also apply to
loans to third parties to pay debts to or purchase goods and
services from an affiliate. Section 23B generally prohibits
any transaction with an affiliate on terms or conditions less
favorable to the bank than a transaction with an unrelated
third party.
While the FDIC does not have statutory authority to
supervise the parent companies of ILCs, the FDIC does have
the authority, in examining any insured depository
institution, to examine any affiliate of the institution
(under 12 U.S.C. Sec. 1820(b)(4)), including its parent
company, as may be necessary to determine the relationship
between the institution and the affiliate and to determine
the effect of such relationship on the institution. In the
case of a parent subject to the reporting requirements of
another regulatory body covered under the Gramm-Leach-
Bliley Act of 1999, such as the Securities and Exchange
Commission or a state insurance commissioner, the FDIC has
agreements in place to share information with the
functional regulator.
In determining whether to grant deposit insurance to an
ILC, the FDIC must consider the same statutory factors of
section 6 of the FDI Act, 12 U.S.C. Sec. 1816, that it
considers for all other applications for deposit insurance.
These factors are:
The financial history and condition of the depository
institution;
The adequacy of its capital structure;
Its future earnings prospects;
The general character and fitness of its management;
The risk presented by such depository institution to the
deposit insurance fund;
The convenience and needs of the community to be served by
the depository institution; and
Whether its corporate powers are consistent with the
purposes of the Act.
The FDIC has determined that there are two limitations in
our authority regarding ILCs as compared to other
institutions. These two limitations would be addressed by
remedies included in the Financial Services Regulatory Relief
Act of 2003, as proposed. These are:
Amendment to clarify the FDIC's cross-guarantee authority:
As part of the Federal Financial Institutions Reform,
Recovery, and Enforcement Act of 1989 (FIRREA), Congress
established a system that generally permits the FDIC to
assess liability across commonly controlled institutions for
FDIC losses caused by the default of one of the institutions.
Currently, cross-guarantee liability is limited to insured
depository institutions that are commonly controlled as
defined in the statute. The definition of ``commonly
controlled'' limits liability to insured
depository institutions that are controlled by the same
depository institution holding company, i.e., either a bank
holding company or a savings and loan holding company. Since
the parent company of an ILC is neither a bank holding
company nor a savings and loan holding company, ILCs that are
owned by the same parent company would not be ``commonly
controlled.'' As a result, cross-guarantee liability may not
attach to ILCs that are owned by the same parent company. The
Financial Services regulatory Relief Act of 2003 contains
language that would enhance the FDIC's efforts to protect the
deposit insurance funds by establishing parity with other
charter types. This discretionary authority would extend only
against an insured depository institution under common
control with the defaulting institution.
Amendment to clarify the FDIC's Golden Parachute
authority: As part of H.R. 1375, there also is an amendment
to section 18(k) of the FDI Act, 12 U.S.C. Sec. 1828(k), to
clarify that the FDIC could prohibit or limit a nonbank
holding company's golden parachute payment or indemnification
payment. In 1990 Congress authorized the FDIC to prohibit or
limit prepayment of salaries or any liabilities or legal
expenses of an institution-affiliated party by an insured
depository institution or a depository institution holding
company. Such payments are prohibited if they are made in
contemplation of the insolvency of such institution or
holding company or if they prevent the proper application of
assets to creditors or create a preference for creditors of
the institution. Due to the existing statutory definition of
a depository institution holding company, it is not clear
that the FDIC is authorized to prohibit these types of
payments made by nonbank holding companies (such as ILC
parent companies).
What differences, if any, exist between the manner in which
the FDIC regulates industrial loan banks compared with
commercial banks?
As indicated above, the FDIC regulates ILCs in the same
manner as all other state nonmember institutions.
In your view, would ILCs pose a greater risk to the safety
and soundness of the banking system than traditional
banks if both received enhanced de novo interstate
branching authority?
We do not believe that ILCs would pose a greater risk to
the safety and soundness of the banking system than
traditional banks if both received enhanced de novo
interstate branching authority. As described above, insured
ILCs are subject to the same Federal supervisory regime that
applies to other insured institutions. ILC transactions with
their parent companies are subject to the same restrictions
that apply to transactions between other insured institutions
and their parent companies.
Can you comment generally on the capital adequacy and safety
and soundness record of the ILCs and compare these to the
performance of commercial banks?
ILCs currently have an examination rating distribution
that is similar to the insured banking universe. Similar to
institutions with other charter types, an ILC's capital
adequacy and overall safety and soundness is driven by the
composition and stability of its lending, investing and
funding activities as well as competence of management.
For troubled ILCs, several common issues have generally
been evident, each reflecting faulty strategic or tactical
decisions rather than issues of permissible activities,
commercial affiliations, or the regulatory regime over the
larger corporate organization:
Poorly conceived lending strategies, characterized by
concentrations in relatively higher-risk loan problems,
economic sectors, or borrowers, have resulted in an excessive
volume of poor quality credits.
Less than satisfactory internal processes have hampered
institutions' ability to identify and respond to changing
circumstances, including deterioration in credit quality,
which have thwarted timely corrective actions or collection
efforts.
Reliance on potentially volatile funds management
strategies, including wholesale deposit solicitations,
borrowings, and large-scale loan sales, have placed
additional strain on the institutions' earnings performance
and liquidity posture.
If any institution is identified as troubled, the FDIC
modifies its supervisory strategy. In addition, these
institutions are generally subject to formal and informal
enforcement actions. As a rule, the FDIC's supervisory
strategies and specific actions are coordinated with those
of the chartering state authority. Further, in those
situations in which the parent organization controls
multiple insured institutions, the FDIC also coordinates
with the other state authorities or primary federal
regulators to ensure that a comprehensive strategy is
implemented.
Given the concerns some observers have raised about the
ILCs' ability to affiliate with a commercial entity, it is
important to note that the current group of troubled ILCs
have problems that are not unique to the ILC charter, nor do
the troubled ILCs have a history of unusual influence from
parent companies or affiliates. As described above, the
issues facing the troubled institutions are not dissimilar to
those encountered under all charter types, including those in
a traditional bank holding company framework.
Can you describe the regulatory framework that addresses
safety and soundness concerns, or potential conflicts of
interest, that may arise from the relationship of ILCs to
their parent companies?
In general, the regulatory framework used to address safety
and soundness concerns and potential conflicts of interest
regarding an ILC and its parent is the same as that
applicable to any insured state bank. For example, with
regard to safety and soundness, section 8 of the FDI Act, 12
U.S.C. Sec. 1818, generally provides the FDIC with the
authority to (i) terminate or suspend the insurance of an ILC
for unsafe or unsound practices or unsafe or unsound
condition, and (ii) order the ILC to cease and desist from
engaging in an unsafe or unsound practice, or from the
violation of any law, rule, regulation, written condition
imposed in connection with the granting of any application,
or any written agreement with the FDIC.
We do not believe that the potential for conflicts of
interest is any greater for ILCs than for other FDIC-insured
institutions operating in a holding company structure. For
example, an ILC and its parent company are subject to the
tying restrictions of section 106 of the Bank Holding Company
Act Amendments of 1970 to the same extent as if the ILC were
a ``bank'' and the parent company were a ``bank holding
company.'' Generally, the tying restrictions provide that a
bank may not extend credit, sell or lease property, or
furnish any service, or fix or vary the consideration for any
of the foregoing based upon any of five specific conditions.
Those conditions include, for example, that the customer
obtain some additional credit, property or service from the
holding company or an affiliate.
In order to ensure sufficient autonomy and insulation of
the bank from the parent, the state authority or the FDIC
typically imposes some or all of the following controls:
Executive ILC management is onsite at the ILC, as opposed
to the sometimes distant location of the parent and
affiliates;
The ILC Board of Directors consists of local
representatives who are capable of providing strong oversight
over the operations of the bank and establishing prudent
policies and procedures;
Lending files, credit documentation and ILC policies are
maintained at the institution and not the parent;
Lending policies and authorities are established and
enforced by the ILC;
The bank's policies, processes and activities are
consistent with regulatory laws, regulations, policy
statements and other regulatory guidance;
Definitive bank-level business plans are established and
followed by the bank;
All transactions with the parent or affiliate pass the
strictest arms-length scrutiny; and
Sufficient resources are available at the ILC to carry out
ILC activities.
With the above-noted prudential factors in place and
experienced bankers at the helm of ILCs, we have not noted
problems or issues unique to the ILC charter.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding me this time. Mr. Chairman, the financial services industry spends a great deal of time and a great deal of money every year complying with outdated…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Chairman, the financial services industry spends a great deal of time and a great deal of money every year complying with outdated and ineffective regulations. That is money that could be loaned to consumers and industries to buy new cars, new homes, new factories, new businesses, and that is what this bill is all about. It is also, as the chairman correctly said, delivering on a promise that this Congress made these same institutions, when we imposed title III of the PATRIOT Act, and also the Sarbanes-Oxley accountability measures. We told them that we would come and follow that with legislation to compensate them for that cost.
And in that regard, as the chairman so well put, I want to commend the financial institutions in this country for helping starve al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations. They have done an excellent job of cutting off the flow, not only to the terrorist organizations but also to narcotics traffickers and other criminal organizations, which is another benefit of these new money laundering legislations that this Congress put on the financial institutions. So it has had a very positive effect even on some areas that we might not have anticipated.
Secondly, I would like to commend the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank). I would like to commend him for working closely on this legislation. We talk about bipartisanship in this body. This committee, under the chairman, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), has achieved on more than one occasion, on many occasions, a bipartisan spirit of cooperation which I think ought to be the model for other committees in the Congress as a whole. So I commend both these gentlemen.
I would like to commend the two sponsors of this bill, the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito). She has done an excellent job. I would also like to commend the Democratic member of the committee who offered this legislation, and that is the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross).
Finally, I would like to call special attention to the legislation of the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Lucas), the provisions within this legislation which will greatly improve the coordination between home and host State supervisors of State-chartered banks. When State- chartered banks branch beyond State lines, there is a great need for the bank supervisors to coordinate in the supervision. And I think this is a long overdue provision.
I would also like to commend the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) and the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) for working out, I think,
an excellent compromise on this ILC provision, their compromise, the widespread almost unanimous support of the committee. There are Members who this morning have protested it.
The gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) had offered on another bill the way he wanted to address this. The committee on the bank interest bill actually rejected that idea, competing idea, by a vote of 50 to 8. So this has been an issue that has been debated on prior occasions.
Finally, I would like to say that this is a regulatory relief bill, not a regulatory burden bill. For that reason, I will be offering an amendment to take and strike section 614 which equates independent contractors who do business with the bank, whether they be attorneys, whether they be accountants, whether they be appraisers, whether they be real estate agents, all sorts of independent contractors, which equates them with having the same knowledge of banking operation as insiders. That is simply not the case. And, in fact, I believe strongly that in these cases they ought to have the right to a jury trial, to a full hearing.
But if we do not strike section 614, any accountants, any attorney, any realtor, any appraiser who does business with the bank, will be subjected to having the same knowledge as an insider. Simply not the case. I think we all agree they do not have that same knowledge. And I oppose the Weiner amendment which is a regulatory burden amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 522, the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act of 2003.
I want to begin by thanking Chairman Oxley for the tremendous leadership he has shown in steering this complex bill through the legislative process. I also want to thank the ranking member of the committee, Mr. Frank, for his support of this important piece of legislation.
This bipartisan legislation, introduced by our colleagues on the subcommittee, Mrs. Capito and Mr. Ross, reflects a commonsense approach to easing regulatory burdens imposed on our nation's depository institutions. H.R. 1375 is largely a product of recommendations that the committee has received over the last several years from the Federal and State financial regulators.
The legislation has strong bipartisan support and was approved by the Financial Services Committee by a unanimous voice vote. It is supported by a host of interested parties, including the Financial Services Roundtable, America's Community Bankers, the National Association of Federal Credit Unions, and the Credit Union National Association.
The banking industry estimates that it spends somewhere in the neighborhood of $25 billion annually to comply with regulatory requirements imposed at the Federal and State levels. A large portion of that regulatory burden is justified by the need to ensure the safety and soundness of our banking institutions; enforce compliance with various consumer protection statutes; and combat laundering and other financial crimes.
However, not all regulatory mandates that emanate from Washington, DC, or other State capitals across the country are created equal. Some are overly burdensome, unnecessarily costly, or largely duplicative of other legal requirements. Where examples of such regulatory overkill can be identified, Congress should act to eliminate them.
The bill that Congresswoman Capito and Congressman Ross have introduced--and that I am proud to cosponsor along with Chairman Oxley--contains a broad range of constructive provisions that, taken as a whole, will allow banks and other depository institutions to devote more resources to the business of lending to consumers and less to the bureaucratic maze of compliance with outdated and unneeded regulations. Reducing the regulatory burden on financial institutions will also lower the cost of credit for consumers.
In closing, let me once again commend Mrs. Capito and Mr. Ross for this important legislative as well as the full committee chairman, Mr. Oxley. The chairman has demonstrated a strong commitment to getting regulatory relief legislation enacted this year. I look forward to working with him to help accomplish that objective.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Chairman pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment simply strikes section 614, and what 614 does is, in a read relief bill, it actually shifts a burden to any independent contractor that deals with the banks, and it creates a presumption or a burden of proof on any independent contractor dealing with a bank in an enforcement provision by one of the regulatory agents. It puts a burden of proof on them in an administrative court hearing to basically prove their innocence. And they have no right to a trial by jury. They have no right to an appeal and trial de novo. Their assets can be frozen while these hearings are going on. And I think that that is a tremendous hammer to give to the regulatory bodies, one that we certainly do not need to do in this bill.
What section 614 would do, and I will be brief in this, is it simply equates and says that an independent contractor dealing with a bank will be treated as having the same knowledge or an equivalent knowledge as a bank insider, a director or a board member of that bank. So if they are an attorney, if they are an accountant, if they are an appraiser, if they are a Realtor, or if they are any of these affiliated parties, they are treated as if they have the inside knowledge of a bank insider; and that is simply not the case.
Not only are they equated with that knowledge, but when these charges are brought against them, as I said a minute ago, they have no right to a jury trial, and the administrative judge that makes a determination on whether they are guilty or innocent is appointed by the regulatory agent. And right now the burden of proof is on the regulatory agent to prove that the insider knew, had knowledge, or was reckless. And I think that standard proved to be the right standard during the savings and loan crisis during the mid-1980s. There has been no shortage of enforcement action by the regulators. So I simply say, let us strike section 614. The gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Hooley), the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Davis), and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor) are supporting me in this amendment, as are the American Bar Association, the appraisers, the accounting organizations, all of which simply are aghast that we would put some provision like this in a bill which would give the regulators such ominous authority.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Weiner amendment, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, what this amendment does is it says, when a customer accepts a bad check from a third party and deposits that check into his account and the bank takes a hit, and it does take a hit anywhere from, according to the Massachusetts Division of Banks, which is one of the more liberal supervisors, it says that cost can be as much as $15, $14.46. It can be as little as $1 or $2. But this is not a pro-consumer bill; this is, in my mind, a pro-either customer who accepts a bad check, or a pro-person who issues worthless checks. I mean, the only person that is rewarded by this provision is someone who issues a bad check.
As drafted, it is not even clear whether the fee prohibition will apply only to the customer who accepts a bad check but, apparently, the prohibition will also pass through to the person who wrote the bad check.
So we have the perverse situation here where banks cannot charge for worthless checks. This provision is actually going to discourage responsibility by customers. It is going to prohibit the bank from passing that charge on to the customer who writes the check. In fact, what it could do is, if this thing passes, a fraudulent attempt could simply be to write a bunch of bad checks, deposit them in my account or deposit them in a friend's account, and we could swap and we could start inundating the bank with worthless checks.
Who would be saddled with that? Well, according to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner), the bank, because the bank cannot pass it on to the customer, so what would the bank do? It would raise its fees to everyone. The end result would be that those customers, those of us who are diligent in determining who we are dealing with and accepting checks from other parties, would end up with the burden.
This really creates an unfair situation where customers who do not deposit bad checks or high-risk checks subsidize those who do on the cost of handling those items. In my mind, it is just the American system; banks are no different from you and I. When they incur costs, they ought to be able to charge the party responsible for causing that cost. Depository institutions should be allowed to charge those customers who cause the institution to incur the cost. It is just simply the way we have done business in this country since the start. We are simply absolving people of responsibility who are the people in the position to take responsibility. A customer who deposits a bad check has the opportunity, he often has the opportunity to pass any fees that are assessed back to the person who wrote the check.
So even if this is drafted, and I believe it is drafted where it is just a prohibition, it does not say that they can put it on anybody. They cannot put it on their customer. They certainly do not have any connection or relationship with the third party who wrote the bad check, so it is going to be almost very impractical, if not illegal under this provision, for them to charge the person who wrote the bad check.
Right now, I think it works very well. A landlord gets a bad check from a renter, the landlord takes that check down and deposits it to the bank, the bank gets stiffed with a bad check, it passes it back to the landlord, the landlord turns around and charges it to the renter. That is the way it ought to be. The bank, and all of the customers of the bank, should not have to pay for a renter who writes a worthless check to the landlord. That ought to be charged to the landlord, and then they can pass that back to the renter.
Let me simply close by saying this is a regulatory relief bill that we promised to the financial institutions because of all of the costs they were incurring as a result of the PATRIOT Act. It is not a regulatory burden bill. We do not reward someone with more punishment. We have imposed all of these money-laundering requirements on them, and we told them we would come back in this legislation and help them recover some of the costs, and thrifts are going to be stuck with this, credit unions cannot charge. It is going to really hurt a lot of institutions and a lot of customers.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment, and claim that time, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that the gentlewoman's concerns are already fully addressed in this legislation. I believe that because the current law requires Federal financial regulators to closely examine the impact of any mergers, not only on the financial system, but also on the communities involved. If my colleagues will look at 12 USC 1842, it says: ``A Federal financial regulator may not approve any merger where the proposed acquisition merger or consolidation may substantially lessen competition, tend to create a monopoly, or restrain trade, unless it finds that the anti-competitive effects of the proposed transaction are clearly outweighed in the public interest by the probable effect of the transaction in meeting the convenience and needs of the communities to be served.''
This section of the U.S. Code goes on to state that in every acquisition, merger, or consolidation the regulator shall take into consideration the financial and managerial resources and future prospects of the company or companies and bank concerns and the convenience and needs of the community. Let me stress that: and the convenience and needs of the communities.
All mergers, acquisitions, and consolidations are subject to antitrust review by the Department of Justice to ensure that there is not a negative impact on the financial system or on the communities that the financial institutions serve.
So we have all of these tests, all of these hurdles that must be gone through.
Finally, not only that, but notice must be given that a merger is being considered, and under the Community Reinvestment Act, members of the affected communities have the ability to comment on the impact of the merger to the banking agency. So we have all of this. Nothing in this regulation relief bill changes that.
These same protections and considerations apply when a financial institution is participating in an expedited merger process.
Accordingly, this amendment simply is not necessary. It will add additional cost. And I must urge its defeat on the grounds I have just stated and on the further grounds, as I have said in opposing the last amendment, that we promised the financial institutions, the credit unions, the thrifts, and the small banks, those that have the greatest regulatory burden, the greatest percentage of cost in complying with
these new money laundering provisions, that we would take the burdens off of them, not put more burdens on them.
So I would urge the defeat of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, we are concerned about many of the same things the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) is concerned about. We simply think that existing law addresses these concerns. And I have reiterated those.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I want to express my appreciation to the chairman of the committee and the chairman of the subcommittee, because this is another…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I want to express my appreciation to the chairman of the committee and the chairman of the subcommittee, because this is another example of where we have been able to work in a cooperative way. We do not agree on everything, but our method of operation allows us to refine our disagreements and to present to the House some legitimate policy disagreements, but in a form and in a context that does not interfere with our ability to go forward where there is consensus.
There will be two amendments that we will be debating. The gentleman from Alabama will offer one, which I plan to oppose, that would reject a request from the FDIC to make it easier for them to proceed against people in the banking area that they think have been negligent. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner) will be offering an amendment that I think protects consumers. I feel strongly in favor of that one. Other than that, I believe we have agreement at the committee level. I want to emphasize, and I must say I am very hopeful that the Weiner amendment will be adopted, but we will have to see what happens.
I just want to reiterate my view that this reflects what I think ought to be our approach; namely, we start with respect for the market and an understanding that the free market is the best way to make our economy prosper. Particularly in the financial area that our committee has jurisdiction over, the role of the institutions as intermediaries in garnering the financial resources that are then made available to the people who do the production of goods and services, that is very important; and it is our obligation to make sure that that can be done with the maximum efficiency.
At the same time we recognize, many of us, that the market is not perfect. It does well what it is supposed to do, but there are areas of importance in our life that the market does not deal with. There are also inevitable tendencies in any institution, government, the private sector, the nonprofit sector, to do things that if there were constraints, it should not do. That does not mean that they are evil or that they are dysfunctional; it just means that human nature being what it is, no entity ought to be able to function without some restraints.
So our job is to provide for consumer protection in particular, which the market itself would not automatically do. Let me check that. In some areas I think we can rely on the market in the consumer area. There is a major merger, or a major sale in New England going on now where Fleet Boston is being bought by Bank of America. I have worked very closely with a number of entities that are advocates for low- and moderate-income people in the area of housing and in the area of small business and community development, because I do not think the market itself will take care of those. In other areas, in customer service, I think you can rely more on the market. There are competing institutions that will try to steal customers away. That is a good thing because, in the area of customer service, there will be competition. In areas where we are talking about lower-income people, competition does not do it, and we have to try to intervene.
What we need to do is to recognize the importance of regulation but, at the same time, make sure that we do not regulate unnecessarily, because there are regulatory costs. I do not object to regulatory costs if they are essential to achieving an important public purpose. Where they can be shown not to have that relationship, they ought to be removed. We ought to also try to pick among various regulatory approaches until we get the one that gives us the most benefit for the least cost. This bill is, on the whole, an effort to do that.
The chairman mentioned that in the controversial area of industrial loan corporations, we heard the forceful statements of the gentleman from Iowa who thinks that we should be more restrictive. We have Members who represent particularly States where the ILCs have played a major role, California and Utah in particular, who are represented in our committee, who think we have been too restrictive. The gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Gillmor) took the lead, and I was glad to work with him, in using a formula we had previously adopted in the Congress; namely, that to be a financial institution you should be 85 percent financial in your revenues, and we have used that as a screen for the additional entities that might be entering the ILC field. I think that is a reasonable compromise. I think that will protect the public interests, while continuing to allow consumer choice, and I congratulate the chairman and others for creating the context in which we could work that out.
I know we will be proceeding to debate on a couple of controversial issues and, as I said, I think this is a good overall bill, but Members may be waiting to see what happens on some of the amendments to make their final judgment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), a very hard working member of this committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney), a very able member of our subcommittee, the ranking member of the Subcommittee on International and Domestic Monetary Policy.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Sanders), a member of the committee, who is the ranking member of the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Before yielding time to one of the coauthors of the bill, the gentleman from Arkansas, who has done a lot of work on this, I did want to respond to the gentleman from Vermont.
Frankly, I was somewhat surprised to hear him raise some of those issues because he is, as I noted, the ranking member on the minority side of the subcommittee of jurisdiction; and I must say that had he raised some of them when we were considering this bill, he might not now feel they were being ignored.
One of them, of course, is not germane to this bill, the credit card question. That was debated and voted on in the committee last year, but some of the other issues he raised now, I just have to say that it is a little late to come to the floor, when the bill is already before us, and raise issues, particularly when you are the ranking member of the subcommittee and you have hearings and you have markup in subcommittee and you have markup in full committee.
In one case I would note he objected to the fact that this bill reduces the period during which the Federal Government can wait and study a merger for antitrust. Yes, I agree that that is a problem. We debated that one, in fact, in committee. It was the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) who raised that; and I appreciate the fact that because she, having raised it, stuck with it, she has worked with the majority, and an amendment that will put that back up to 15 days, instead of 5, I believe, is going to be accepted.
So I would like to inform the gentleman, he has left the floor, that there was, in fact, an agreement to address one of those issues that he raised.
He also raised the question of executive compensation, and I have been working with the very good staff that we have on our side of the committee to deal particularly with the aspect of executive compensation, top-level executive compensation, that is, the perverse incentive that stock options give to the top people.
So that one I assure him is going to be dealt with. But I do not think it makes sense to deal with it only for financial institutions. I think it should be dealt with across the board.
The committee is going to remain in business, and I have to say to my now absent colleague from Vermont that, as ranking member, he is fully positioned to raise these, and many of the other members would be glad to work with him, as we were able to work with the gentlewoman from California when she took a very serious look at this and accomplished something.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross), who is a cosponsor of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
I do not see anyone on the floor who is opposed to this amendment. Is it then permissible under the rules for me to request the rest of the time?
Mr. Chairman, if it is appropriate, I will, although I am not in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I just want to address one important issue on this question of the industrial loan companies that the gentleman from Iowa had raised previously. It is clear, as we all agree, that the ILCs are in fact regulated. They are regulated by a Federal bank regulator, the FDIC. The element of unregulation goes with holding companies. Bank holding companies are regulated by the Federal Reserve. Heretofore, these holding companies have not had, in my experience, much independent existence and so the regulation by the FDIC has done it.
I will say to the gentleman from Iowa, while he is not here right now, he has been very conscientious on this bill and is probably following this, that I would be prepared to work with him on the question of whether or not an appropriate form of regulation for the holding companies ought to exist. Perhaps the FDIC or some other entity should have it. I do not think we have a regulatory hole. We have not had one historically. I do not think we are creating one. But I would note the only potential argument is there would not be a regulation of the holding company. All of the bank activities of the ILCs would be regulated by the FDIC.
Having said that, I just would repeat what the gentleman from Ohio essentially said. This is, I think, an effort to fine-tune regulation. I do not believe in any regard it cuts back excessively. I did disagree with the proposal to cut the review time for antitrust to 5 days. We have an amendment that will be coming soon from the gentlewoman from California that will push it back up to 15, not exactly where I would like it. We then will have a couple of other amendments to deal with. But I would note that we are going to correct what I think is one of the flaws in this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes.
This is one of the two disagreements here. I should note that the section that is in the bill that the gentleman from Alabama seeks to strike was requested by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. What they said was they want to be able to issue their orders. They do not have criminal procedures here. This does not take away one's right to a jury trial for any criminal trial. The FDIC has administrative powers. They can order one to cease and desist from a certain practice; they can debar one from working.
What they are saying is they do not want to be unable to bar people or to order a stop to people who are being grossly negligent. The language that will be governing the FDIC's regulating authority with regard to lawyers and others who work on banking matters, these are people that are hired by banks as professionals; and let me say there was some argument before that, well, these people should not be held to knowing banking law. We are not talking about the guys who install the drywall. We are not talking about the people who do the valet parking at the big soirees. We are talking about lawyers and other professionals. And, yes, I do believe it is reasonable to hold lawyers to a standard of knowing bank law when they do lawyering for banks. And what the FDIC said is we do not want to have to prove that they were reckless or deliberate. If they are grossly negligent, we want to be able to step in.
It is not a criminal proceeding. It is the FDIC. The FDIC wants to be able to hold professionals who are offering their professional services voluntarily to banks and working on bank matters to a knowledge of banking law to the extent if they are negligent, or even grossly negligent, if this amendment said the standard was gross negligence, it would be less of a problem for me, but this says for the FDIC to be able to discipline an attorney or any other professional servicing a bank, it must be a standard of either knowledge or recklessness of the conduct, and I think that is a mistake.
We know that there is not always a great difference between the people who work full-time for the bank and the people who are working as professionals for the bank. There are people who specialize, lawyers who specialize, in serving banks, other professionals who would specialize in serving banks. It seems to me entirely reasonable for them to be held to that standard.
So I do agree that we want to be deregulatory here, and a few minutes ago some of us were saying it was a good thing we have the FDIC. They are the regulators of the ILCs. They are an important regulator. This is a case where the regulators have asked us to keep a standard for them which they use when they are dealing with the banks themselves, and they want to be able to apply it to the independent contractors. I think it would be a mistake to give the FDIC significantly less power to act in enforcement proceedings against lawyers and other professionals than they now have.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. Chairman, do I have the right to close on this amendment?
Mr. Chairman, this is a very proconsumer effort. I do think people ought to be penalized when they can control it. But as the gentleman from New York as pointed out, bank practices today blame the victim. If one is a recipient of a bad check and they in good faith deposit it in their bank, they are penalized. Indeed, I would contrast this with the previous amendment. If one is an attorney now under this bill and they behave with gross negligence, the FDIC cannot do anything about it; but if they are the consumer who gets a bad check, they get whacked. I do not think it is anticapitalist to say that people who are the victims of bad checks once should not be victimized by bad checks twice. People have said, well, we should give them an incentive. As the gentleman from New York had said, I do not know many people who say I do not mind getting a bad check as long as my bank does not hurt me. I think there is already every incentive they have got to say no to it. We are not talking about someone who takes eight bad checks from the same person. The first time someone victimizes someone with a check that has insufficient funds, they are victimized.
This amendment is a good amendment.
Mr. Chairman, in the apparent absence of anyone in opposition, I would ask for the time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, this is, as I think has been made clear, a bill that has already passed the House. Clearly the former reasons for the prohibition on interest on business checking accounts no longer make sense in light of the current economy.
I appreciate the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Kelly) alluding to the issue of the ILCs. When we had originally dealt with this, it had been my hope as this bill went forward in the other body, the compromise we had adopted could be considered there. For a variety of reasons this did not go forward in the other body. And the rules prohibit me from commenting on whether or not anyone ought to be surprised by the absence of that progress, so I shall not.
But this, once again, we hope will go forward; because it is, I think, an important thing especially, as has been clear, for the small businesses. Interest on their checking accounts, if you are a smaller business and you have to maintain a large percentage of your funds in checking accounts for a variety of reasons, then the lack of interest could become a significant factor.
So I hope that this will ultimately pass, but I do hope that the ILC issue will get some further attention.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to reclaim my time, and I also yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey).
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on the Judiciary referred an imperfect bill to the full House. However, in a rare bipartisan move, the chairman, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley), the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), and the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) joined together to try to fix what is one of the more controversial elements of this bill. And they deserve credit for trying to work in a bipartisan way and to build consensus and to bring something to this floor that a majority of this House will be able to support.
Unfortunately, last night, the Committee on Rules failed to follow the lead set by our three distinguished colleagues. In what has become a very disturbing standard of operating procedure in the people's House, the Committee on Rules once again issued a restrictive rule. Now, this is the 12th rule considered by this body this year so far, and only one of them has been open. Mr. Speaker, a restrictive rule on a noncontroversial bill, and I think it is fair to say if the manager's amendment gets approved, this is a fairly uncontroversial bill, is simply undemocratic.
Every day, the people I talk to grow more and more outraged with the way this Republican leadership shuts down the democratic process in this House. This restrictive rule I think is also an insult to the former chairman of the Committee on Financial Services, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), who I have great admiration for. The major controversy with the underlying bill is the regulation of industrial loan companies, or ILCs. The manager's amendment includes the compromise that I mentioned, worked out among the chairman, the ranking member (Mr. Frank), and the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor).
The gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), as he testified last night in the Committee on Rules, was not satisfied with the compromise language on ILCs. And as is his right, he came to the Committee on Rules last night to offer an amendment regulating these businesses. Now, during their testimony, I asked the chairman and I asked the ranking member if they supported the right of the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) to offer his amendment on the floor today. And while they said that they had some issues with the substance of his amendment, and they would not be able to support it, they both agreed that the former chairman of the Committee on Financial Services deserves the right to offer his amendment before the full House, an amendment that deals with a very important aspect of this bill.
Now, if the chairman of the Committee on Financial Services and if the ranking Democrat on the Committee on Financial Services do not have a problem with the offering of the gentleman's amendment, why in the world does the Committee on Rules have a problem with the gentleman from Iowa being able to offer his amendment?
The amendment that was brought before the Committee on Rules was completely in accordance with the rules of this House. There were no waivers that were required in order for it to be considered on the floor today. In fact, if
this was an open rule, he would be able to offer the amendment. There would be no problem. The gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) is a distinguished Member of this House who drafted this amendment in a thoughtful way, and I believe that the former chairman of the Committee on Financial Services deserves more than he is getting here today.
There are other amendments that were brought before the Committee on Rules last night that were not made in order. In addition, the Committee on Rules set a deadline for submitting amendments to the committee of 10 a.m. yesterday morning. By the time the Committee on Rules convened to report the rule last night, the Republican leadership knew full well that only 10 amendments would be offered today. Instead of granting an open rule so that all 10 amendments could be considered under regular order, the Committee on Rules granted this rule which provides for 1 hour of general debate and 70 minutes for consideration of the amendments.
With this restrictive rule, the Republican leadership not only shuts out one of their more distinguished Members but other Members who would like to offer amendments to this bill. Again, during the hearing last night in the Committee on Rules, both the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) and the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) made mention of the fact that all these amendments could be dealt with in a relatively short period of time; that there was no reason why some of these amendments needed to be shut out of the process.
For the life of me, I cannot figure out why the Committee on Rules and the Republican leadership continues to insist on shutting down democracy in this House of Representatives. Sometimes, like today, it seems as though they stifle debate just because they can. It is like a bad habit they cannot break. Mr. Speaker, the Republican leadership is addicted to their own power, and I urge them to take the first step toward recovery by admitting that they have a problem, a big problem. And it is not too late. Democrats stand ready to help you, there are thoughtful Members on the Republican side who stand ready to help you.
There is no reason why this bill needs to come to the floor today under this restrictive process. This should be an open process. This should be a relatively noncontroversial process, but you have made it more controversial than it needs to be. So I hope the Republican leadership at some time comes to their senses and does the right thing, but I am not holding my breath. But we are going to continue to insist that this process be more open and be more democratic.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, maybe we need to go get the text of the hearing last night. I asked specifically whether or not either the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) or the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) had a problem with the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) offering his amendment, and the answer was no. There was no qualification.
So that is why I asked the question. And I repeated it several times during the hearing to make the point that even though they had some problems with the substance of the gentleman's amendment, they had no problem with him offering his amendment.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I just want to commend the gentleman from Iowa for his comments. Again, I wish that he had the opportunity to offer his amendment because I think there were a lot of Members who share his concerns. Maybe before this debate is over with, we can get an explanation from someone on the Committee on Rules as to why his amendment which was perfectly in order, required no budgetary waivers, was not allowed here, which I think is really unfortunate. We certainly have the time to be able to debate it and every Member should have the right to vote up or down on it.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), the ranking Democrat on the Committee on Financial Services who most recently David Broder in a Washington Post article referred to as one bold thinker among Democrats, one of the most effective Members of this House.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner), one of the more thoughtful Members of this House and a member of the Committee on the Judiciary.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to close for our side.
Let me just again get back to the issue of the rule. I understand that there may be occasions for rules to come before the Members of this House that are not completely open, and the majority does after all have the responsibility of making sure that this House runs, that the legislative agenda moves forward. And I would prefer that any rules that come to the floor that have any kind of restrictions in them be done in consultation with the chairman and ranking members of the appropriate committees and subcommittees.
But here we have a situation where the ranking member of the Committee on Financial Services and the chairman of the Committee on Financial Services said that they had no problems with the amendments that were being offered last night; and specifically in response to a question by me regarding the gentleman from Iowa's (Mr. Leach) amendment, they said they had absolutely no problem with his offering that amendment on the floor today. And I do not understand why the majority of the Committee on Rules decided last night to cut the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) out of the process.
There has been a very interesting dialogue between the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank). This is obviously a very important issue. Members have strong feelings on both sides. This is the kind of amendment that we should have a debate on on the floor and Members of both sides should be able to vote up or down on. And it is not like we do not have the time. According to the schedule that the majority put out today, we are going to be out of here by three o'clock. I do not think this would take very much time.
They do not want to deal with issues of substance. We cannot deal with the extension of unemployment benefits. We cannot deal with a trade bill to stop sanctions against U.S. products. I do not know where the transportation bill is or health care bills or anything else, but we do have this bill on the floor. We do have the time. And it just seems to me to be somewhat puzzling that they could not find it within their wisdom last night as the majority to allow this amendment to come to the floor and for Members to vote up or down on it. Maybe it is just because they are in the habit of restricting things and closing things down.
But it just seems to me on a bill that is relatively noncontroversial where the chairman and the ranking member have no problem with the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) offering his amendment, I do not understand why the Committee on Rules has such a big problem. And I think it is unfortunate, and I think Democrats and Republicans need to continue to point out the unfairness of this process. We can do much better. And on bills like this, there is absolutely no reason why this should not have been a wide-open rule. We could have handled this in a reasonable period of time, and we could have respected all the Members of this House, both Republican and Democrat; and I just think it is unfortunate that this is becoming a trend in the Committee on Rules.
We only had one open rule this year, notwithstanding all the great speeches those guys give about how they are committed to openness. This is not how we should be doing this, and I apologize to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) and others who did not have their amendments made in order last night, but I hope in the future that we do better.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am just trying to figure all of this out because, in the past, the Committee on Rules has used the excuse that Members have brought amendments up in their relevant committees of jurisdiction and they have not passed, so therefore we should make them in order. Now you are saying that because he did not, the gentleman from Iowa did not bring his amendment up in his committee of jurisdiction, that it should be made in order. So I do not understand.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 566 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 566 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), my friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time is yielded for the purposes of debate only.
The resolution before us is a structured rule providing 1 hour of general debate equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Financial Services. The rule waives all points of order against consideration of the bill. However, the only Budget Act waiver granted in this rule is for section 302(f).
It also provides that the substitute amendment provided by the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on the Judiciary is considered as read as an original bill for the purpose of amendment.
This rule also waives all points of order against consideration of the substitute, however, the only Budget Act waiver granted in this rule is for section 302(f). It makes in order only those amendments printed in the Committee on Rules report accompanying the resolution. These amendments shall be considered as read, and may only be considered in the order printed in the report, may only be offered by the Member designated in the report, and shall be debatable for the time specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent; not to be subject to amendment and not to be subject to a demand for a division of the question in the whole House or in the Committee of the Whole.
Finally, this rule waives all points of order against the amendments printed in the report and provides one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to introduce the rule for H.R. 1375, the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act. This bill is commonsense legislation
that will diminish or eliminate outdated statutory banking provisions to reduce the regulatory compliance burden faced by our Nation's financial institutions to improve their productivity, as well as to make necessary technical correction to current statutes.
America's banking laws are full of outdated and burdensome regulations, some dating back to the Great Depression, that have long outlived their usefulness. To address the problem of outdated rules and the rapidly advancing and highly competitive financial services industry, in 2001, Committee on Financial Services chairman, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley), asked the State and Federal regulators of our Nation's financial institutions to provide him with a list of regulations that they believed have outlived their usefulness.
The regulators answered the chairman's call, along with the rest of the financial services community, providing the chairman with a number of suggestions that, when enacted, will benefit consumers and regulators alike by lowering the cost of transacting financial services.
This wide-ranging list of proposals affecting banks, savings associations, and credit unions was first passed by the committee as H.R. 3951, but unfortunately the 107th Congress expired before it could be considered on the House floor. The bill that is being considered on the floor today is a new and updated version of that original legislation and remains true to the original vision of providing regulatory relief in financial services that the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) and the bill's chief sponsor, the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito) had when they began this process more than 3 years ago.
This legislation accomplishes a number of important things, and in the interest of time I will only mention a few. For instance, for banks, H.R. 1375 removes the prohibition on national and State banks from expanding across State lines by opening branches. It eliminates unnecessary and costly reporting requirements on banks regarding lending to bank officials; and it streamlines bank merger application regulatory requirements.
For savings associations, the bill removes lending limits on small business and auto loans, and increases the limit on their business loans. It gives these institutions parity with banks with respect to broker-dealer and investment adviser SEC registration requirements; and it gives thrifts the same authority as national and State banks to make investments primarily designated to promote community development.
For credit unions, the bill expands the investment authority of Federal credit unions. It increases the general limit on the term of Federal credit union loans from 12 to 15 years, and it eases restrictions on voluntary mergers between healthy credit unions.
Finally, for the Federal financial regulatory agencies, the bill provides agencies with the discretion to adjust the examination cycle for insured depository institutions to use agency resources in the most efficient manner. It modernizes agency recordkeeping requirements to allow the use of optically-imaged or computer-scanned images. It clarifies that agencies may suspend or prohibit individuals charged with certain crimes from participation in the affairs of any depository institution and not only institutions for which that individual is associated.
By fixing these and many other technical and outdated problems, H.R. 1375 will allow financial institutions to devote more resources to the business of lending to consumers and less to the compliance with outdated and unneeded regulations. Reducing these regulatory burdens will lower the cost of credit for consumers and help our economy to grow and to provide more jobs even more quickly.
And while there are a number of things that Congress still needs to accomplish, like creating a uniform and cutting-edge national privacy standard for consumers, this legislation is a great step in the right direction. It will make all of our country's financial institutions more efficient, while balancing the additional regulatory burden they face each day as a result of the USA PATRIOT Act, and it will help our banks, savings associations, and credit unions to focus their compliance efforts on combating money laundering and terrorist financing, not on wasteful and duplicative regulations.
I strongly support this rule and the underlying legislation, and I urge my colleagues to do so. I would like to congratulate the members of the Committee on Financial Services who have made great contributions to this bill, including the chairman, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley), the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey), and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus). These are the people who have helped to bring this bill to the floor today. I am proud of what they have done.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I would stand to be corrected, Mr. Speaker, but as I recall the testimony last night in the Committee on Rules, it was that the chairman of the Committee on Financial Services said that he had no problem making the amendment of the gentleman from Iowa in order, but would defer to the Committee on Rules to make that decision. And, in fact, we did.
I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments, and as part of that same openness to the gentleman from Davenport, Iowa, I yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), the former chairman of the Committee on Financial Services, or perhaps it was the Committee on Banking and Financial Services at that time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Duluth, Georgia (Mr. Linder), from the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Massachusetts does raise many very important points including that the distinguished chairman, former chairman, of the banking committee did appear before the Committee on Rules last night. The gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) is a very valuable and important and thoughtful member of our conference. The fact of the matter is the Committee on Rules has, in our own judgment, a lot of things which we consider on a regular basis, and some of those things do deal with whether a
person chose to have a vote in the committee of jurisdiction or not. The fact of the matter is that the gentleman did not request a vote in the committee of jurisdiction that he came from.
And we felt like that in the interests of us moving things on the floor, that it would be best in this circumstance to let the committee of jurisdiction speak on that matter. They chose not to; the gentleman chose not to. We do not always feel that bringing it to the floor is the correct place.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, as a matter of fact, the gentleman is correct. But there are circumstances many times related to how close a vote is, whether it is controversial; there are a number of things which identify that as what we might call or term a jump ball. It is important at various times for the Committee on Rules to look at and to weigh those things which we believe are important to the efficiency of the use of this time on the floor.
In this case, we made a determination as to what we were going to do. We have made 3 Democrat amendments in order, we have made 2 Republican amendments and a manager's amendment in order. I believe that the time which we took yesterday in the Committee on Rules was appropriately done by the young chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), and I am very proud of what we have done.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this rule and the underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Show 8 more
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to bring to the floor today H.R. 1375, bipartisan legislation making a number of changes to Federal banking, thrift, and credit…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to bring to the floor today H.R. 1375, bipartisan legislation making a number of changes to Federal banking, thrift, and credit union laws that will enable these sectors of the financial services industry to operate more productively and provide a higher level of service to their customers.
I want to begin by recognizing the efforts of the principal sponsor of this legislation, a valued member of the Committee on Financial Services, the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), as well as her primary democratic cosponsor, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross). In putting together this legislation, the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito) and the committee consulted extensively with the Federal banking and credit union regulators, as well as affected private sector parties, to fashion a package that, by removing unneeded or outdated legal restrictions, helps to maintain the competitive standing of the U.S. banking and financial services system that has no equal in the world.
In the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks on America, President Bush and this Congress have called upon the financial services industry to play a major role in the effort to starve al Qaeda and like-minded organizations of the funds they need to inflict terror on the civilized world. Title III of the USA PATRIOT Act enacted shortly after the September 11 attacks imposes a host of new mandates and due diligence requirements on financial institutions designed to identify and block the movement of terrorist funds through the global financial system. Committee on Financial Services has conducted extensive oversight on the implementation of title III, and I think I speak for many members of the committee in applauding the seriousness and sense of commitment with which the financial services industry has gone about fulfilling the front-line responsibilities it has been asked to assume in the financial war against terrorism.
Shouldering these burdens is not without significant costs, of course. The changes made by the PATRIOT Act require banks and other depository institutions to devote significant compliance resources to monitoring and examining transactions, verifying the identities of new customers, and responding to inquiries by law enforcement authorities seeking to track terrorist finances through the U.S. banking system. Both as a way of offsetting these new expenses and freeing institutions to devote sufficient resources to PATRIOT Act compliance and serving their customers, the committee began during the last Congress to try to identify regulatory or statutory requirements that could have outlived their useful purpose and could be eliminated without any adverse affects on the safety and soundness of the banking system or on basic consumer protections. H.R. 1375 is the end result of that process.
The legislation, which enjoyed bipartisan support in the Committee on Financial Services, reflects significant contributions from several members of the committee. For example, the bill incorporates legislation authored by the gentleman from California (Mr. Ose) which would permit credit unions to offer check-cashing and wire transfer services to individuals who are not members of the credit union, but are within its field of membership, thereby promoting alternative sources of banking services for many low- and moderate-income Americans. An important amendment offered in committee by the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Lucas) would greatly improve coordination between home and host State supervisors of State-chartered banks that operate branches in multiple States.
I also want to commend the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) for their hard work in crafting a compromise on an issue that was the subject of spirited debate in the committee: the extent to which certain commercially owned industrial loan companies, which are insured depository institutions chartered in a handful of States, should be permitted to exercise the new branching authority provided for in section 401 of the bill. I will offer a manager's amendment later today that incorporates the good work of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and the ranking member on this difficult issue.
Finally, I want to thank the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit, for quarterbacking this effort in his subcommittee and helping to shepherd it through the full committee.
Thanks to hard work of the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito) and the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Ross) and many other members of our committee, the House will have an opportunity to vote later today on legislation that improves the productivity and efficiency of our financial services industry. A vote for this bill is a vote to allow banks, thrifts, and credit unions to channel their resources away from complying with unneeded regulatory mandates and toward making loans and providing other financial products and services to consumers and to their small business customers, which can only help fuel economic growth in local communities across this country.
I strongly urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan piece of legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit.
(Mr. BACHUS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), the lead sponsor of this important legislation.
(Mrs. CAPITO asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), the distinguished former chairman of the committee.
Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 3 minutes to the outstanding gentleman from Ohio (Mr. LaTourette), a valued member of the committee.
(Mr. LaTOURETTE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume to also recognize the leadership of the gentleman from Arkansas for being the lead Democrat sponsor on this legislation. We appreciate his hard work on this endeavor.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), a valuable member of the committee.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Chocola).
(Mr. CHOCOLA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. I would simply say this has been a very good debate and, in fact, a great representation of the legislative process at work. We have had a lot of strong opinions, particularly on the ILC issue. But overall this is an attempt to provide regulatory relief to institutions who have undertaken a tremendous burden, particularly under the PATRIOT Act strictures. For that reason, this bill needs to go forward.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment made in order under the rule.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment makes certain technical and conforming changes to the bill requested by the Federal financial regulators, deletes sections from the bill reported by the Committee on Financial Services that have been superseded by other legislative or judicial developments, and, most importantly, incorporates compromise language developed by two highly respected members of our committee, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), limiting the scope of the de novo branching authority provided for in section 401 of the bill.
As reported by the Committee on Financial Services, section 401 eliminates current statutory restrictions on banks' ability to branch across State lines. When the committee marked up H.R. 1375, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and other Members expressed concerns about extending this de novo branching authority to industrial loan companies, or ILCs, that are owned by commercial companies, such as retailers and auto manufacturers. Since the markup, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) have worked together to develop language that would permit ILCs owned by financial firms to avail themselves of the new de novo branching authority while prohibiting branching by ILCs owned by nonfinancial or commercial firms that did not become insured depositories until after a grandfather date specified in the amendment.
Like any good compromise, the Gillmor-Frank amendment does not embody total consensus. There are those in this body who believe we should place no restrictions on the activities of ILCs that do not also apply to other depository institutions and those on the other hand who feel equally strongly that the ILC charter has been expanded beyond its original purpose and should be scaled back. Indeed, we have heard strong debate on that during general debate. On the whole, I believe that the Gillmor-Frank language strikes a reasonable compromise on a very difficult issue, and I am pleased to include it in this manager's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I urge all Members to support the manager's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor).
(Mr. GILLMOR asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I am not opposed.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
We are prepared to accept the amendment, and I say to the gentlewoman from California, good work on this issue.
Mr. Chairman, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule as reported out of the Committee for H.R. 1375. While portions of this bill that fall under the jurisdiction of the Judiciary Committee came for review and…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule as reported out of the Committee for H.R. 1375. While portions of this bill that fall under the jurisdiction of the Judiciary Committee came for review and analysis, I generally supported the version of H.R. 1375 as reported out of the Committee; however, I shared one reservation about a provision that was not addressed at the Committee markup. Section 609 of H.R. 1375 amends section 11(b) of the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, 12 U.S.C. 1849(b), and section 18(c)(6) of the Federal Deposit Insurance Act, 12 U.S.C. 1828(c)(6), by reducing the minimum waiting period from 15 calendar days to 5 calendar days for banks and bank holding companies to merge with or acquire other banks or bank holding companies. Although no amendment was offered at the Committee, we feel that this provision should be struck from the bill.
Community organizations have raised concerns about this provision, which reduces to five days the pre-merger, mandatory 15-day waiting period with the Attorney General's approval. During the course of a bank merger process, both the Federal financial supervisory agency and the Department of justice review the merger proposal for competitive concerns. After a Federal Banking agency approves a merger, DOJ has 30 days to decide whether to challenge the merger approval on antitrust grounds. At a minimum, the merging banks must now wait 15 days before completing their merger. Currently, banking law allows third parties, other than Federal banking agencies or DOJ, to file suit during the post-approval waiting period. As proposed, section 609 would reduce the minimum 15-day waiting period to 5 days when DOJ indicates it will not file suit challenging the merger approval order.
This provision is anti-Community Reinvestment Act, CRA, and strips the organizations' right to seek judicial review of Federal bank merger approval orders. Without such review, community organizations will be deprived of impartial means and mechanisms for ensuring that CRA performance obligations are taken into account when considering merger approvals. Community-based organizations use such suits to obtain information about the merger and ensure that the merger will not result in disproportionate branch closures in low-income or minority communities. These organizations play an important role in the public interest. The mandatory 15-day waiting period should remain intact and section 609 should be removed from the bill, if passed today.
My amendment, number 9, would amend section 607 of H.R. 1375 as drafted. The specific language of this amendment reads:
Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that, when
a requesting agency requires expeditious action on an
application for a merger transaction, consideration should be
made as to the impact the merger transaction will have on
corporate and individual customers in an effort to ensure
that no harmful effects will result from the merger
transaction.
This amendment, while very substantive, is also a less intrusive attempt to ensure that the emergency expedited application process for merger transactions called for in section 607 of this legislation will not allow applicants to harm customers and/or communities with the increased share of the respective market that will result from the transaction formed, as compared to my other amendment, Jackson-Lee No. 9. Under this ``sense of Congress'' provision, Congress will make clear its intent to retain an important degree of oversight over the expedited process provided for in section 607 as drafted. The import of this amendment only spells out what should already be inherent in the operation of our Federal Reserve Board. It is clear, however, that such a provision is necessary because so many individuals and communities are suffering from disparate treatment by lending institutions.
When we allow expedited review of a corporate act so substantial as a merger and of an act that will affect so many consumers, we must be very careful in conferring latitude to institutions or in curtailing our own oversight authority. The banking institutions covered under this legislation play a vital role in the lives of many individuals and corporations who receive their services.
In the case of the recent JP Morgan and Bank One merger, Bethel New Life, Inc. expressed on the Federal Reserve Board's record the fact that this transaction had a tremendous impact on the Chicago area. It was explained that the loss of a bank headquarters would result in job loss, less civic interest and commitment, and less detailed knowledge of the local community. Furthermore, there would be less interaction between senior bank staff and the variety of people involved in community development in underserved communities. A bank, merger if the bank is willing, may give community groups the opportunity to engage in discussion with the bank(s) about future community reinvestment goals. The Jackson-Lee Amendment No. 9 seeks to ensure that this kind of respect for the underserved communities remains intact with sufficient Congressional oversight.
While this legislation purports to facilitate the work of lending institutions by allowing them and other depository banks to devote more of their resources to the business of lending, section 607 makes it possible for some transactions to escape very important scrutiny.
As we see in the recent merger of J.P. Morgan Chase & Co., JPMCC, and Bank One Corporation, the capture of large portions of consumer markets in quick and easy transactions allow many individual and corporate customers to experience a negative impact of the transaction. The consolidation of the finance industry so rapidly allows institutions to exclude large parts of their activities from requirements set forth in the Community Reinvestment Act, CRA. CRA has been instrumental in increasing affordable housing, and making sure that banks throughout this country play a more responsible role in their communities. The CRA is working extremely well and must not be weakened by provisions such as those found in section 607. Instead of diminishing the CRA and other oversight tools that are in place, we must strengthen them. If this legislation passes as drafted, potentially fewer people will realize the dream of homeownership, fewer small businesses will get off the ground, fewer jobs will be created, and fewer neighborhoods will be rebuilt.
The CRA was enacted in 1977 to address these concerns by requiring banks to make loans in neighborhoods where they collect deposits.
Section 607 as drafted could allow for the virtual elimination of the oversight authority conferred through measures such as the Community Reinvestment Act relative to Houston businesses and individuals, as most of the authority will be vested in New York and diverted from Houston. Significant Community Reinvestment dollars are necessary for home loans for minorities, the development of affordable housing, small business loans for minorities, procurement opportunities for minority businesses, community lending for minorities, and community investment for industrial, commercial and social facilities in minority communities. It is absolutely essential that you thoroughly examine this merger in order to ensure that proper conditions are made to mitigate the imminent adverse affects on Houston's minority community.
The CRA is only enforced in connection with banks' merger and expansion applications as
is the subject of section 607. The Federal bank regulatory agencies periodically evaluate banks for their compliance with CRA and assign them one of four ratings: Outstanding, Satisfactory, Needs to Improve or Substantial Non-Compliance. In 1998, the agencies rated over 98 percent of banks as either Outstanding or Satisfactory, despite that fact that, for example, the banking industry has continued to deny the mortgage loan applications of African Americans and Latinos twice as frequently as those of whites. Thanks to databases compiled under the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act, HMDA, data are made available to show stark statistics about loan approvals and loan denials that banks are required to make public each year.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support Jackson-Lee No. 9 and support the legislation with this amendment and that of Mr. Oxley.
Mr. Speaker, I deeply appreciate my colleague and neighbor's generous remarks and I am abashed that I bring nothing bold to this debate. I apologize, but sometimes boldness is not appropriate. I…
Mr. Speaker, I deeply appreciate my colleague and neighbor's generous remarks and I am abashed that I bring nothing bold to this debate. I apologize, but sometimes boldness is not appropriate. I think this legislation is a very well balanced one and I will be, when we get into the substantive debate, arguing for it. There are a couple of amendments that will be offered. The gentlewoman from California has a good one that I believe will prove noncontroversial. The gentleman from New York has one that I think is a good consumer protection amendment that we will have some controversy about.
What this bill tries to do is to continue what I believe has been the pattern in the committee which we dealt with last year with regard to the extension of the rules governing credit. That is, recognize the importance of market forces while at the same time providing those consumer protections and those public interest protections that the market is not designed to do. That is, I think our posture ought to be that the market works, the market is a great mechanism for creating wealth and providing services and creating goods but that you cannot leave it entirely alone, and our job is to try and do such regulation as vindicates important public interests but not to the point where you might become a burden on the market. This is a bill that tries to fine- tune that sum, that cuts back in some areas in regulation in ways that I do not think cause trouble.
Let me just address the gentleman from Iowa for whom everyone in this House has a great deal of respect both for his own commitment to the legislative process as a very serious effort and from his own expertise on the committee. I differ with him substantively on this and we will get into it more when we get into the manager's amendment. I did, as my friend from Massachusetts said, agree that the amendment ought to be offered. I would have voted against it. We debated it fully in the committee.
I do want to just respond briefly. One of our differences, I think, between myself and the gentleman from Iowa is that I think he equates not regulation by the Federal Reserve to not regulation by anybody else. There is, after all, under the existing law regulation, for example, by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. It is not simply in this area, but there have been other areas where I think the notion of the Federal Reserve being the only regulator is a problem.
I yield to the gentleman from Iowa.
I understand that. But I believe that in this case, the entity that has a claim on the deposit insurance, that gets into the payment system, will be the entity that is regulated by the FDIC. Let us be clear in this bill, we are not creating ILCs. ILCs have been in existence for a considerable period of time. They are especially important in the States of California and Utah. I believe we will hear from some of our colleagues from California and Utah who think we are being unduly restrictive toward institutions which they say, experience has shown, play a useful role and do not interfere.
Yes, I understand that. But I would differ that they were disempowered. I must tell the gentleman, here we may have some difference. I do not think our function here ought to be to worry about institutions. Our job is to worry about the economic function that institutions perform and what they offer consumers.
I understand that institutions will say this puts them at a disadvantage. I have been dealing with businesses in America for my 24 years here, in the Committee on the Judiciary with one set of businesses, in the Committee on Financial Services with another. Economists have downward sloping curves and upward sloping curves. We have a downward sloping metaphor. I am convinced from listening to testimony all this time that every single business in America is at a competitive disadvantage versus every other business. It is like in Lake Wobegon where everybody is above average. Here everybody is below in competitive advantage. Everyone argues that they have got a competitive disadvantage.
We are not here to protect institutions or to listen, I believe, to complaints that, gee, this one is a little unfair compared to the other in the way it ought to function. We also should note that in this bill which would allow them to extend to other States, there is a new restriction and that is the one that the gentleman referred to with the grandfathering, the institutions, any new ones would have to meet a certain test, others will have been in existence.
The other thing I would mention, though, is this. To the extent that we are talking about institutions that are not regulated by the Federal Reserve but have access to various advantages that we give banks, there is nothing unique about the ILCs in that regard. There are other banks in this country of various sorts that are regulated. As the gentleman knows, we have the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, we have the FDIC, we have the Office of Thrift Supervision, we have State bankers. There are other banks that do not have Federal Reserve supervision. There is a difference between us. I understand there is a view, and the gentleman from his own long years of study and I differ, for example, with regard to the Basle Accords internationally. Many of us found an overreach by the Federal Reserve. There is a view that says the Federal Reserve is the kind of lead regulator and the others are relegated. I disagree with that.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I would differ with the gentleman. There is this problem we have here, which is, certainly, the notion of grandfathering is not unique. If one is doing something that might pollute the air in California, they are subject to different laws than if they are doing it in Iowa. We do not have this absolute uniformity. And part of the problem we have is this: when we decide to change laws in any area, banking, pollution, other cases, we sometimes find that there are existing patterns in particular States, and we have this dilemma. We do not want to necessarily nationalize them, but we do not want to disrupt existing arrangements. So the notion in this very diverse country that we will sometimes have a lack of uniformity is inevitable if we are going to be able to legislate sensibly; otherwise every time we try to do something new, we will be faced with the notion that we have to uproot what exists. I do not think that is a problem, but I do want to stress again the fact that there will be financial institutions that are not regulated by the Federal Reserve, which is nothing new; and leaving aside ILCs, there are other financial institutions not regulated by the Federal Reserve. I know we will debate this later because my understanding is when we get to the manager's amendment, which is to restrict ILCs to vis-a-vis the bill, we will have some opposition from people who think we are being too restrictive.
But I just wanted to get back to my central theme, and I just would add one other thing to my friend from Iowa. As my friend from Massachusetts said, when I was asked, I said I thought his amendment ought to be in order, and the gentleman from the Committee on Rules said that I defer to the Committee on Rules. That is the wrong verb. Being a man of some awareness of my surroundings, I often find that I submit to the Committee on Rules. There is not anything voluntary about it. That is a fact of life. But I would say to my friend from Iowa I appreciate the feeling he has now. I hope the next time a rule comes up in which significant Democratic amendments are restricted that his indignation might carry over a little bit and that he will not necessarily vote for such rules.
What this bill does in summary is to say that we understand the need both to have regulation and to keep it updated so that it meets its public interest requirements and does not become excessive.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and let me just say that it is with the greatest sadness and discomfort that I rise in opposition to the rule, and because of the rule, I…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and let me just say that it is with the greatest sadness and discomfort that I rise in opposition to the rule, and because of the rule, I am also obligated to oppose, with every degree of intensity I can, the underlying bill.
Let me explain what is happening before this House. The underlying bill is a bill that is a deregulatory bill. It is good in many ways for virtually every sector of the financial community in parts. It is not necessarily good in all parts for the public interest. Some of this bill I very much support. Other parts of it I very much object to. But embedded in the bill is a new empowerment, an empowerment that goes to a charter that virtually nobody in the public has ever heard of called industrial loan companies. Industrial loan companies will now be able to offer virtually every feature and service of a commercial bank, but they will be able to offer it without the protections to the public comparable to that authorized for commercial banks.
What this implies is that we have a breach of what is called commerce and banking; that is, industrial loan companies can be owned by commercial entities. We also have a breach of standards of regulation that have come to be commonplace in the United States and now in Europe, what is called consolidated regulation. In America, we do this in the Federal banking statutes in which the Federal Reserve Board is the consolidated regulator of holding companies.
What we have here is an exception to that rule. What it means, and I think this Congress should understand this, is that there are a number of problems that occur in banking now and again, or financial services. One relates to incompetence, and so you have regulatory authority. In this case, the FDIC will be a partial regulator of these institutions. Then you have a problem that relates to very sophisticated new instruments of finance, particularly those described as derivatives kinds of products. Historically these are the province of larger institutions. Now they are increasingly used by smaller institutions. Industrial loan companies used to be very small, mom-and-pop in the financial services industry kinds of institutions. None up to 1987 was as large as $400 million in assets. Most were under $50 million. Now we have one that is $60 billion and we have eight that are over $1 billion in size. It is becoming the obvious charter of choice to a lot of companies.
But then let me also mention that you have a problem of criminality and criminalities of many kinds. It can be American-derived; it can be foreign-derived. One of the roles of the Federal Reserve of the United States is the gatekeeper to access to the American financial system, which is the Federal Reserve system, and what this statute will say is that the Federal Reserve system can be tapped by institutions, foreign or domestic, which the Federal Reserve will not have the power to regulate. And so if you take a Latin American bank, a Russian bank, if they get chartered by one of the five States allowed to authorize industrial loan companies, they will be able to tap into the payment system and to Federal deposit insurance and without Federal Reserve oversight.
I will tell you, this is a scandal. It is nothing less. It is an embarrassment to the committee of jurisdiction; it is an embarrassment to the Committee on Rules. Because all I asked the Committee on Rules to do was allow a single, short amendment that simply said if the new powers under this act come to be applied, an institution would have to come under the Federal banking statutes, meaning Federal Reserve oversight of the holding company. But the fix was in. The power groupings did not want this to happen. I will say to you in my time in the United States Congress, this is the greatest microcosm evidence of special interest reasoning that does not even allow debate on this subject in an amendment on the House floor.
I happen to be the senior member of the committee of jurisdiction, a former chairman. I consider it not particularly uncivil to me that I am not allowed to offer this amendment, but I consider it an embarrassment to the House that
this issue cannot be debated on the most important banking bill that is going to be before this Congress this year. Just so that no one is under any disillusionment, I am not on a hare. Chairman Greenspan and the Federal Reserve could not feel stronger about an amendment.
Mr. Speaker, we have seen in finance over the last decade some difficulties that have arisen. They have arisen because we have empowered the big without appropriate oversight. A legislative body really has a great deal of difficulty of understanding the subtleties of modern day finance. That is why we establish institutions in America that are designed to be the experts in this area. Most particularly we look in finance at very large levels, for example, in derivatives products, in money laundering, to holding company oversight to the Federal Reserve of the United States.
This Congress is saying that we do not want to see that oversight. This Congress is saying in this bill that we want to loosen things up. Here let me go to the structure of the bill because we have an interesting grandfather provision. We will say some will have these powers. Others after given dates of incorporation will not. Part of this is derived from a desire among some to stem a particular institution to get certain powers. I am not against any single institution. I am for everyone coming under the same law of the United States. This puts inequality under the law between financial institutions, ILC versus others, and then between types of ILCs. It is really preposterous.
All I am suggesting to this body is let us have evenness of law, let us have credible law to protect the public, and let us also recognize that when you make it easier for people to tie into the payment system that are foreign, you are inviting money laundering, among other things. You are inviting criminality. You are making it easier for the national security of the United States to be jeopardized. It is in that context that I would say to the committee of jurisdiction, I am deeply disappointed that this simple amendment could not be offered on this floor and, therefore, I must oppose this rule. I hesitate to oppose rules of my political party, but I have no option except to do so. I have to oppose the underlying bill even though there are a number of provisions in it that I strongly support. But this jeopardizes the United States public and the United States national security and I am deeply appalled.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
The gentleman is correct. The FDIC will regulate the depository institution but it cannot regulate the holding company. And what the Federal Reserve would do is regulate the holding company and would leave the FDIC as the primary regulator of the institution as it would be under the current law.
If the gentleman will yield on that point, I think the Congress ought to be made aware that under law only five States can have ILCs. One is Utah, one is California, with Utah being the dominant one. But to vote for this approach means that people from 45 other States are going to see their institutions disadvantaged and devalued based upon our empowering institutions that can only operate in five States. It is really a quirk in the law that ought to be thought through.
If the gentleman will yield further, what is being established by this law is the notion that comparable institutions in 45 States will come under Federal law and in five States will not in a very significant area of Federal law and, that is, holding company regulation.
That is really bizarre. We are saying five States will not operate under Federal law; 45 States will.
Mr. Chairman, I have listened to the debate today and there have been a couple of items that I think deserve some comment. We have heard a lot of misinformation, in my opinion, about industrial loan…
Mr. Chairman, I have listened to the debate today and there have been a couple of items that I think deserve some comment.
We have heard a lot of misinformation, in my opinion, about industrial loan companies. I think it is important that this Congress needs to go through an exercise in education about these institutions to learn about what they are and what they are not, and I want to address some of those things.
First of all, some people seem to think there is a lack of regulation; that ILCs are unregulated. That is not true. The FDIC regulates ILCs in the same manner as other State nonmember institutions. ILCs are subject to the FDIC safety and soundness regulations, as well as Federal consumer protections.
How about another thing that I often hear that I believe is a myth about this subject; that ILCs pose a threat to the safety and soundness of the national banking system. The fact is, overall, it is the FDIC's view that the ILC charters pose no greater safety and soundness risk than other charter types.
Another misconception out there about ILCs. Some people seem to think that ILCs may allow for inappropriate mixing of banking and commerce. The fact is, as the FDIC has said, they do not believe that the potential for conflict is any greater for ILCs than for other FDIC- insured institutions operating in a holding company structure. My colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), is submitting a letter that was written by Chairman Powell from the FDIC that will provide greater expansion on those particular thoughts.
I voted for this bill when it came out of committee. I supported the regulatory relief bill, and I still think many components of the underlying bill are
very good and positive. I am concerned about the components of the manager's amendment that tend to place restrictions on the branching capabilities of industrial loan companies.
Now, you will hear a lot of people, in the earlier debate on the rule and whatnot, saying these provisions do not go far enough; that we need greater restrictions. I want to point out there is another point of view, which is that I think these go too far. I do not think it is helpful. I think it is important we should talk about just what ILCs mean to this country, just so people will know.
Industrial loan banks are FDIC-regulated depository institutions. And, yes, they are chartered in five different States. There are more than 50 industrial loan banks in operation. They have been in operation for many years. They are subject to the same banking laws and are regulated in the same manner as other depository institutions. They are supervised and examined both by the States that charter them and by the FDIC. They are subject to the same general safety and soundness, consumer protection deposit insurance, Community Reinvestment Act, and other requirements that apply to other FDIC-insured depository institutions, and they have an exemplary record in serving the communities in which they operate.
Industrial loan banks have already been subject to the same rules regarding interstate branching as other banks. And although they have rarely used this authority, these banks have been authorized to open branches by acquisition, where State laws allow.
Most owners of industrial loan banks are exempted from the Bank Holding Company Act regulation through a specific provision added to the Bank Holding Company Act in 1987. This is neither a loophole nor a particularly unique provision. Similar Bank Holding Company Act exemptions apply to many institutions not owned by other companies, and to financial institutions that do not offer a full range of banking services, such as credit card banks, Edge Act banks, grandfathered ``nonbank banks,'' grandfathered ``unitary thrifts,'' and trust banks. These exemptions benefit bank customers. They introduce additional competition into the marketplace without increased risk to the deposit insurance system.
As I said earlier, some people will claim that these industrial loan banks are unregulated. That is just not true. They are subject to many of the same requirements as bank holding companies, such as strict restrictions on transactions with their bank affiliates. They are regulated under State law and are subject to examination by the FDIC and to prompt corrective action and capital guarantee requirements if the banks they control encounter financial difficulties. These tools, in the words of FDIC Chairman Donald Powell, allow the FDIC to manage the relationships between industrial loan banks and their parents ``with little or no risk to the deposit insurance funds, and no subsidy transferred to the nonbank parent.''
I think that it is important to note that what we are talking about here is choices. We have heard about, oh, these are only chartered in 5 States and that is to the detriment of 45 other States. This is about American consumers being given more choices; more choices and more efficiency in our economy. We should not be afraid of competition. There are various interest groups out there that are going to oppose ILCs. And I think they oppose them because they are saying, oh, gee, we are disadvantaged. I think they are trying to protect an advantage. Competition is good. Competition is a good thing in our country and in our economy here. It is something I would advocate for.
And I think the people have been well served in the many years in which ILCs have been in existence, and I think that businesses and consumers will continue to be served in all 50 States by the benefits of the services that industrial loan companies provide.
So as I said at the outset, a lot of things have been said. I think there is a lot of confusion about what ILCs are and are not. I have tried to walk through some of the fundamental comments that have been made that raise concern for me, and I would also suggest that this manager's amendment, which is a purported compromise, is not necessarily something that I agree with. I think it goes too far in being restrictive, and I think that it gives me concerns for a bill that otherwise passed through committee with very little controversy.
I yield to the gentleman from Iowa.
Reclaiming my time, Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the comments of the gentleman from Iowa. We have had discussions about this in the past and we tend to take a little bit different point of view on this issue.
But I do appreciate his mentioning some actions that are taking place within the European Union. Financial owners of industrial loan banks may very well soon be subject to further regulation, and holding company supervision will be driven by the European Union mandate that institutions doing business there be subject to consolidated holding company supervision.
It is my understanding the Securities and Exchange Commission has proposed a consolidated supervisory regime for holding companies predominantly engaged in securities business.
I do acknowledge that there are some other actions taking place to address this holding company issue and I am glad the gentleman raised that point. That being said, I guess I would just repeat one more time that I do believe that these are entities where, according to the Federal agency that regulates them now, the FDIC, they do not see any relationship in terms of, substantive, between the holding company and the bank component of the business.
I appreciate those comments. I would just say I understand there is a difference between the FDIC and the Federal Reserve and there is a difference on this particular issue. I just want to point out that this is not just an ILC issue, though. There are other entities that are also not regulated by the Federal Reserve.
Mr. Chairman, let me just say this bill has a number of very commonsense provisions, but in the name of a relatively large number of minor commonsense issues, there is more than a small measure of…
Mr. Chairman, let me just say this bill has a number of very commonsense provisions, but in the name of a relatively large number of minor commonsense issues, there is more than a small measure of regulatory mischief.
This bill is about less regulation but it is also about more imbalance.
It empowers a hitherto largely unknown charter in America called Industrial Loan Companies to have all the powers of commercial banks and, added with one of the amendments that is likely to pass today, a power to not only branch in all 50 States, but to do checking in a business kind of way, something ILCs were not hitherto empowered to do.
We will be giving five States in America the right to offer a charter with less regulation than 45 States. We will be putting an inequity in law that relates to this charter versus all others; and then we are going to be putting in a very intriguing way inequity between the charters, that is, those that have existed for a while will have more rights than those industrial loan companies that will be empowered later.
I would only like to stress to my colleagues, because there is some misunderstanding here, that one of the theories of the grandfather is to block a particular institution from getting an industrial loan company charter with full powers, which by the way indicates that those full powers are very significant. That particular company is unpopular with some of its competitors in the financial services industry. It is unpopular with organized labor. So there is a grandfather provision against that company; but the intriguing aspect of it is, it is a very enfeebled grandfather provision.
It is enfeebled because it gives the States the power of interpretation. There is no tie-in to Federal statute; and so any new company can get a new ILC charter, can buy an existing ILC charter. Then there are rules about changing control, but States have different change-of-control statutes. Some change of control is 25 percent ownership; some over 80 percent ownership. So a company can buy an existing charter and take on all the powers of an ILC under the pre- grandfather provisions, even though there appear to be in this statute certain restrictions, for example, that relate to a percentage that is financial in nature of their current operating business. All this is being interpreted by State government which has a vested interest to give charters rather than to stop charters because it means more jobs for their States.
The history of the ILC is that they were small institutions until 1987 when Congress, without much forethought, exempted them from the Bank Holding Company Act; and so the largest ILC charter had been less than $400 million, now the largest is $60 billion, and there are eight above a billion in size. If we give ILCs all the powers contemplated in this bill, there will be a pell mell run to the ILC charter.
This will sweep assets from 45 States to five States. It will breach commerce and banking in ways that have never been breached in modern day, and it will create great pressure to move grandfather dates and change existing statute in other ways because of the obvious inequities that will almost immediately develop within the ILC charter itself.
So I would like to suggest to this body that this was something that could be handled very simply, credibly, and that is simply to put ILCs like most other financial institutions of any size under the Bank Holding Company Act; but because of insider power, that amendment was not even allowed to be considered on this floor, and I cannot tell my colleagues that it would have passed. I can tell my colleagues
that Chairman Greenspan thinks it would be very important to the security of the United States and, in many different ways, not only due to the fact that American ILCs can operate without oversight of the holding company but foreign companies can have ILCs.
So the FDIC, which is a very credible regulator, can look at the bank; but let us say a foreign company in Latin America or in Russia gets Utah to give them a charter. They create jobs in Utah. They could operate the bank credibly, but they could also be money laundering from their host company abroad, and so this is an invitation as a charter to greater money laundering.
I frankly urge my colleagues to think twice; and, unfortunately, I am in a position of suggesting opposing the bill.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman is, of course, correct in part of what he says on regulation. But the reason that ILCs were exempted from the Bank Holding Company Act was they did not have all the powers of a bank. Now they are being given all the powers of a bank and also want to stay exempt from the Bank Holding Company Act.
What the Bank Holding Company Act says is that the parent of an ILC will be examined in a consolidated way, the way Europe is moving to, the same as the United States has attempted to establish in principle. But with this bill we make a breach in principle of profound dimensions. It is that examination of the bank holding company that is critical to an understanding of how you protect the taxpayer and how you protect the financial system. That is what is so important in this debate.
If the gentleman will yield on that point, as the gentleman knows there is a profound difference between the Federal Reserve and the FDIC on this point. The Federal Reserve holds the exact opposite position. The Federal Reserve is what is in charge of the payment system, and by this bill we are allowing people access to the payment system without thorough oversight of the parent company. All I am asking is that ILCs come under the same national law as everybody else that operates as the equivalent of a full service bank, nothing less, nothing more. But it does have the effect of devaluing all other financial institution charters. That is a concern, although the principal concern is protection of the public purse. In that regard, I agree that the FDIC has a different position.
But I only make one final point. Under the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, the effort was to have coordination of all the Federal banking regulators. Here you have one banking regulator that wants to operate outside coordination of all the others. In that regard, I have some concerns about FDIC judgment which I believe is driven by a desire to regulate a greater body of institutions. That is a personal view. Maybe they have other motives. I do not know. But I want Federal coordination. I want public protection to the maximum degree possible.
Mr. Speaker, I want to express my gratitude to the Committee on Rules for making my amendment in order and to the sponsors of the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act, which seems to be an…
Mr. Speaker, I want to express my gratitude to the Committee on Rules for making my amendment in order and to the sponsors of the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act, which seems to be an excellent piece of legislation, although somewhat complex for those of us who are not familiar with banking law.
My amendment is both very simple, very easy for average consumers and businesses to understand. In fact, I believe when many of my colleagues are confronted with my amendment, they are going to be shocked that what I proposed to ban is even permitted in the first place.
We all know that when someone writes a check to someone, let us say they are buying an air conditioner at a local appliance store, they write a check. If they do not have sufficient funds to cover that, very often in addition to having to make up the funds for the bounced check, they get a fee from the bank. I think many of us can quibble about whether that fee is too high or not, whether it is fair. However, that is reasonable. They have violated the essential rules of the transaction by not having enough money in the account.
What many Americans do not realize is that small business who is selling them that air conditioner, also when they have the check bounce, they are
out the money. They have lost their air conditioner because they have already turned it over to the customer. But little known to many Americans is they also pay a fee. Banks charge the victim of a bounced check fees in the magnitude of $10 to $25 and in some cases $30. Seventy-five percent of all banks in the country charge this fee to the victim. We may hear arguments that, well, it costs us some money for the transaction. I do not dispute that. In fact, the person who is bouncing the check is paying a fine. What is unique about this practice that my amendment seeks to ban is it takes a customer who has done nothing wrong, they have followed every single rule of their bank, every single rule of trust, every single rule of good faith, and there is no way they can avoid this fine. And who is getting it? Average consumers get it from time to time when someone purchases something from someone and they accept a check, but more often than not it is small businesses who are victimized. That is why so many small business groups are in favor of this amendment. The Consumer Federation of America representing consumers is supportive of this amendment.
I, frankly, would defy anyone to tell me why the person who received the check should be penalized or sanctioned. Do not argue to me that they need to be disincentivized or discouraged from accepting a check. Believe me, no one intentionally takes a bad check. They are already harmed in many ways. Do not tell me that there is money that it costs to process the transaction. That could very well be the case. The only point I am making is why should the person who has already been harmed once be harmed again?
And perhaps the worst possible reason is the one that underlies all of the opposition to this amendment to the extent that there is any. Banking institutions said, Hey, Congressman Weiner, we make a lot of money on this. That is not a good enough reason. Frankly, the rules of the banking system, like any rule, like any law, should provide people fundamental rules of the road, should provide disincentives to do something bad, should punish someone who does something bad; and at the end of day in the final analysis if they are a good citizen, a good consumer, they should be able to avoid the sanction.
In the case of this fee, there is no way that any of those four things apply. They cannot avoid the fee. They cannot do anything. They can ask, I want to see ID, I want to see their driver's license. You cannot even call up the bank and say, hey, does Mr. Smith have enough money in his account, because privacy laws now prohibit releasing that type of information. Simply put, there is no rational reason why the victim, the small business that is the victim, should have to pay this fee, and there is no reason why the consumer who is the victim of a bounced check should have to pay this fee.
I will be offering an amendment that, as I said, I am grateful to the Committee on Rules for making in order which will say they simply cannot charge this fee. This is one that is not fair. I do not care if they disclose it in bold print, it is simply not fair, and anyone who believes it is have them come to this floor and say during this debate that we believe it is fair. It has no more connection to the person who received that check than it is to someone walking by the bank that day, charging them the fee. There is no connection with what they did either, other than being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
If the banking community believes that they need additional money to pay for these transactions, there are plenty of ways that they can deal with this. They can charge more at the front end. They can have interbank relationships that say, You have a customer that wrote a bad check and we want a few dollars from you to help cover it, or they can spread out the cost throughout if it is that substantial, which I frankly do not believe it is. Some estimates say it is as low as 62 cents, even when the banks themselves say that they have a case where someone can test and I want a copy and I want to debate it; even that only costs them $4 or $5 or $6. The simple fact is this is a way that victims are victimized again, and I urge support of the Weiner amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. The Chairman pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me, first of all, add my…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Chairman pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me, first of all, add my appreciation to the chairman of the full committee and the ranking member of the full committee and of course the subcommittee Chair and ranking member, because I believe that they understand that everyone in every community has experienced the impact which my amendment is attempting to address.
We understand that this is a Nation now of mergers and acquisitions, but the real question on bank mergers is what happens to the friendly bank officer that most of us are familiar with? What happens to the civic spirit? What happens to the decision-making, and what happens to the jobs?
My amendment is simple. It says that when there is an expedited process in a merger transaction, consideration should be made as to the impact the transaction will have on corporate and individual customers in an effort to ensure that no harmful effects will result from the merger transaction.
What does that mean? It means that we know when there are large conglomerates coming together, whether you are in an urban area or whether you are in a rural area, there is going to be some loss. What is that loss? First of all, we may lose something that this body has been discussing over a number of months because of the large percentage of unemployment in our Nation. We will lose jobs in a certain area. But then we will lose something that is very important that many of us do not focus on: the decision-making capacity to lend monies to the community, home loans, bank loans dealing with businesses, maybe even car loans.
I have in my possession information that shows that in rural Texas, 42 percent of those who apply for loans are able to get it; but then the other remaining body does not. So there is a problem. When a conglomerate will merge with smaller banks in rural areas, it takes away that ability to gain the right to a decision to secure monies.
Mr. Chairman, this is again a simple amendment that I would ask my colleagues to support enthusiastically, to not abdicate our responsibilities of oversight when a merger comes about in terms of its impact on our communities.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I am disappointed in the gentleman's opposition, but I press on in any event, because I press on on behalf of the consumers.
I would, with all due respect, refer to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley), who is on the floor, to look at this amendment. It is simply a sense of Congress that we not abdicate our oversight.
I have heard the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) on the fact that we have all of the oversight. But clearly I think in the expedited process, the indication or instruction, if you will, to the appropriate regulators that we should look keenly at whether or not these mergers impact negatively on corporate and individual consumers in the elements that I have listed, the loss of jobs, the element of decision-making, the question of civic mindedness, if you will, and clearly to note in our communities when headquarters lift up and move from cities that have hosted these banks for years and years and years.
This is not an excessive burden, Mr. Chairman. It is simply the responsibility of Congress to ensure that not only are we, if you will, the protectors of the corporate elite and large banking institutions, but we also respect the responsibilities that we have to the average Joe Consumer, whether that happens to be the small business consumer, the individual family who is seeking a home loan, or in individual accounts.
We know that the new kid on the block in our banking success stories is consumer banking. We know for a fact that we have had the opportunity to see our banks grow and thrive because of the fact that they have been basing their bottom line, their bottom black line, if you will, their success and profits on consumer banking. Why would we suggest that this is a burden to our credit unions or our banking institutions to be keenly sensitive to mergers and to make sure, in fact, that we have the opportunity to review this matter in a way that is appropriate for this body?
Again, it is a sense of Congress. That is all it is, gentlemen. Why in the world would we have a difficulty in a sense of Congress that does not in any way attempt to jeopardize the working relationship? It is not regulatory; it is a sense of Congress. Can we not have a commonality of viewpoints and response? I do not see why we cannot have an agreement on this. Again, it is a sense of Congress.
I want to just make this point, Mr. Chairman, if I can. The idea is that this is not isolated to one area versus another. All of us face mergers in our community. This is the next step of banks. We know that. For some reason they find it to be more accommodating to have these large institutions. This does not in any way undermine having a large institution. What it says is just be diligent to ensure that with respect to the sense of Congress that we ensure that these issues are covered.
I would ask my colleagues to support this amendment on behalf of rural America, urban America, suburban America, and on behalf of preserving the civic mindedness or at least paying attention to the civic mindedness that our banks provide.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
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Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. The Chairman pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank). Mr. Chairman, I…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Chairman pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, this is a very easy-to-understand issue, but a very difficult-to-understand fee. When someone writes someone a check and they do not have the funds in that account, they pay a penalty. They pay a fine. They violated the rules of the transaction. When they receive the check, what have they done wrong? What rule have they violated? What sanctions should be against someone for receiving the bad check? And the gentleman from Massachusetts was absolutely correct. This is a proconsumer measure. But let us remember who the recipients of most bounced checks are. They are small businesses, they are supermarkets, they are liquor stores, they are appliance stores that are not only out the money, they are out the goods. It simply makes no sense.
I have seen some of the arguments against this. They say, well, it is going to increase the cost of banking for consumers. If there is a cost to this transaction, I ask only one question: Why does the victim pay it? All my amendment does is it says they cannot charge the victim of a bad check for that action.
Why should the victim pay? Why should the victim pay?
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I do not know where to start. First, let us start about the mistake that the gentleman made about the bill, line 13, page 1: may not impose a fee on the depositor. Nothing in this bill stops the bank from charging a fee to the person who bounced the check. Let me say it again. Nothing in this bill stops the person who bounced the check from getting a fee. You can charge them $10,000. I think it is too high, but $10,000.
Here is the scenario I would like to explain to the gentleman. The gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) knows me. The gentleman and I serve on a committee together. I give the gentleman a check. I have violated the rules. I give the gentleman a check that does not have enough money to back it. Can the gentleman check whether I have enough money in the account? Under the rules of privacy we passed here, he can. He does everything exactly according to Hoyle.
The gentleman is now the victim of a bad check. The gentleman is the victim of a bad check, I say to the gentleman. I leave town. I do not get reelected. I get elected mayor. Stranger things have happened. And the gentleman from Alabama is now out the money for the check, and his bank is charging him a fee.
I want to make sure the gentleman understands this, because he misstated it consistently over 5 minutes. There is nothing stopping the bank from penalizing the person who bounces the check. This is about the person receiving the bad check. And this notion about the landlord and the oppression that we are putting on people, do my
colleagues know who benefits from this bill the most? Those that are represented by the food marketing institute, local supermarkets, local liquor stores, local bodegas, people who receive checks in large numbers, who do everything according to the rules the gentleman from Alabama just described; and they are facing a sanction for the benefit of having a bounced check. The gentleman says, well, we are sticking this to the banks. No. There is no reason that we should stick this to anyone, but especially not the victim.
To oppose this amendment is to say, I believe the person who had the check bounced against them should pay this fee. I would say, Mr. Chairman, there are a lot of reasons why I can see the banks are so jealously guarding this. They all have dollar signs after them. They make a lot of money from this practice. But, frankly, it is patently unfair, unfair to individual consumers, unfair to that landlord. In the gentleman's description, the landlord is out the rent, and he is out the fee. What did that guy do wrong? What is the purpose of a penalty if it is not penalizing anything that he can avoid? He followed every single rule.
And I would ask the gentleman again, you are running a supermarket, you get a check. You say, I want to see your ID; I want to see your driver's license. I want a photograph. I want to know where you live. I want to know the names of your sisters and brothers. And they take the check, following every rule the bank set up, and it bounces. What have you done wrong? How do you avoid that sanction? What kind of a law do we ever pass here where we tell how you avoid the penalty? It is patently unfair.
I want to reiterate this. This is a consumer issue, because consumers get bad checks. Ninety-nine percent of these checks are to businesses, small businesses who use this check as an article of faith, and we should not penalize them for doing that.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I also want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey) for his collaboration on…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I also want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey) for his collaboration on this proposal and Members of the Committee on Rules for allowing this amendment to be considered today.
Most Americans with checking accounts would be shocked to learn that if they started their own business, any checking account they establish for that business would be prohibited from earning any interest. Yet that is the case today. Checking accounts held by small businesses are banned by Federal law from collecting the interest that money would earn if it were held by an individual.
The amendment I am offering addresses this matter and it has been pending before Congress for some time now. This body has actually passed this measure by voice vote not once, not twice, but actually three times; twice in the last Congress, and once earlier in the earlier year in this Congress.
Unfortunately, the job is not yet done. So I am coming again in the hope that we will finally be able to send this language to the President's desk.
The provisions in this amendment will go a long way in helping our main street banks and small businesses which are essential to growth and communities and our overall economy. The Business Checking Freedom Act contains a number of important provisions. First, it repeals the 70-year-old law prohibiting banks from paying interest on business checking accounts after a transition period. And while I believe it should be repealed entirely, a bipartisan group of Members have agreed that a proper transition period is necessary.
We are also aware of the potential impact of an outright repeal of the law. That is why a transition period is crucial. And we will continue to work to ensure that the needs of our smaller banks are being addressed. As a result, the legislation includes a 2-year transition period contained in the bill.
I would also like to say that I share and recognize the concerns of some Members with regard to the ILCs and will work with my colleagues, including the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) to achieve a remedy to the concerns that have been raised about the ILCs.
The legislation is important. It allows banks to increase money market deposits and savings account sweeps from the current 6 to 24 times a month. This gives banks an increase in their sweep activities, increasing the interest which businesses can make on their accounts.
The final provision gives the Federal Reserve the opportunity to pay interest on the reserves that the banks need to keep within the Federal Reserve system. And Chairman Greenspan has repeatedly testified that he is in favor of this provision.
It also gives the Fed the flexibility to lower reserve requirements, which enables the Fed to have greater control to maintain reserves at specific and consistent levels. This language will help foster healthy receiver balances and reduce the potential for volatility within the bank Federal funds rate protecting the Federal Reserve's ability to conduct monetary policy.
Quite simply, this legislation is about creating a new and broader market option and supporting our small businesses at the same time. The amendment allows banks to pay interest on business checking accounts and increase sweeps activities. The amendment also allows the Fed to pay interest on the sterile reserves that banks are required to keep with them and lower reserve requirements.
The amendment does not require or mandate anything. It allows the market to create change and not the government.
I want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey) once again for working so closely with me on this proposal. I thank Members for considering, once again, this important legislation. I have been working on it for many years. I really am pleased to be able to bring it to the floor.
I ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join me in strong support for this commonsense amendment that will help banks and small businesses fuel the economy.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield my remaining minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey.)
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for yielding me the time. Mr. Chairman, among other things, the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act would make it easier for some of the…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for yielding me the time.
Mr. Chairman, among other things, the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act would make it easier for some of the biggest banks and other financial institutions in this country to merge. At a time in America where big institutions are becoming bigger and small institutions are being driven out of business, I think we have to ask whether this is a good idea. At a time in America when the people at top are making out like bandits, the middle class is shrinking and poverty is increasing. I think we have to ask whether it is proper for the United States Congress to give ``regulatory relief'' to huge multibillion dollar institutions. I think not.
Specifically, this bill would reduce the Federal review process for bank mergers from 30 days to a mere 5 days. This bill would allow the Officer of Comptroller Currency to waive notice requirements for national bank mergers located within the same State. This bill would end the prohibition of out-of-state banks merging with in-state banks that have been in existence for less than 5 years. This bill also gives Federal thrifts the ability to merge with one or more of their nonthrift affiliates; and, finally, this bill would eliminate certain reporting requirements for banks' CEOs in regard to inside-lending activities.
Mr. Chairman, I have serious concerns about the provisions in this bill; but equally important, I have major concerns about what this bill is not addressing, what it is not addressing, and what the American people and consumers all over this country are deeply concerned about.
For example, while the prime rate is at a historic low of 4 percent and the Federal Reserve has lowered the Federal funds rate 13 times to a mere 1 percent; credit card issuers are making record-breaking profits by ripping off consumers through outrageously high interest rates of 25 to 30 percent. How come in the midst of giving the ability of large banks to become larger, we forgot about demanding that interest rates go down so that people who already are hurting are not forced to pay usurious interest rates. I guess we just forgot about that.
Mr. Chairman, at a time when banks are making record-breaking $7.3 billion in late fees they collect from consumers, another major rip- off, there is nothing in this bill that would bring down these excessive fees. I guess we forgot about that issue as well.
Mr. Chairman, every Member of this Congress understands that throughout America we are hemorrhaging decent-paying jobs in manufacturing and in information technology; and one of the areas, one of the industries where we are hemorrhaging good-paying jobs is in the financial services industry. No mention, no mention in this bill of a concern that with these mergers comes the loss of decent-paying jobs. Maybe when we talk about financial services, we might want to talk about the ordinary people who do business in banks rather than just the needs of the CEOs who make huge compensation packages running these banks.
Mr. Chairman, while credit card issuers are ripping off middle class Americans by charging sky-high interest rates and outrageous fees, credit card CEOs are laughing all the way to the bank; and mark my words, this will be an issue that the American people will demand this Congress to address. We cannot ignore the fact that scam after scam is forcing hard-pressed American people to pay 20, 25 percent a year in interest rates on their credit card. That issue will come before the United States Congress.
In the midst of all of these rip-offs, if I may use that word, the compensation packages of the CEOs are going sky high. Over the past 5 years, the CEO of Citigroup made over $500 million in total compensation and the CEO of Capital One made over $169 million in total compensation. When we deregulate these industries, maybe we want to say a word on that issue as well.
Bottom line is that this legislation works on behalf of the largest financial institutions. It does not work on behalf of consumers, and I respectfully ask for a ``no'' vote on it.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) for yielding and for his leadership. I rise in support of the financial services regulatory relief legislation. This bill is the…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) for yielding and for his leadership.
I rise in support of the financial services regulatory relief legislation. This bill is the subject of several years of work and I thank the sponsors, the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito) and the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross) for their hard work.
I especially want to thank them for the inclusion of an amendment that I offered in committee with my colleague, the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Lucas). This amendment prohibits nonchartering States from unilaterally imposing a discriminatory fee against State-chartered banks from other States. It also strengthens cooperative agreements among the States for supervision of multistate institutions by giving Federal recognition to the cooperative agreements and requiring chartering States to follow them. This language is very important for preserving the vitality of our dual banking system.
As for amendments that will be offered today, I want to thank my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner) for his checking amendment. He is a great consumer advocate. I have some concerns about how the amendment will work in practice, and I look forward to working with him on this as the process goes forward.
I also want to indicate my strong support for the Kelly-Toomey amendment. This language tracks legislation that the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Kelly) and I passed on the floor of this Congress earlier this year in the Business Checking Freedom Act.
This language builds on the important modernization of financial services that Congress has worked on in recent years. It lifts the prohibition on the payment of interest on business checking accounts after a 2-year phase-in. During the phase-in, banks may increase sweeps to interest-paying accounts to 24 intervals per month.
The prohibition on interest on both consumer and business accounts was enacted during the Great Depression. At the time it was enacted to limit competitive pressures to pay higher interests that were feared could lead to bank failures. Today given the global nature of financial services, interstate banking and many advances in technology, interest payment limits only distort competition and force businesses to seek out alternative interest bearing opportunities.
The prohibition on paying interest on consumer checking accounts was repealed by Congress more than 20 years ago and has not increased any concern about safety and soundness. Today the House, once again, takes an important step forward in offering this same benefit to the business community.
Importantly, this language will disproportionately benefit small businesses. Small businesses must keep money in checking accounts to meet payrolls and pay expenses. They are less likely to have complex financial arrangements that will allow them to get around interest restrictions.
The legislation also allows the Federal Reserve to pay interest on sterile accounts. These are reserves private banks hold at the Federal Reserve which the Fed can manipulate as a tool of monetary policy. And this provision is endorsed by Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan.
I support the legislation. I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. The Chairman pro tempore (Mr. Simmons). The Clerk will designate the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I would first like to…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Chairman pro tempore (Mr. Simmons). The Clerk will designate the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would first like to thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) for the leadership that they have provided in this committee not only on this issue but on all of the issues that we work with on the Committee on Financial Services. I think someone said it earlier, and I agree, I believe it was the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) who said it, we do have a way of working together, and we do have a way of respecting the work that is done on both sides of the aisle; and I am appreciative for the comradery that has developed out of that committee. So with that, I would like to thank also the chairman and the members of the Committee on Rules for making my rule in order.
During the course of a bank merger process, both the Federal financial supervisory agency and the Department of Justice review the merger proposal for competitive concerns. After a Federal banking agency approves a merger, DOJ has 30 days to decide whether to challenge the merger approval on antitrust grounds. At a minimum, the merging banks must now wait 15 days before completing their merger. As proposed, section 609 would reduce the minimum 15-day waiting period to 5 days when the Department of Justice indicates it will not file suit challenging the merger approval order.
This amendment is designed to preserve the existing 15-calendar-day waiting period in which members of the public may challenge a bank merger after the Department of Justice has approved a merger between banks or between bank-holding companies. This mandatory waiting period protects the rights of the public to raise concerns with respect to the propriety of bank mergers once the Department of Justice decides whether to challenge a merger on antitrust grounds. Currently, banking law allows third parties, other than Federal banking agencies or DOJ, to file suit during the post-approval waiting period. Such private enforcement is critical to ensuring that important policy concerns including the adequacy of the banks' Community Reinvestment Act performance, are taken into account when Federal courts evaluate whether an agency's approval of a proposed bank merger should be upheld. Such private suits are the vehicle through which community organizations may gain information about a proposed bank merger to ensure that the merger will not result in disproportionate branch closures in low-income or minority communities.
The existing law strikes the proper balance between the right of third parties to seek judicial review of bank merger approval orders and the rights of parties to the merger to finalize their transaction. Section 609 of the bill as reported would seriously impair the right of community organizations to seek this judicial review of Federal bank merger approval orders. The current 15-day waiting period should be preserved.
So my amendment has been made in order under the proposed rule, and I would ask support for the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I want to talk about some of the smaller financial institutions in America. It has been about 6 years since the Congress passed the Credit Union Membership Access Act, a piece of…
Mr. Chairman, I want to talk about some of the smaller financial institutions in America. It has been about 6 years since the Congress passed the Credit Union Membership Access Act, a piece of legislation that forever changed the nature and the way the credit unions do business in this country, and I want to congratulate the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Oxley) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Ranking Member Frank) for including in this regulatory relief bill provisions that benefit credit unions once again.
Mr. Chairman, nearly 84 million Americans enjoy low-cost financial services at their credit unions. It is imperative that we allow credit unions to continue to change with the ever-expanding financial marketplace, just as we do with the banking and the thrift industry.
Credit unions do an excellent job of serving their members, a tradition we need to help protect and preserve. Sometimes the members of credit unions will be the men and women who are serving our country valiantly in the Armed Forces.
The bill being considered today would allow credit unions to build their own buildings on DOD facilities and to pay a nominal fee for rent, a practice which had been in effect but has recently been changed. Credit unions at DOD facilities provide our troops with the tools for money management so that while they are away defending our great Nation, their personal financial dealings back at home are not ignored. This may not always be profitable; but with credit unions, it is not a matter of profit. It is a matter of people. As member-owned not-for-profit entities, credit unions serve their members to the fullest capacity.
Another provision that I want to highlight would allow credit unions who convert to community charters to continue to serve their select employee groups who were added before their conversion. As we are all aware, with today's troubled economic times, there are times when a credit union that has been associated with a plant or an industry and it is closed down or the jobs are lost, the credit union is lost as well. The credit unions that serve the people whose jobs are gone and whose plants are closed, rather than also shutting down and leaving, are instead converting to community charters.
This accomplishes two things: One, it would allow the institution to stay open and bring in new members from the community; and, two, it allows those workers to continue their important relationship with their credit union.
Mr. Chairman, again I want to congratulate the gentleman from Massachusetts, ranking member Frank, and Chairman Oxley for crafting this bill, and I want to congratulate the trades that represent the credit unions in this town for making sure that H.R. 1375 has provisions with real teeth that benefit the credit union industry.
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleague, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross), for sponsoring the Regulatory Relief Act of 2003 with me. He has been very instrumental in bringing this…
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleague, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross), for sponsoring the Regulatory Relief Act of 2003 with me. He has been very instrumental in bringing this much-needed legislation to the floor. I also want to thank the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), and especially the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) for shepherding this bill through the process, it has been a process, and their strong leadership on the committee.
With the passage of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, the U.S. PATRIOT Act, and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, Congress has imposed sweeping reforms and multiple new mandates on the financial services industry. While I firmly believe that these new laws have strengthened this important sector of our economy, such sweeping reforms do not come without a cost, a cost that is ultimately paid for by every American who writes a check, saves for their retirement, or simply purchases groceries with a credit card.
The gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross) and I introduced this bill to restore regulatory balance. While Federal regulations play an important role in protecting consumers, instilling confidence and ensuring a level playing field, overregulation can depress innovation, stifle competition, and actually retard our economy's ability to grow.
Periodically reviewing and questioning the regulations put into place over time will ensure that as industries and technologies change, so too will the rules that govern them.
This bipartisan legislation will roll back several outdated and burdensome mandates while also providing new commonsense provisions that together will benefit the financial services industry and their consumers.
To promote efficiency our bill allows the FDIC the flexibility to rely on new technology to store records electronically, streamlines the merger application process, and gives examining agencies the discretion to adjust the exam cycle so their resources can be used most efficiently, among very many other revisions in the regulatory process.
We provided enhanced consumer protection by prohibiting a person from working at a bank who has been convicted of a breach of trust and by allowing interagency data sharing to ensure that a lack of information does not result in malfeasance.
H.R. 1375 strikes a balance that will help the financial services community thrive, compete, and offer the best services to their customers. Again, I want to thank the ranking member and our chairman and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Baucus) and the other Members for the bipartisan nature of which this bill has been brought to the floor.
I urge my colleagues' support.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the manager's amendment to this bill. I want to thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) both for his outstanding work on this bill and also for allowing an…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the manager's amendment to this bill. I want to thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) both for his outstanding work on this bill and also for allowing an essential provision authored by myself and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) in the manager's amendment. I want to thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for the very effective and the bipartisan way that he has worked to make this amendment happen. Our compromise language closes a dangerous loophole that would allow large commercial entities to obtain bank charters and to be unregulated at the holding company level in providing banking products and services in all 50 States.
Section 401 expands the authority of banks and industrial loan companies, or ILCs, to branch across State lines on a de novo basis rather than acquiring an existing bank. That means if a large retailer were to acquire an ILC, they could not only enter the banking industry without being subject to the Bank Holding Company Act but branch freely across the country. This would clearly be in defiance of our longstanding tradition of separating banking and commerce, most recently affirmed by Congress in the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999. Large retailers have attempted to acquire, and in some cases have acquired, ILCs in several States and continue to express publicly their desire to offer financial services to their customers. While this amendment grandfathers some ILCs which were owned by commercial firms before, it provides that any ILC acquired in the future must play by the same rules in interstate branching as other financial institutions. There are some commercial or industrial companies who oppose the manager's amendment. Some companies want to prospectively create a giant loophole for themselves that would enable them to branch interstate in a way that no one else can. They include companies such as Wal-Mart, John Deere, Target, among others. The manager's amendment closes the loophole and simply requires they be treated the same as anybody else.
The existing business relationships of longstanding ILCs supported by FDIC insurance are protected by our language in the form of a grandfather clause. However, the risks associated with the mixing of banking and commerce are real and the compromise provisions contained in this language such as that allowing corporate reorganizations are not in any way meant to allow circumvention of our overall goal of preventing the acquisition of a grandfathered ILC by a commercial parent.
I urge support of the manager's amendment.
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Chairman, the banking industry estimates that it spends approximately $25 billion annually to comply with the regulatory requirements imposed at…
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Chairman, the banking industry estimates that it spends approximately $25 billion annually to comply with the regulatory requirements imposed at the Federal and State levels of government. While some of these regulations help to ensure the reliability of our financial services sector, many of the mandates that emerge from Washington, D.C. are overly burdensome, unnecessarily costly, and oftentimes hinder profitability, innovation and competition. Whenever we can identify examples of unnecessary regulatory obstacles, Congress should act to eliminate them.
H.R. 1375, the Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act of 2004, is a well-crafted bill that does exactly that. It allows credit unions, savings associations, and national banks to devote more of their resources to the business of lending to consumers and less to the bureaucratic maze of compliance with outdated and unnecessary regulations. It contains a broad range of provisions that, taken as a whole, will help grant parity among financial institutions of all characters and sizes as well as the agencies that regulate them and, most importantly, the customers they serve.
Of the many important provisions in this bill, several are significant for Indiana's credit unions. For example, access to the Federal Home Loan Bank is available only for financial institutions that are federally insured. H.R. 1375 contains a provision that would allow privately insured financial institutions to join the Federal Home Loan Bank. The Federal Home Loan Bank is a significant low-cost source of funds that a credit union can use to expand loan products, especially mortgage loans, to its members. Indiana has more than 20 privately insured credit unions, including Elkhart County Farm Bureau Credit Union, whose members could benefit from access to the Federal Home Loan Bank.
Currently, credit unions may only offer check cashing and money transfer services to members. H.R. 1375 contains a provision that allows credit unions to offer these services to anyone who is eligible for membership but has not yet joined the credit union. This would allow credit unions to extend services to underserved consumers at a lower cost than check cashers and money transfer providers, while introducing them to mainstream financial services.
By passing this legislation, Congress will demonstrate its commitment to reducing the regulatory burden. I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 1375.
Mr. Chairman, let me begin by congratulating the leadership, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) on this great bill. It proves…
Mr. Chairman, let me begin by congratulating the leadership, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Oxley) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank) on this great bill.
It proves that when Democrats and Republicans sit down and talk and work together, we really can come to a consensus. And the leadership of this committee should be applauded in a way that this bill, this important bill has gone through the committee. And I thank both the ranking member and the chairman.
My position has never been to favor one depository institution charter over another but, instead, to support policies that give each charter the best opportunity to be competitive and improve service delivery to their business and individual constituents.
It is my assertion that H.R. 1375, the regulatory relief bill, does just that for national banks, savings institutions, and credit unions, all of whom are vital to the financial health of this Nation and the provision of financial services to businesses and individuals nationwide.
For national banks, the bill eases certain restrictions related to directors, provides for flexibility in declaring dividends, and makes it easier to expand through intrastate branching or mergers with State banks.
For savings institutions, the bill provides more flexibility to provide automobile loans and leases for personal use. It also eliminates the limitation on small businesses, lending based on percentage of assets. These changes, among others, will greatly allow savings institutions to increase the diversity of their lending portfolios.
Federally chartered credit unions will be able to purchase and hold for their own account highly rated investment securities. They will be able to provide check cashing and money transfer services to nonmembers within their field of membership.
These changes, along with others, such as easing the process for voluntary mergers, will help credit unions diversify their portfolios and provide more services to individuals and the communities that they serve.
The ever-changing dynamics of the financial service industry demands that from time to time this committee review the existing laws and take action where required, not just to increase the laws as we often do, but to adjust and even eliminate archaic laws that may be hindering the success of our financial industry. I believe that this is just what we have done with this regulatory bill, a bill that has a little bit of something for everyone.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions), my friend and colleague, for yielding me this time. I rise in support of the rule and urge my colleagues to join me in approving it. H.…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions), my friend and colleague, for yielding me this time. I rise in support of the rule and urge my colleagues to join me in approving it.
H. Res. 566 is a structured rule that makes in order a total of six amendments. Of that total, three are sponsored by Democrats and three by Republicans. This is a fair and balanced rule that will allow the House to work its will on a number of different issues, and this rule should be overwhelmingly approved by the House.
With respect to the underlying legislation, H.R. 1375, it would streamline the regulatory compliance process for banks, thrifts, and credit unions and would eliminate or alter outdated, ineffective, and duplicative regulations. Removing existing burdens on depository institutions has become even more necessary since the enactment of the 2001 USA PATRIOT Act which mandates that depository institutions, in addition to other functions, focus compliance efforts on combating money-laundering and terrorist financing.
Some highlights of H.R. 1375's provisions relating to credit unions include streamlining procedural requirements and voluntary mergers between healthy credit unions, providing an exemption to existing law to allow private insured state-chartered credit unions to join a Federal Home Loan Bank, and increasing the general limit on the term of Federal credit union loans from 12 to 15 years.
H.R. 1375 would also remove ineffective regulations governing banks and thrifts. Under the legislation, the prohibition on national and State banks expanding across State lines to open branches would be eliminated, bank merger application requirements would be simplified, limits on thrifts for small business and auto loans would be removed, and thrifts would be given the same authority as national and State banks to make investments primarily designed to promote community development.
In conclusion, H.R. 1375, sponsored by the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), streamlines some of the outdated and ineffective regulations that have been hindering the financial and business activity of depository institutions. Removing these burdensome regulations will not only encourage productivity but will also save depository institutions valuable time and money.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the rule so that we may proceed to debate the underlying legislation.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 566 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
March 18, 2004.
Resolved, That at any time after the adoption of this resolution the Speaker
may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the
bill (H.R. 1375) to provide regulatory relief and improve productivity for
insured depository institutions, and for other purposes. The first reading of
the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of
the bill (except those arising under provisions of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974 other than section 302(f)) are waived. General debate shall be confined
to the bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the
chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Financial Services.
After general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-
minute rule. It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the
purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule the amendment in the nature of a
substitute recommended by the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee
on the Judiciary now printed in the bill. The committee amendment in the nature
of a substitute shall be considered as read. All points of order against the
committee amendment in the nature of a substitute (except those arising under
provisions of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 other than section 302(f))
are waived. No amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in the report of the Committee
on Rules accompanying this resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only
in the order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated
in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time
specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to the
demand for division of the question in the House or in the Committee of the
Whole. All points of order against such amendments are waived. At the conclusion
of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been adopted. Any Member
may demand a separate vote in the House on any amendment adopted in the
Committee of the Whole to the bill or to the committee amendment in the nature
of a substitute. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the
bill and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except
one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
Attest:
Clerk.