Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 4520) to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to remove impediments in such Code and make our manufacturing, service, and high-technology businesses and workers more competitive and productive both at home and abroad.
Legislative Activity
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Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
June 17, 2004 • 12:16 PM
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Introduced in House
June 16, 2004
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 108-549, by Mr. Reynolds.
June 17, 2004
Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 4520 with 1 hour of general debate. Previous question shall be considered as ordered without intervening motions except motion to recommit with or without instructions. Measure will be considered read. Bill is closed to amendments.
June 17, 2004 • 8:45 AM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 189.
June 17, 2004
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H4295-4305)
June 17, 2004 • 10:34 AM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 681.
June 17, 2004 • 10:35 AM
On ordering the previous question Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 233 - 193 (Roll no. 256). (consideration: CR H4304-4305)
June 17, 2004 • 12:07 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 230 - 195 (Roll no. 257).(text: CR H4295)
June 17, 2004 • 12:16 PM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 230 - 195 (Roll no. 257). (text: CR H4295)
June 17, 2004 • 12:16 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
June 17, 2004 • 12:16 PM
Voting History
2 votes recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 681 on the floor
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Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 681 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. THOMAS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, we are here today because the United States Tax Code…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. THOMAS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, we are here today because the United States Tax Code is out of sync with the rest of the world. Among our major trading partners, the United States is alone in the world in not using other forms of taxation other than direct income taxation.
Four times the United States defended our ability to create subsidies and, therefore, produce a more level playing field among our trading partners. We had for years refused to reexamine our code more fundamentally and thought that a subsidy mandate would create a more level playing field. Four times, the World Trade Organization said that under the rules of the World Trade Organization, of which we are a founding member, that that would not be permissible.
We are here today because the core of the bill is to repeal the Foreign Sales Corporation extraterritorial tax structure, and it also affords us an opportunity to examine an out-of-date Tax Code.
For those who say all we should be doing is repealing the subsidy, which has been declared against the rules, is to ignore the reason why we put the rules in place in the first place. The reason we did the subsidy was because we were at a disadvantage. It can certainly be argued we should have fundamentally changed our Tax Code back when we did that, but the simple answer is, we did not.
What we are trying to do is correct the errors of our ways, primarily by omission, but occasionally by commission, of not allowing U.S.- based, U.S. workers to put products and services out in the world on a level playing field with the rest of the world. That is what this bill does.
In addition to that, in examining these areas, we discovered portions of the Tax Code that are just flat out unfair. And this is an opportunity; I believe everybody deserves 1 day every 20 years to have a look at the problems they face in the Tax Code. Why? Because small business in certain industries are faced with a discriminatory U.S. Tax Code that puts U.S. small businesses at a disadvantage to foreign businesses.
We are going to hear there is a provision in here about arrows, there is a provision in here about tackle boxes, there is a provision in here about sonar, fish detecting equipment. The reason it is in here is because our code discriminates against American producers.
So not only are we rewriting our laws to be good trading partners and assisting those people who no longer get the subsidy because we are rewriting the laws, we are providing one day every 20 years to examine those portions of the code that make absolutely no sense.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I do not rise to defend the honor of Miss Piggy, as the gentleman from New York indicated, and I am anxiously finding a flashlight because, apparently, the gentleman from New York exists in perpetual darkness since he believes night extends for more than 2 years. This bill has been around a long, long time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh) for the purpose of entering into a colloquy with the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Beauprez).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to thank the gentlemen from New York and Colorado, because without their active participation, the Green Bonds provision would not have been included in the House Energy Conference Report, H.R. 6, but it was, and this House passed it. Therefore, the opportunity to examine it in this conference is available to us. We did not deliberately exclude that measure from this bill, and I look forward to working with the gentlemen as we deliberate with the Senate on this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Crane), and to observe that I was worried about a job for the young man, but it is clear that he now has a job being a shield for his father.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
In 1986 the reason the basket went from two to nine was for pure revenue to be spent in other areas. And as President Reagan said, it would entice someone to go from a high-tax country to a low-tax country. Shame on us if we are the high-tax country.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Dunn), a champion in trade around the world.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I tell the gentleman, only my friends on the other side of the aisle would have a 6-inch tree and call it Christmas.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Hayworth).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I just find it amazing that allowing American manufacturers to have a level playing field with foreign manufacturers is called a tax break.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Shaw), a valuable member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman well knows that no substitute was offered in committee, no substitute was offered in front of the Committee on Rules. You can say it till you are blue in the face, but the Democrats offered no substitute, neither in committee nor in the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Mrs. Johnson), someone who is extremely interested in American jobs.
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger), a colleague and member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn), a newer Member of the House but someone who has already made an impact on a portion of this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I believe the gentleman from Texas (Judge Doggett) needs to know that provision has been ruled by the courts not to provide attorney/client privilege and that there was no new power granted under that language. And the gentleman from Texas (Judge Doggett) knows that when the courts rule, we try to be responsible in that regard.
Former Speaker Tip O'Neill said, ``All politics is local.'' I had said that some areas of the code have not been examined in 20 years or more, and people deserve a day at least once every 20 years to try to correct the horrible, horrible condition of many areas of our economy under our current Tax Code.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. McIntyre) who wants to talk about ending a subsidy to a particular group of Americans, and this is the first time they have had their day in court in almost three-quarters of a century.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. McCrery), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Select Revenue of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lewis) who understands all politics are local, and the Chair appreciates the tremendous work the gentleman from Kentucky has put in in perfecting this bill.
(Mr. LEWIS of Kentucky asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, now I guess I am a little bit baffled. The gentleman from Illinois, chairman of the Committee on Small Business, was an original cosponsor of H.R. 1769, the Rangel-Manzullo bill. That included a corporate rate cut and specifically limited it to C corps. It did not extend it to S corps and partnerships, and it did not have any of the 11 subchapter S provisions that we include. He is making an appeal for bullets, but he is not supporting bows and arrows.
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Jenkins).
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sam Johnson), a valuable member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
(Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 15 seconds to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) who understands the difference between spending and investing.
(Mr. PORTMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I request respectively that I have the same 1 minute to be able to yield to the gentleman from Florida, a member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I understand 1 minute was yielded, and I just respectfully ask for 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida as was done on the other side. That is all.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Guam (Ms. Bordallo) for a colloquy.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I tell the gentlewoman, a Delegate from Guam, and the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands I would be pleased to work with them in conference to try to solve this problem for the Territories.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan), a very valued member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady), who has been a champion for something that is extremely important to his constituency.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Perhaps the gentleman is not aware that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte), chairman of the Committee on Agriculture, and the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means have exchanged letters on questions of jurisdiction as is often done. Also, I guess the gentleman is expressing clearly the current attitude of the minority, and, sadly, it is different than it used to be. What happened to the can-do attitude that Americans always exhibit?
It seems to me after 20 years, somebody ought to get 1 day to take a look at the fact that when he was in the majority, if one were in a State that had a sales tax and they rented, they got nothing. After 65 years people want an end of subsidy. Why not? Why not allow U.S. aero manufacturers to be treated the same as foreigners? If someone has new technology, why not, not punish them with a different tax system?
Mr. Speaker, I will place in the Record the Statement of Administration Policy which says ``The administration urges the House to pass H.R. 4520 promptly.'' And I would urge the House to do the same.
Statement of Administration Policy
h.r. 4520--american jobs creation Act of 2004
The Administration supports foreign sales corporation/
extraterritorials income (FSC/ETI) legislation that reforms
the tax code, removes the underlying reason for the tariffs
that have been imposed on American exports by the European
Union (EU), and further advances the competitiveness of
American manufacturers and other job creators.
The Administration urges the House to pass H.R. 4520
promptly. If Congress does not act to replace the current
FSC/ETI provisions in the tax code, then the tariffs that
were imposed by the EU on March 1st will inflict an
increasing burden on American exporters, American workers,
and the overall economy. To support the continued
strengthening of our economy and to create more jobs,
Congress should act now to end the threat posed by these
tariffs and to promote the competitiveness of American
manufacturers and other job-creating sectors of the U.S.
economy. The Administration looks forward to working with the
conferees on this legislation to move it toward budget
neutrality, and to enacting legislation that removes the
threat of escalating EU sanctions and encourages economic
growth and job creation at home.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, the minority leader, in discussing the minority position, talked about the vision of the gentleman from New York, the path that he wished to take. We were just handed 3 minutes ago this particular motion to recommit, so if we are looking for a contest of freshness, the gentleman's vision is clearly the most recently pasted-together piece of legislation to be presented us. In fact, the paste is still kind of damp.
So if, in fact, the vision is the path that the gentleman from New York wishes to follow, we would hope it is a shining path. But when you look at this legislation, what you discover, notwithstanding the half an hour of berating on the floor of the House the tobacco proposal, guess what is recently pasted to his vision? You guessed it, the tobacco proposal. Apparently he has had a change of vision.
For more than 20 years, when they were the majority, they did not give a dang about people deducting sales taxes, because they were the ones who removed it from the code. But, guess what? That vision had a bolt of lightning 20 minutes ago, and now we have permanent sales tax removal.
Had Republicans decided to go with permanent sales tax removal, I am quite sure they would have come up with a deduction for your dog. Why? Because no matter what we do, they are going to be better. But better is not copying. Better is starting out with an idea, carrying it through, and presenting it to you.
What their motion to recommit will do is to say if you are a company in the U.S. and you deign to try to make a profit by selling overseas, you will be punished. It says that in our desire to raise revenue, we will examine what you have been doing. Not tomorrow, not the day after tomorrow. We will retroactively go back to what you have been doing for 20 or 30 or 40 years and now say not only can you not do it; you are going to have to pay for doing it, notwithstanding the fact it was legal. Retroactively.
And then bragging about the fact that they removed the international tax provisions, what they are really bragging about is since U.S.-based companies are double taxed today, without these changes, they will continue to be double taxed.
Why are companies going overseas? Because they are double taxed. They want to keep double taxation, and they want to complain about companies going overseas.
It is pretty simple: support H.R. 4520. Companies will stay at home, and that creates jobs.
So I appreciate the gentleman from New York's vision. I just hope the paste lasts through the vote, because, frankly, that is about what it is worth.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This is so interesting. The chairman of the committee stands to tell us what this bill is all about, which is labeled the American Jobs…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is so interesting. The chairman of the committee stands to tell us what this bill is all about, which is labeled the American Jobs Creation Act and, guess what? This is nothing about jobs. He would have us believe that the reason for this legislation is to reform the Tax Code, to bring it up to date. Well, I have heard this type of Republican talk before: we have to pull it out by the roots. That is when we only had thousands of pages in the Tax Code.
But in the middle of the night, they bring us now a bill that is 400 pages long, and probably nobody in the House has even seen it yet. Do not call this a tax bill and do not say that you are reforming the system, because the fact is, if you wanted to really fix what this bill was supposed to do, and that is to remove the subsidy, all you do is remove the subsidy, and you do not give a tax cut for $150 billion, but you pick up $50 billion, which is the amount of the subsidy.
So you can put lipstick on a pig, but you cannot call it a lady. This is a lousy bill. It has nothing to do with reform.
And about this one day that someone is entitled to get their priorities, well, he is 100 percent correct. They sent the word out that every lobbyist in Washington has one day to get his favorite in this bill. It is just unfortunate that the American people did not get their one day to get jobs in this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Stark), a senior member of the Committee on Ways and Means and ranking member of the Subcommittee on Health.
(Mr. STARK asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), a senior member of Committee on Ways and Means and ranking member on the Subcommittee on Trade.
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott), who will explain how in the Congress we find Christmas in mid-June.
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis), the conscience of the Congress, a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I do not know why he is so proud of giving these people a break just for 2 years when the Democratic alternative would have made it permanent so they would not have to worry about paying it back in 2 years.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra), a strong, hard-working member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, talking about jobs or lack of it, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones), who knows that they do not have the jobs. She is a hardworking member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), a hard-working member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would just like to make it clear that if the Democrats had a chance to have an alternative this provision would have not lasted just for 2 years, as Republicans would have it, but would have been made permanent.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a hardworking member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this is the biggest fraud on farmers, and especially tobacco farmers, that I have seen in my 34 years in Congress. Here we have some help allegedly for the tobacco farmers, and those of us on the Committee on Ways and Means could not even discuss it because it is not in our jurisdiction, yet it is in our bill.
A person does not have to be a politician or Member of Congress to know if we are talking about farming and tobacco, we should be talking about the Committee on Agriculture and not the tax-writing committee. This bill has nothing to do with taxes, nothing to do with international sanctions against us. It has everything to do with trying to pick up votes for those people who know that they are facing economic distress in this area.
The right thing to have done was to have it in the Committee on Agriculture, which has jurisdiction and who understands this issue even better than some of the smartest Members on the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Taylor).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our distinguished minority whip.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 seconds to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our distinguished whip.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Manzullo) from the other side of the aisle. He is just as much a Republican as I am a Democrat. One thing we have in common is that when we have a problem with the WTO we do not think it is a Republican or a Democratic issue, but we think in a bipartisan way we should work toward trying to resolve that. We have done that. It has been a pleasure working with him.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Manzullo), whom I would like to believe as the chairman of the Committee on Small Business knows more about small businesses than the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means knows about tobacco.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the leader of the minority and a person that has been very sensitive to the necessity and the creation of jobs for all Americans.
Mr. Speaker, I ask how much time is remaining?
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
It is abundantly clear that the majority will succeed in passing this bill not because the bill is good but because they have succeeded in reaching out to other people and giving them gifts to be putting on the tree under this Christmas tree bill. In other words, we call it buying votes.
But I would ask the seller to beware and the buyer to beware because when some of these gifts are opened, they will find the boxes empty. Our beleaguered tobacco farmers will find that there will be a sign there: We do not have the money we promised, go to Appropriations; we do not have the regulations, go to Commerce; we do not have the jurisdiction, go to Agriculture. They will find that when they take a look at this bill and they are looking for jobs, there is going to be a sign there: Take a flight overseas. That is where the jobs are going to be.
So I am suggesting that even though they may be successful in winning this, they are not winning the minds and the hearts of the American people, who know that they have denied the minority an opportunity to say that we have a better idea in order to do these things.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I am suggesting if this bill was as good as some of you are saying that it is, you would not have to come on this side of the aisle and offer promises that you know you cannot fulfill in conference and you know you cannot fulfill because you do not have jurisdiction. There will come a time that we are going to say when you call it a jobs bill, at least it should mean jobs for United States citizens and not jobs for foreigners.
Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
Yes, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cooper).
Mr. Speaker, this motion to recommit, we have a restricted amount of time, because the majority denied us the opportunity to have a substitute. If the underlying bill is so good, why not allow in the democratic process, with a small ``d,'' the opportunity for someone to say, I have a better idea; and since they are the majority, why do they not believe that they have enough votes and must have confidence in what they are doing, at least to get the majority to vote for it?
So my motion to recommit, what we would have done if we had had the chance, is that we do not provide tax incentives for manufacturers and other people to move their jobs overseas. What we do is grab the essence of the agreement that we had with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Manzullo), with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Crane) when we put together a bipartisan bill to create jobs, not for those overseas, but for those in the United States of America.
We also do not include all of the addition of tax incentives for things that are not related to resolving the problem before us. We have what is indeed called a jobs bill, and that is what we had hoped that we would be able to do.
As was pointed out by the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cooper), we believe that States who do not have income taxes and rely on sales taxes should get relief, but why the majority would restrict this relief to 2 years is far beyond my expectation; and that is why we thought we had a better idea to make it permanent.
When kids look under the Christmas tree, there is going to be a gift for them too. They will be inheriting one of the biggest debts that we have ever seen, because this bill that started out with a plus of $50 billion, they have now provided a $34 billion deficit. And indeed, if you take all of the phasing-outs and take the sunsettings out of it, it is estimated that it would add $300 million to the deficit.
One thing that we do not do, and that is to provide safe harbor for churches, allowing them entry into partisan politics, because we were so pleased to see that they knew that they really had overburdened the purposes of this bill and finally excluded that.
It would seem to me that those people who really are interested in the jobs of the United States will have an opportunity to vote on this motion to recommit, and those people who believe that there is a gift for them under the tree and that that is the only reason that they are voting for a bill that most people who get a chance to read this bill, since it was not made available today to most of the members of the subcommittees in this House, would realize that this bill is bad for American job seekers, it is bad for America, and it is bad for our economy.
So I do hope that perhaps sometime in the future when Republicans think that they have a great idea, that they
also should remember in a democracy and in this Congress they should not just attempt continuously to stifle the opposition but to have enough confidence in what they are doing to give us a chance to say, we want a substitute, we want to be heard, we want our bill on the floor for people to evaluate and to be able to vote for.
But each time we do it, they said that if we did not take their tobacco, it was out of the jurisdiction. We have been hampered in the committee, we have been hampered by the Committee on Rules, and we are hampered now by the rules of the House. I think we should stop talking about what happened in the days of Rostenkowski and think what is happening to the American people today and what can we do in a bipartisan way, working together to resolve problems that we have.
It should be embarrassing to everyone in this House that when a foreign group like the World Trade Organization provides sanctions against United States exporters that we believe that we come up with a Republican solution. It should be an American solution, congressional solution, and not an attempt of a partisan solution for partisan purposes.
Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
Mr. Speaker, how does one find out whether or not the former speaker did not tell the truth as it relates to what is in the motion to recommit? How would one be able to find out, when he said that the tobacco proposals are in the motion to recommit, that he did not tell the truth? What procedure does one follow in order to adjust the record and to make certain that truth will prevail over this partisan effort?
Mr. Speaker, I am sorry, I did not hear the Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker I yield myself 8 minutes. (Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reynolds) for yielding me…
Mr. Speaker I yield myself 8 minutes.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reynolds) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, all of us recognize the need to quickly fix the FSC-ETI export tax issue. Thousands of U.S. exporters are needlessly paying 8 percent tariffs to European countries simply because the Republican- controlled Congress has failed to pass legislation to avoid these penalties. These tariffs will continue to climb 1 percentage point each month as long as the issue remains unresolved.
These retaliatory tariffs are especially hard hitting as the United States continues to experience difficult times in the manufacturing sector, which has lost nearly 3 million jobs under the Bush administration. In my congressional district in Massachusetts, jewelry, textiles, and small manufacturers have especially been hit hard by these sanctions.
Throughout the WTO process there has been bipartisan consensus that the U.S. should repeal the extraterritorial income exemption, the ETI and comply with the WTO decision. The disagreement has been over what to replace it with. Last year the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Crane) and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Manzullo) and others introduced a bipartisan, revenue- neutral fix to this problem, H.R. 1769.
This bill currently has 172 bipartisan cosponsors. When our colleague, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hill), filed a discharge petition in March to bring the bill immediately to the floor, 18 Members signed that petition.
The Crane-Rangel bill would take the $50 billion in tax incentives that American companies operating overseas receive under the current ETI and create new incentives for American companies to produce goods in the United States. It lowers the corporate income tax rate for U.S. companies and addresses the growing problem of U.S. companies moving their plants overseas.
Simply put, H.R. 1769 is a clean, paid-for bill that remedies the FSC/ETI problem without unduly burdening those companies that have benefited from this exemption in the past, and without unduly burdening our children and grandchildren by adding to our deficit.
So why did we not fix the problem months ago by passing the Crane- Rangel bill? Why are we not debating H.R. 1769 this morning? Why is the Republican leadership denying the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) the opportunity to offer his alternative on the floor today?
Because time after time the leadership of this House has demonstrated that it would rather offer a goody-bag of corporate tax giveaways to special interests than simply and quickly fixing the problem.
What is in this grab bag of a bill? The closer you look at it, the uglier it gets.
This bill is chock full of sweetheart deals, special fixes, and big giveaways to special interests. It looks like every lobbyist in town will be celebrating tonight. The list of provisions that favor particular companies or industries includes cruise-ship operators, whale hunters, Chinese ceiling fans, foreign gamblers, NASCAR track owners, timber companies, cattle ranchers, bourbon distillers, movies theater owners, small plane manufacturers, bow and arrow sets, fishing tackle boxes, and corporate jet owners.
This is no way to do tax policy.
The list of narrow special interest giveaways is very familiar because we have seen them all before, when a similar set of giveaways held up passage of the Armed Forces Tax Fairness Act for 18 months, until finally, finally, they were thrown out and this House decided to do the right thing and support our uniformed men and women and their families.
But like the evil poltergeists in the movie, they are back. And this time they have brought along some friends. What else is in this bill?
How about paying a private company to make a profit collecting debts owed to the IRS so that all our private tax information will now be given to private bounty hunters. How about tax provisions that give U.S. companies fresh incentives to locate operations anywhere other than in the United States by giving them even more tax shelters for their foreign income? At the very core of this bill are $35 billion in tax incentives for U.S. firms to invest overseas.
If you are a small manufacturer or farm cooperative that creates jobs and has production solely in the United States, too bad. You are simply out of luck in this bill.
Mr. Speaker, let us talk about the frosting on the cake. This bill as it is written will add at least another $34 billion to the deficit. In just 3 short years, the Bush administration and the Republican- controlled Congress have taken our Nation from record surpluses to the largest budget deficits in the history of the United States, in the history of the United States, Mr. Speaker. And now the leadership of this House wants to add at least $34 billion more to these deficits.
The legislation passed in the other body at least has the benefit of being revenue-neutral. And the Crane-Rangel bill is fully paid for.
Why is it that everyone seems to be able to pay for their corporate tax legislation except for the Republican House leadership? Why are they the only ones that want to pass the burden of debt on to future generations? And let us not forget that when all the phony accounting gimmicks such as slow phase-ins and phase-outs and sunsets provisions are factored in, the amount added to the deficit is more likely to be closer to $45 billion.
This bill may mean more jobs, Mr. Speaker, but they will not be U.S. jobs.
This bill rewards companies that move off shore, that shelter income from production abroad, and that outsource even more jobs now and forevermore.
Now, I seem to remember the Republicans saying over and over that our Tax Code is simply too complex, too confusing and too costly; but this bill, instead of simplifying and tightening the Tax Code and closing loopholes, creates over 400 pages of new and expensive special interest exceptions.
This bill makes our Tax Code more complex, not less; more unfair, not less. It does too little for those businesses that prefer to produce and hire
in the United States. It hurts farmers, stiffs small businesses, and benefits large multinational companies first and foremost.
It increases the deficit and tacks on major unrelated initiatives. Instead of simply fixing the $5 billion FSC/ETI problem, it creates a $150 billion special interest giveaway.
Mr. Speaker, this Special Interests Christmas Tree Giveaway Act is quite simply a scandal. Now, in light of such largesse for special interests and large corporations, I was surprised when this morning the Republican majority in the Committee on Rules did not make in order an amendment proposed by the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and me. Our amendment would provide tax relief to every company and business that makes up the difference in income to an employee activated into the National Guard or Reserves and would have provided support to those same companies to train temporary employees to fill the jobs left vacant by active-duty employees.
At a time of national emergency, when members of the Reserves and National Guard are serving extended deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Republican majority in the Committee on Rules decided that this modest tax relief proposal was not important or relevant enough to be considered during the debate on this bill.
This bill before us helps Halliburton and Bechtel, two corporations that are ripping off the American taxpayer through fraud and abuse of their defense contracts in Iraq; but the Republican leadership will not help the hundreds of small businesses suffering from long-term vacancies or the families whose loved ones have been activated for service in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Mr. Speaker, at the end of the debate on this rule, I will offer a motion to defeat the previous question. If the previous question is defeated, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and I will offer our amendment to H.R. 4250 to help the Reservists and small business.
We have the chance to do the right thing today. I urge my colleagues to reject this rule and to oppose the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to clarify to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings) that the sales tax deduction provision phases out in 2 years. It is not permanent. And this morning the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings) and other Republicans voted against making it permanent.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the ranking Democrat on the Committee on Ways and Means.
(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The distinguished chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means refused to show me or the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) the same courtesy that the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) showed the chairman of the Committee on Rules, and he refused to answer the question as to whether or not the Committee on Rules would have made in order the Crane-Rangel alternative, in whatever form it would have been in. The answer is clearly they would not have.
The gentleman mentioned American democracy. Twenty amendments were denied in the Committee on Rules. That is not democracy.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time remains on each side.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks, and include extraneous material.)
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman yielding. How many of those amendments were made in order?
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me also say that the Republican leadership made it clear last night that no substitute in any form would have been made in order.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Etheridge).
(Mr. ETHERIDGE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Meehan).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, the continuing activation of military Reservists to serve in Iraq and the war on terror has imposed a tremendous burden on many of our country's businesses. For too many of these small businesses, the temporary loss of these employees makes it difficult to continue operating successfully, and many are faced with severe financial difficulties, even bankruptcy. Why not help alleviate some of this burden for these employers who are doing the right thing for their employees and their families?
It is ironic that the party that never met a tax cut they did not like and that claims to support small business would deny small businesses a tax credit to help pay their employees who are serving their country in a time of war. I cannot imagine why the Republican leadership denied the full House an opportunity to vote on this amendment. Certainly this is a more important issue than tax relief for Chinese ceiling fan makers.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous question and let this House vote on tax fairness for small businesses whose employees are bravely serving their country in the Armed Forces.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the amendment be printed in the Record immediately before the vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 681 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 681 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. REYNOLDS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 681 is a closed rule that provides for consideration of H.R. 4520, the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004. The rule provides one hour of debate in the House equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
The rule further provides that an amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on Ways and Means, as modified by the amendment printed in the Committee on Rules report accompanying the resolution, shall be considered as adopted.
The rule waives all points of order against the bill, as amended, and against its consideration.
Finally, the rule provides one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
Mr. Speaker, America's economy has taken its share of hits over the past several years. We had a triple shock of terrorist attacks, corporate scandals, and recession. But each time this economy was stricken, this administration and this Congress responded with action to move forward, to create jobs, and to spur economic growth.
In fact, in just his first few months in office, after inheriting a slowing economy, President Bush and this Congress enacted a series of tax cuts that resulted in the shortest and shallowist recession in this Nation's history. Our work towards recovery has continued throughout its time and today real GDP growth has grown at its fastest rate in 20 years. More than 1.4 million jobs have been created. The unemployment rate is below the average level in each of the past 3 decades. Productivity has grown to the fastest 3-year rate in 40 years. Home ownership is at an all-time high and we have the highest number of total payroll employees in our history.
In the particularly hard hit manufacturing sector we have seen the best 4-month period of job growth in 6 years and the manufacturing employment index was at its highest level since 1973. Even in my region of the country, which has traditionally lagged national recoveries, one prominent economic survey reported ``signs of a long awaited rebound in hiring demand were evident across most regions and industries, suggesting that the economic growth may soon begin to shift into a new higher gear.''
But our work is not done until every American looking for a job finds one, and that is why, Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be here today on behalf of the American Jobs Creation Act by supporting this rule and underlying bill.
The most recent data shows that employment remained strong last month, evidenced by the creation of 248,000 new jobs and continuing three quarters of a strong economic growth. Now it is time to seize on this momentum and continue to take steps to grow our economy, generate jobs, boost domestic manufacturing, and protect small businesses and farmers.
As my colleagues well know, recent European sanctions on American exports are hurting our manufacturers and farmers to the tune of up to $4 billion a year. Tariffs currently stand at 8 percent and will increase a staggering 1 percent per month until FSC-ETI is repealed. These sanctions are increasing the price of U.S. goods sold outside the United States. They are reducing the exporting capability of multiple industries, and they are threatening the ability of our domestic country to create jobs here at home.
We have the power to stop them now, and without our action many small businesses and other employers face financial ruin while their employees face their own job losses. But by repealing FSC-ETI through the underlying bill, this Congress will put an end to these sanctions and help yet again to put Americans to work.
H.R. 4520 permanently reduces the corporate tax rates from 35 percent to 32 percent for domestic manufacturers, producers, farmers, and small corporations. This is yet another stimulant for job growth, encouraging production and manufacturing here at home, giving employers incentives to reinvest, expand and, most importantly, create new jobs in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, the underlying bill also addresses a fundamental hurdle in realizing even bigger job growth, the double taxation of U.S.-based manufacturers. Our global counterparts currently share a significant advantage over the United States simply due to the onerous U.S. Tax Code. In reducing this double taxation faced by U.S.-based companies, we will greatly enhance their competitiveness and ability to sell American-made goods in the global market, all the while making it easier for them to create more jobs here in the United States.
Last month the Institute for Supply Management's manufacturing index
showed the twelfth straight reading above 50 percent and the seventh reading above 60 percent. Readings at this level indicate substantial expansions in manufacturing activity, which is more good news for manufacturing job creation.
Mr. Speaker, another important part of H.R. 4520 is its relief for millions of small businesses and farmers from the Alternative Minimum Tax. Over the years this tax has burdened more and more middle-income Americans, a clearly unintended consequence. With the passage of the underlying bill today, this House will deliver much needed relief for millions of American farmers and small businesses. This relief will help keep individuals from sending exorbitant amounts of their hard- earned money to Uncle Sam and use it instead to create new jobs and new opportunities.
Finally, H.R. 4520 makes it cheaper for existing businesses to increase their investment and for entrepreneurs to also expense their new ventures. The underlying bill includes provisions to promote investment in new equipment. Increased investment such as this provides significant stimulus to the economy and further aids in boosting job growth.
Shipments of core capital goods, which is the category most directly linked to business investment, has continued to rise recently, and we can build on that progress.
Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Ways and Means has worked tirelessly on behalf of the American people and I would like to commend the chairman and committee members for their steadfast support of sound tax policy and job creation.
We have the opportunity and responsibility to not only continue, but to accelerate the last 9 months of economic growth and job creation. We can do that today by passing the American Jobs Creation Act. I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I spent a good deal of time doing the presentation, the fact that I think our economy is moving, that the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004 is going to create more jobs across America; and I just want to make sure that my view of that is again on the record.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings), a distinguished member of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), the distinguished Committee on Ways and Means chairman.
(Mr. THOMAS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lewis).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I sit here and I listen to some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle try to rewrite history. It was only 4 hours ago that we were in the Committee on Rules. We took testimony. Some of the Members who are the loudest critics on the floor today were not there.
When I came to this Congress, I had served almost all of my entire career in the minority. I know what it is like to have to cough up a substitute and not be able to do it because of the diversity of the minority party in coming up with it. I did not see a substitute. It was awfully clear there was no substitute for the committee's consideration.
Now there are a number of line-by-line amendments that were brought before the committee by the minority in rollcall votes. They are well recorded. There will be no document that says there was a substitute before the Committee on Rules.
I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
None.
The amendments were brought before the committee. Again, there was no substitute.
I did see a Rangel amendment that excluded all parts of the tax cuts and left the tobacco bill.
Today this body, after this rule is passed, is going to have the opportunity to make a decision: Tax cuts and a competitive agenda, or the same old business as usual, drag it out, mess it up.
Today, with H.R. 4520, the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004, my colleagues are going to be able to end sanctions by repealing the FSC- ETI, compensating for lost benefits by permanently cutting corporate tax rates for domestic manufacturers and producers and farmers and small corporations.
It is going to provide a pro-growth tax incentive for manufacturers, small businesses and farmers to help create more American jobs, and it is going to enhance the competitiveness of U.S.-based companies engaging in exporting and/or manufacturing by greatly reducing double taxation. These companies receive more than 90 percent of the FSC-ETI benefits under the current law.
Mr. Speaker, we talked about it a long time. Today we are going to have a vote up or down. America deserves this legislation because it is going to give everyone who wants a job an opportunity to get a job.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
announcement by the speaker pro tempore
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) outlined a couple of things, and the debate on this rule also should bring us back to perspective on this.
I thought I understood from the gentleman that his plan encourages American companies to outsource overseas. The U.S. companies only benefit if they manufacture in the United States. This plan temporarily reduces the tax rate on repatriated income but only if that income is currently reinvested in the United States.
The plan provides for $13 billion in transitional tax relief to manufacturing and production in the United States. It eliminates double taxation on foreign sales corporations and will not allow these businesses to expand their operations hiring Americans.
Finally, any sanctions imposed by the EU and other tariffs imposed on the American products will encourage business expansion, creating jobs right here at home in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I know that my colleagues in the Chamber know there is a debate on. I believe those who are watching throughout the offices know there is a debate on. I hope America knows. We are having that debate first on this rule, and we are seeing viewpoints expressed. And then we will have full debate on the Ways and Means chair and ranking member managing the underlying legislation. Let it be clear that there will be 2 full hours of debate that this honorable body will have on this issue. I am sure there will be many different viewpoints that are expressed. At the end, I hope we are successful in passing this legislation so that we can continue to grow jobs in America.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm).
Mr. Speaker, this is a fair and customary rule. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules.
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to be here to present to the body the fiscal year 2005 Homeland Security Appropriations bill, the second such bill…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to be here to present to the body the fiscal year 2005 Homeland Security Appropriations bill, the second such bill ever written by the Committee on Appropriations.
The bill before us provides $32 billion for the Department of Homeland Security. That is $1.1 billion above the current year, and $496 million above the President's request.
Mr. Chairman, it is very hard to believe that the Department was created just a year ago. There have been growing pains, but tremendous progress has been made. This is not an easy task to get our arms around, but I think the Department is succeeding, and their success is significant.
In just one year, for example, the Department has inventoried the Nation's critical infrastructure to include more than 33,000 facilities. The Department is identifying and reducing vulnerabilities at chemical facilities, nuclear power plants, national monuments, subway and light rail systems, and commercial sites. The Department has streamlined the process used to get the money out to first responders, setting up a one-stop shop. They continue to work with State and local governments to identify choke points so that money can flow quickly and get where it is needed. The Department regularly communicates threat information with State and local officials. Last year, the Department issued 41 warnings and advisory notices to State and local entities.
The Department established a two-way communications system with State and local homeland security personnel. This system was recently used in Kentucky when there was a smallpox scare in the small rural town of London. The information was quickly passed on to the Department and other Federal officials and appropriate action was immediately taken. The system works.
The Department has increased their presence to more than 38 ports in 18 different countries, prescreening all high-risk cargo before it reaches our shores. The Department has established three Homeland Security Centers of Excellence, created standards for first responder equipment, and installed and operated sensor systems in 30 high-risk cities to detect biohazards. Those are just some things that they are doing.
There is no doubt, Mr. Chairman, that more work needs to be done, but the Department is clearly on the right track, identifying our vulnerabilities, matching them to threats, and putting out specific guidance on ways to protect our homeland.
Fiscal year 2005 will be the second full year of operation for the Department. This bill continues the successes of the past year and includes initiatives to move us closer to our goals of prevention, preparedness, and response.
The bill provides $4.1 billion for our first responders, the first line of defense. These brave men and women are the first on the scene whenever there might be a problem. They are the backbone of our communities.
Since 9/11, this Congress has provided $26.7 billion for these first responders. Those dollars have helped train more than 285,000 police, fire, and emergency medical personnel around the Nation to respond to acts of terrorism, including weapons of mass destruction. No community in America, whether urban or rural, is immune from acts of terrorism. This bill strikes a balance between funding high-risk communities and providing support for States and localities, striving to achieve and maintain minimum levels of preparedness. For 2005 we propose an additional $1.175 billion to improve security in our urban and most populated areas.
The United States is the most open nation in the world. Our borders are the gateway for billions of dollars in commercial trade and millions of visitors. However, these same borders are potential entry points for terrorists and weapons of mass destruction. This 2005 bill provides $9.8 billion for border protection and related activities. This funding will continue our efforts to create smart borders that keep terrorists out of America without stemming
the flow of commerce or legitimate travel. Funding will be used to operate and expand the container security initiative. Funding will be used to design and to identify, target, and search high-risk cargo before it enters our ports. We also fund advanced inspection technologies, including personal radiation monitors and detectors.
This legislation fully supports security for all modes of transportation, providing $5.7 billion to the Transportation Security Administration and Federal Air Marshals.
Since September 11, Congress has provided $14.3 billion for aviation security. Funding has been used for a host of purposes, including securing all of the cockpit doors on commercial flights, installing new technically advanced metal detectors at the airports, searching checked bags for explosives, and federalizing the screener workforce. We continue our commitment to aviation security in 2005 and fully fund the baggage and passenger screening efforts, as well as new technology to improve screening procedures at America's airports and giving Federal Air Marshals the funds they need to cover high-threat domestic and international flights.
The bill also includes $118 million for air cargo screening which will support the hiring of 100 new air cargo inspectors, development of new cargo screening technology, and expansion of canine enforcement teams. The bill also requires TSA to double the number of cargo inspections on passenger aircraft.
The bill funds several initiatives for rail security, providing $111 million for grants to high-threat systems, technology to screen passengers and baggage, and furthering intelligence-related activities.
Security assessments for the 14 subway systems and 278 light rail systems have been completed. And this will continue in 2005.
Additional funds are also provided for radiological, political, chemical and high explosives countermeasures to both rail and transit systems. There is $1.1 billion, Mr. Chairman, for the science and technology directorate. We are targeting funds for research, development, and the discovery of new technologies that can and are being used in our cities and towns today, including environmental sensors to detect biohazards and nuclear detection technology for cargo.
We also continue to fully fund research and development for antimissile devices for commercial aircraft, the so-called ``man pads.'' The bill includes $855 million for information analysis and infrastructure protection. These funds will be used to complete an inventory of critical infrastructure, enhance current communication between Federal, State and local homeland security personnel, and assist local communities as they put protective measures in place. Funds will be used to train State homeland security advisors and local law enforcement on best practices for protecting their critical sites.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, this bill fully supports the traditional missions and operations of agencies that were merged into the Department including the Coast Guard, the Secret Service, and, of course, disaster relief. I believe, Mr. Chairman, we have produced the right mix for this Department. It builds upon the progress of the past year and furthers the protection of our beloved homeland.
House of Representatives,
Committee on Appropriations,
Washington, DC, June 15, 2004.
Hon. Bill Thomas,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
Longworth House Office Building, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Thomas: Thank you for your letter regarding
H.R. 4567, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations
Act for fiscal year 2005. As you have noted, the bill is
scheduled for floor consideration on Wednesday, June 16,
2004. I appreciate your agreement to expedite the passage of
this legislation although it contains a provision involving
overtime pay that falls within the Committee's jurisdiction.
I appreciate your decision to forgo further action on the
bill and acknowledge that it will not prejudice the Committee
on Ways and Means with respect to its jurisdictional
prerogatives on this or similar legislation.
Our committees have worked closely together on this
important initiative, and I am very pleased we are continuing
that cooperation. I appreciate your helping us to move this
legislation quickly to the floor. Finally, I will include in
the Congressional Record a copy of our exchange of letters on
this matter. Thank you for your assistance and cooperation.
We look forward to working with you in the future.
Best regards,
Harold Rogers,
Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Latham), a very hardworking member of this subcommittee.
Show 8 more
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding. Let me respond by saying that the gentleman is absolutely correct, that one of the things that we try to do is we…
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding. Let me respond by saying that the gentleman is absolutely correct, that one of the things that we try to do is we try to ensure that the minority, Democrats in this instance, have an opportunity to have their proposals considered.
In 1994 we changed the rules to ensure that an opportunity for a recommital motion would be guaranteed. We also try to add, when we can, an opportunity for a substitute to be offered.
Now, yesterday, as the gentleman is correct, when I approached him, I said, we want to work and see if we can put together a substitute proposal. And I know from the discussions that I had that there was a lot of disagreement on the minority side about exactly what kind of shape it would take.
The proposal that was submitted by my friend was in fact not a substitute. It was simply an amendment. And so we made very clear that a substitute would be what we would consider. Yes, late last night I said I was concerned and was not sure.
I said I was not sure that the Committee on Rules----
No, I did not say that. I did not say that.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would further yield, what I said was----
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield on that point?
If the gentleman would yield, I am happy to respond.
The gentleman did not come and testify before the Committee on Rules this morning and was not there when we had the markup.
The proposal that was offered by the gentleman in the Committee on Rules was, in fact, an amendment, not a substitute, which is what we stated was necessary for us to even consider it. Okay. That was not offered, and so when there was no substitute offered, of course we did not make a substitute in order because it was not even an option for the Committee on Rules.
I thank my friend for yielding.
If gentleman will yield, what I said was I was concerned about the possibility, and I will say that there were other members of your leadership team who indicated to me at that point when we stood right here that, in fact, there was not a substitute that had been put together.
Mr. Speaker, let me just say that there was no substitute submitted to the Committee on Rules. I think it is important for us to note that we would have had an opportunity to consider that if we had had a substitute put together. We had a cut-and-bite amendment, a perfecting amendment provided from the ranking minority member. I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, let me at the outset talk briefly about this issue of minority rights. I feel very strongly about the rights of the minority, doing everything that we possibly can to ensure that in the Madisonian spirit of minority rights, their ideas are considered. That is why when we went from minority to majority status exactly 10 years ago, we guaranteed something that was often denied to us, and I served for 14 years in the minority, it was often denied to us as members of the minority, and that was an opportunity to offer a motion to recommit the bill, a bite at the apple. It was often denied to us, and we have guaranteed that. I will say that we try whenever we possibly can to make in order a substitute, a substitute measure when it is brought to us in the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I have to say that working back and forth with Members of the minority, I tried to last night see if we could, in fact, have a substitute and make it in order. I will admit I said to them that I was not sure that we would be able to, but the opportunity was still there for Members of the minority to give us a chance to consider a substitute measure in the Committee on Rules, and it did not happen.
Having said that, Mr. Speaker, let me say that I believe that we should be here celebrating, celebrating the fact that we are on the verge of passing very important legislation that is going to build on the fact that the measures that we have passed in a bipartisan way dealing with our Tax Code under the leadership of the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), the proposal that initially was submitted to us by the President of the United States, has created in excess of 1 million jobs over the past 3 months.
We are going to be able to have a chance today with this legislation to build on that. That is why I want to say something that has not been raised here at all. I want to thank the European Union and the World Trade Organization for getting us to this point. In 1947 when the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was established, the goal was a very clear and simple one. It was to eliminate tariff barriers so that we could have the free flow of goods and services and capital.
What is it that has happened? We have seen the WTO build on that and one of the goals, of course, is the elimination of subsidization. The WTO was right. The FSC/ETI provisions have been subsidies; and what we are doing is we are, in fact, phasing those out. We are phasing those out because they have chosen to, at a rate of 1 percent a month, increase the burden on U.S. products trying to get into their markets.
So what is happening? Rather than simply pointing outside, we are looking
at ourselves, realizing that one of the challenges that we face as we try to compete globally is the tax and regulatory burden that exists in the United States of America, impinging on our workers, our manufacturers, our producers the chance to get into new markets worldwide. That is why what we are doing with this policy in bringing about a reduction in that tax burden, it is the right thing to do. It is going to create more jobs right here at home.
How the other side of the aisle can constantly complain that this is going to do nothing but create jobs overseas is beyond me. What we are doing here is we are reducing the burden that exists on job creators, meaning that there will be a greater chance to create even more jobs here in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, it has been a long time in coming. The gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas) and members of the Committee on Ways and Means and many of the rest of us have been involved working for 2 years on this measure. It has been discussed, it has been debated, there have been hearings; and we now have had an hour of debate on this, and we will now have another hour of debate and an up-or-down vote. It is not perfect legislation. We all know that there is no such thing as perfection emerging from this place; but as we deal with this challenge, it does create a wonderful new opportunity for the workers of the United States of America.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this rule and support the underlying measure which we are going to be voting on.
Mr. Speaker, very seldom do I find myself almost speechless. If it were not for the rule which appears to gag all of the Members from offering any amendments that would perhaps help this bill and…
Mr. Speaker, very seldom do I find myself almost speechless. If it were not for the rule which appears to gag all of the Members from offering any amendments that would perhaps help this bill and correct the problem which we know as FSC, and it is the first time that I have known that when you take away a subsidy that was not any good, that was improper in the first place, that for some reason you owe business the money that you have been improperly paying them all of these years.
As anybody who has ever had a job in private industry would know, this bill does very little for producers or farmers or small business. It is a return to right-wing radical McCarthyism.
The real serious problem, as I have thought about it this morning, my young 8-year-old son is here, and he is going to be paying for this bill for a long time. It is us elderly white, mostly elderly white males who are doing this to help the lobbyists who have contributed so generously to the Republican campaigns who are going to make these youngsters pay for it, and I think that is an obscenity that will stand long after we have left these halls.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strident opposition to H.R. 4520 the so-called ``Jobs Creation Act.'' This bill is a sham and a disgrace--and everybody knows it. Repealing the extraterritorial income (ETI) regime is absolutely necessary to avoid retaliatory duties imposed by the European Union, but replacing that regime with unnecessary corporate tax cuts, and including extraneous provisions that have no business in a corporate tax bill, is ludicrous.
We have known for years that tax systems benefiting exports are clearly prohibited under our international trade agreements. Now we are faced with growing duties on certain exports, which hurt manufacturers and put American jobs in jeopardy. A bill to put the United States in compliance with World Trade Organization trade laws has been turned into a Christmas tree of special interest give-aways. By reducing from nine to two the number of foreign tax credit baskets, foreign controlled subsidiaries of U.S. corporations will have new tax shelters including domestic companies to move even more jobs overseas. During this jobless economic recovery, we cannot afford to give corporations even more incentive to ship jobs offshore. I'm appalled that such a bill would even be considered on the House floor.
The Republicans have always claimed to be fiscally responsible, but this bill is one of the most fiscally irresponsible pieces of legislation I have ever seen. According to a February GAO report, on average, 61 percent of all U.S. controlled corporations reported no tax liability between 1996 and 2000. When nearly two-thirds of U.S. corporations already have no tax liability, it is preposterous that we would reduce the top corporate tax rate from 35 to 32 percent at an estimated cost of over $63 billion over the next ten years. It would only cost $50 billion to make corporations whole after the loss of the ETI exclusion, but the Republicans are reducing corporate tax revenue by another $29 billion with these new rate reductions.
Fiscal irresponsibility surrounding the ETI exclusion is reason enough to vote against this bill, but H.R. 4520 goes even further, adding a total of $34 billion to the national debt through a litany of unnecessary tax breaks. For example, the bill would allow foreign controlled corporations to move income back to the U.S. with a one time 85 percent deduction for that foreign income. This provision would cost more than $3 billion over ten years, and rewards corporations who have moved jobs overseas in the past. In addition, the reduction of foreign tax credit baskets from nine to two categories will decrease revenue by almost $8 billion during the next 10 years. These provisions and many others mortgage the future of our economy and create an enormous tax burden for our children and grandchildren.
Even if the American Jobs Creation Act merely repealed the ETI exclusion and replaced it with fair tax breaks for domestic production, I could not support this bill. Why? Because it contains so many blatant and shameful provisions that have no business being in a tax bill! The Republican leadership refused to write a bill that could garner bipartisan support, so they tossed in these provisions to buy members votes. This is not democracy. This is a Republican House bowing to the power of corporate America and doing whatever it takes to get this ridiculous piece of legislation passed.
The most egregious portion of this legislation is a dangerous buyout for the tobacco industry that would cost $9.6 billion dollars, most of which would line the pockets of large tobacco manufacturers like Phillip Morris. The tobacco buyout is nothing more than an election year bribe to enlist southern Democrats' votes on a bill they would otherwise be unlikely to support. Just recently the Surgeon General released a report saying that tobacco causes diseases in ``nearly every organ of the body.'' Instead of using this opportunity to allow the FDA to regulate tobacco, Republicans are giving a huge windfall to the tobacco industry while doing nothing to reduce tobacco production and improve public health.
Finally, the Republicans have thwarted the democratic process by refusing to allow the Democrats an amendment in the nature of a substitute for this bill. Are the Republicans afraid that the bipartisan approach that passed with flying colors in the Senate might actually have enough votes to pass in the House? My friend and colleague Mr. Rangel has been working on a bipartisan approach to solving the FSC/ETI problem for years. But we won't have the opportunity to vote on that proposal today because the Republicans don't want anyone to compare our fair and responsible
alternative to their unfair, irresponsible corporate tax break grab bag.
The so-called American Jobs Creation Act does not create jobs. Instead, it creates new incentives for U.S. corporations to send jobs overseas. The fiscal irresponsibility of adding another $34 billion to the national debt over the next 10 years while the economy is trying to recover from recession is inconceivable to me. Finally, the extraneous provisions in this bill are mere gifts to Republican friends. This bill is a disaster for the American people and our tax code. Republicans should be hanging their heads in shame--but Republicans have no shame, as this bill clearly shows. I strongly urge all my colleagues to vote against H.R. 4520.
Mr. Speaker, today I rise to express my disappointment that the American Jobs Creation Act (H.R. 4520) includes a provision that grants the tobacco industry a $10 billion buyout but does not grant…
Mr. Speaker, today I rise to express my disappointment that the American Jobs Creation Act (H.R. 4520) includes a provision that grants the tobacco industry a $10 billion buyout but does not grant the Food and Drug Administration the authority to regulate tobacco products.
The consequences of tobacco use are disturbing. Smoking-related illnesses claim an estimated 430,700 American lives each year. Smoking costs the United States approximately $92.2 billion annually in health- care costs and lost productivity. It is directly responsible for 87 percent of lung cancer cases and causes most cases of emphysema and chronic bronchitis. Spit tobacco and other smokeless tobacco are not safe alternatives. They can lead to tooth decay and loss, gum disease and oral cancer.
Dispite the enormous risks to tobacco--which is the most deadly of all consumer products--the Federal agency that is most responsible for protecting the public health is powerless to effectively regulate this product. In 2000, the Supreme Court explicitly ruled that the FDA does not have the authority to regulate tobacco products and that it is the responsibility of Congress to provide the USDA with this authority. Congress cannot wait any longer to act on this matter.
Many of my colleagues have fought hard to reach a compromise that will give the proper authority to the FDA to regulate tobacco products without needlessly impeding on the tobacco industry's right to produce and sell its product. Unfortunately, the legislation we are considering today squanders an opportunity to couple a tobacco buyout measure with improving public health. Even more disheartening than this missed opportunity is the sad reality that a bargaining tool has been removed from the table and our ability to pass legislation providing the FDA with the regulatory authority it needs has been jeopardized.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this bill and to pass legislation that will allow the FDA to carry out its mission to ensure the safety of products consumed by the public.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this tax bill which is full of giveaways to special interests. I wanted to support this bill. I support an across-the-board corporate rate reduction for income from U.S. manufacturing activities so that more manufacturing jobs can be created here in the United States. I am also a strong supporter of the R&D tax credit because it is an investment in the future and will keep our economy strong over the longterm.
However, this bill is full of items that have nothing to do with job creation or long-term investment in research.
This bill is a tax break for special interests. Do we really need a special tax loophole for manufactures of fishing tackle boxes? Or a tax break to benefit makers of sonar devices used for fishing. As an outdoorsman, I support fishing but we don't need a tax break to do it.
Many of my constituents enjoy target shooting with bow and arrows but do the makers of bow and arrows really need the tax break that this bill provides?
Further, the bill continues the Republicans' attack on the environment. In this bill is a tax break for whaling and a tax break to benefit landowners who sell timber from their property.
Also in this bill is a provision that isn't even tax policy, that is the tobacco ``buyout''. I can understand helping small tobacco farmers, however this bill only helps big tobacco corporations. The provisions of this bill will line their pockets with billions of dollars.
If the current quota system is eliminated, as proposed in the FSC bill, the price of tobacco will collapse. The minimum drop that can be expected in 50 cents per pound of tobacco--roughly the current amount that goes for rent to quota owners. As the U.S. price drops, foreign producers will lower their prices too. Falling prices will drive small tobacco farmers off of their land, while enriching Big Tobacco.
U.S. tobacco manufacturers intend to purchase 450 million pounds of domestic tobacco this year. At a discount of 50 cents per pound, the immediate savings is $225 million. But this is just a minimum estimate. According to a USDA economist, factoring in prices changes for both domestic and foreign tobacco, the end of the quota is worth $15 billion to the tobacco industry over 14 years.
Cigarette manufacturers can take this entire windfall as profit or use part of it to lower prices, addicting more children and killing more Americans. It is no surprise that leading public health groups consider this proposal an unmitigated disaster.
The list of special interest tax breaks goes on. If that is not bad enough the bill once again hurts the future generations of Americans by adding at least $34 billion in debt that will have to be paid back by our children. The legislation in the other body was at least revenue neutral.
More tax cuts of this sort will not only jeopardize critical public services now, but they will also hurt Americans well into the future. Massive deficits create large debt and will create high interest payments that will crowd out spending on public investments for future generations. Moreover, these deep deficits threaten to increase interest rates in the future--making it harder for Americans to buy homes and afford higher education and making it harder for businesses to raise capital.
The President is pretending that we can have war without sacrifice. Eventually, someone has to pay. I believe Chairman Greenspan's recent comments are appropriate: ``Our fiscal prospects are, in my judgment, a significant obstacle to long-term stability because the budget deficit is not readily subject to correction by market forces that stabilize other imbalances. The free lunch has still to be invented.''
Mr. Speaker, today we should be passing a revenue neutral bill that helps manufacturing
here in the United States, discourages sending jobs overseas and invests in research and development for our future.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for putting together a good bill that actually does just the opposite of what my friend from California just talked about. It helps American…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for putting together a good bill that actually does just the opposite of what my friend from California just talked about. It helps American businesses be able to compete in the global marketplace. That will create jobs in this country. And it enables our businesses to be able to compete in an increasingly competitive global marketplace. That is good for America.
I want to commend Chairman Thomas for crafting a bill that will create jobs here in America. I am particularly pleased that the American Jobs Creation Act includes important and long-needed reforms to the rules under which U.S. businesses are taxed on their global operations. Those reforms are one of the key reasons I support this legislation.
They are a long time in coming, and I want to particularly thank Mr. Houghton for his leadership and perseverance in this area. He has been a champion of tax simplification, and focused much of his attention on the complicated, archaic and outdated international tax rules. On a bipartisan basis, he initiated a comprehensive package of reforms that have been vetted and fine-tuned over a decade. I am pleased many of those provisions are in this bill. These are critical provisions that will determine whether or not our nation can compete in the global marketplace.
Some have tried to characterize the international tax reforms as provisions that would reward U.S. companies that move jobs offshore. The exact opposite is true. These reforms are critical to U.S. manufacturers that make products in the United States and sell those products in the global marketplace. To access global markets, U.S. exporters must compete directly with non-U.S. companies. The international tax reforms in the American Jobs Creation Act begin to level the playing field between U.S. companies and their foreign competitors. They are necessary to protect and grow U.S. manufacturing jobs in export industries. Ninety-six percent of the world's consumers are outside the United States. Without markets in which to sell their goods, U.S. companies cannot provide U.S. jobs to manufacture those goods. Companies with global operations provide over half of all U.S. manufacturing jobs. Suppliers who depend on those multinational companies to buy their products provide many more U.S. manufacturing jobs.
Mr. Speaker, I want to mention two specific reforms that are included in this bill. The first, dealing with interest allocation, would eliminate a fundamental distortion in the U.S. tax law that results in double taxation of U.S. taxpayers that have operations abroad. Currently, we tax corporations on their worldwide income, but allow a foreign tax credit against the U.S. tax on foreign-source income. The foreign tax credit limitation applies so that foreign tax credits may be used to offset only the U.S. tax on foreign-source income and not on U.S.-source income.
In order to determine the foreign tax credit that can be claimed, expenses must be allocated between U.S.-source income and foreign- source income. These allocation rules cause a disproportionate amount of U.S. interest expense to be allocated to foreign-source income-- which in turns reduces the foreign tax credit. This double taxation makes it more difficult for U.S. companies to compete in the global marketplace.
Perhaps the most outrageous aspect is the fact that this double taxation makes it more costly to build factories in the United States. Only our own U.S. companies are facing this distortion. Foreign corporations making an investment in the United States do not suffer double taxation. That is a perverse result. H.R. 4520 would correct this.
Another key international reform is the reduction in the number of foreign tax credit limitation baskets. It is a matter of simplification, fairness and U.S. jobs. The current basket structure is a major source of complexity and inefficiency in the U.S. international tax rules. It requires a U.S. company to divide its business income earned outside the U.S. into at least two, and perhaps many more, baskets. Thus, every company with global operations must characterize and allocate each dollar of its business income--on an item-by-item basis--to one of the nine baskets. The company must then associate every item of expense incurred everywhere in the world to one of the nine baskets. The company must then go through the same exercise for every dollar of tax paid to any foreign government. That does not make sense. No other country in the world requires anything approaching this level of complexity.
Reducing the number of foreign tax credit limitation baskets is also a matter of fairness. Some U.S. global companies do not face the complications caused by the separate baskets simply because they do not engage in any financial services businesses or because they engage in those businesses exclusively. U.S. companies that do both should not be disadvantaged. Finally, it's a matter of U.S. jobs. For many companies, creating one active business basket will rescue the U.S. tax on exports. The export of U.S. manufactured property typically gives rise to foreign-source income that is not highly taxed. If credits attributable to other types of business income can be used to reduce that tax burden further, those exports will be more competitive in the global marketplace. That means more jobs here.
Mr. Speaker, our international tax system needs to be changed to reflect today's economy. It's time to simplify these taxes to make U.S. companies more competitive and to create more jobs here in America.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to claim a victory for Texans, but I remain uncertain that this bill is a victory for Americans or American jobs. For Texans, I am pleased that after a great many months of…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to claim a victory for Texans, but I remain uncertain that this bill is a victory for Americans or American jobs.
For Texans, I am pleased that after a great many months of work and much discussion, this legislation finally returns some fairness to our nation's tax code that had been missing for almost twenty years. Since 1986, some 54 million American taxpayers--almost 20% of our nation's population--have been denied the ability to deduct the state tax burden they bear from their income solely because the seven states where they live rely only on a retail sales tax to meet their needs.
Mr. Speaker, as a consequence of the reinstatement of the deductibility of sales tax provided in this bill, the taxpayers in my home state of Texas will save almost a billion dollars from their federal income tax burden in this year alone. That works out to around $300 in federal tax savings for every family in Texas, and, Mr. Speaker, that's a good thing. This bill is not.
While I am pleased that this legislation provides 22 million Texans with the ability to deduct their state tax burden from their income, I am disappointed that Chairman Thomas's provision only allows Texans this benefit for two years. In the Ways and Means Committee on Monday, in the Rules Committee this morning, and in discussions over the past several weeks, I have insisted that Texans and the 42 million other Americans who live in states with a retail sales tax and without a state income tax deserve better than temporary equality. I have insisted that the deductibility of sales tax payments be made permanent.
If the deductibility of sales tax was good tax policy before 1986 and it is good tax policy for the next two years, then it appears clear to me that the ability to deduct sales tax payments is good tax policy on a permanent basis. The citizens of Florida, Nevada, South Dakota, Washington, Wyoming, and Texas have for too long borne a disproportionate share of the federal tax burden. That is not fair. That is not American.
While I wish that the deduction had been made permanent and made more generous, I am pleased that this bill at least rectifies an obvious inequity and reinstates the deductibility of sales tax payments, however temporarily.
However, Mr. Speaker, the good news for Texans is tempered by what is a terribly flawed bill. A wise man once said, ``There are two things you never want to see made: legislation and sausage.'' After witnessing the development of this bill for the past two years, I am convinced that he was right.
Mr. Speaker, the legislation before us today takes a $40 million problem and purports to solve it with $150 billion. In doing so, it passes on at least $34 billion in debt to the American people--to our children and grandchildren. I say that it adds ``at least'' $34 billion, because the bill is riddled with budget gimmicks such as delayed provisions and sunsets that obscure the true effect of this bill on the national debt. It is estimated that without these gimmicks the true cost of this bill could be as much as $300 billion over ten years--that comes out to $1,000 in corporate tax breaks for every man, woman and child in this country.
As a Blue Dog, Mr. Speaker, the continuing glut of deficit spending that we have witnessed in the past few years is of great concern to me and to my constituents. Potentially adding $300 billion to the national debt to solve a $40 billion problem--a problem that the Senate has proven can be solved without adding a penny to the debt--is a tragic breach of faith with the people who sent us to this House, whose best interests we are supposed to be representing. Adding $1,000 to the ``debt tax'' owed by every man, woman and child is simply bad tax policy, not to mention bad financial policy for the generations to come who will have to pay for this bill.
Mr. Speaker, this bill has some good provisions. Texans and others need to be treated fairly under our tax code; they need the ability to deduct their state tax burden, just as other Americans have the last 18 years. This bill allows that, and that's a good thing. Mr. Speaker, our nation's corporations thrive on their capacity to innovate. Innovation is driven by their ability to invest in research and development, and this bill extends the very important R&D tax credit that drives the innovation that makes America's corporations the envy of the world. That's a good thing.
Mr. Speaker, this bill fixes the problem for which U.S. companies are being subjected to
international trade sanctions. That repair will take a significant burden off the backs of our nation's exporters and once again enable them to compete effectively around the world. Finally, Mr. Speaker, the bill reduces the tax rate for American manufacturers, which frees up necessary capital to continue to build their business and keep American business on its best game. These are good things, to.
However, Mr. Speaker, while those provisions may be good for American business, for American taxpayers, and for American workers, the vast majority of the 450-page bill is so larded with special interest corporate giveaways, that it gives the term ``pork barrel'' a bad name. I for one have never been whaling, but I am no sure why native Alaskan subsistence whalers need a tax break. But of one thing I am absolutely certain, my children and grandchildren should not have to pay for it.
Mr. Chairman, I remember being here during the first and second energy crisis in 1973 and again in 1977 under President Ford and then President Carter. And when we realized what a bind we were in on…
Mr. Chairman, I remember being here during the first and second energy crisis in 1973 and again in 1977 under President Ford and then President Carter. And when we realized what a bind we were in on energy, we had a bunch of new actions taken. We took action to support new investments in technology. We supported new investments in energy conservation. We supported new investments in alternative fuels.
And then slowly but surely during the Reagan years and afterwards, the Congress lost its interest, it lost its zeal, so did the administrations. And little by little those initiatives were just sort of slowly drained out of the budget, and we wound up getting in real terms back to about just where we were in terms of making those investments before we were hit by the energy crises.
Unfortunately, I think that is what has happened with respect to the homeland security issues after 9/11. I remember after 9/11 going down to the White House, talking to the President with my good friend, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young).
We presented to the President a bipartisan list of initiatives which we had been told by the President's own security people were essential to try to protect us from future attacks. And I remember that instead of being met with a willingness to sit down and listen to what people had to say, the President essentially said, ``Folks, if you appropriate one dollar more than I have asked for, I will veto the bill.'' And there was no receptiveness at all.
Then in the next year, the President vetoed or pocket-vetoed about a billion and a half dollars in additional actions for homeland security. This bill pretty much continues the status quo since that time. We have, it is true, over time increased our investments in homeland security by about two-tenths of 1 percent of our gross national product, but because the majority party has concluded that their number one priority is tax breaks, there is not enough room left for any significant new initiatives on the homeland security front, and I think that is highly dangerous for the country.
As the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) has indicated, if you compare the challenges with the resources being applied to those challenges, we are falling woefully short. I do not think the public understands that only a tiny percentage of air cargo on passenger planes is being inspected these days for explosives.
I do not think they understand that this bill is 8 percent below where we were told by the President initially that we should be in terms of the number of sky marshals.
I do not think the public understands how little is being done to secure our ports against dirty bombs and other weapons of mass destruction.
I do not think the public understands that of the 45 major ports who ship to this country, only 20 of them have a decent customs inspection operation. I do not think the public understands that the inspectors we have in those ports are there on temporary, 6-month duty and, therefore, do not learn the territory well enough to really do their jobs as well as they otherwise could.
I do not think the public understands that on the northern border the PATRIOT Act required us to have 2000 more inspectors than we have today.
I do not think the public understands that only 13 percent of our fire departments are equipped to handle a full-fledged HAZMAT challenge. I do not think the public understands that we have fewer firefighters in our localities today than we had at the time of 9/11.
I do not think the public understands that within the homeland security agency itself, that of the 500 career slots in that agency there are 171 vacancies. The agency itself still does not have a phone directory, and one-quarter of the slots at Homeland Security are filled by political appointees.
So I think we have a long way to go in fixing these home security problems, and while I appreciate everything that the chairman has tried to do, he has not been given the resources with which to do a truly comprehensive job.
Mr. Speaker, that is why I will attempt, despite the adoption of the rule, I will attempt to offer an amendment which adds about $1.5 billion for first responders, which will add $120 million for cargo security, for additional screening and canine detection; $300 million for more explosive detection equipment; $550 million more for strengthening our border and a variety of other initiatives.
I think that if we can provide $25 billion in the Defense bill to defend the country, if we can provide that on an emergency basis, I think we need to do the same thing with respect to defending the homeland close to our own homes. So I would urge that, despite the fact that the rule allows a point of order to be lodged against that amendment, I would urge that no one make that point of order because this country needs investments which this bill does not permit us to make, and we will all be safer, certainly our constituents will be safer, if the amendment passes than they will if it does not.
Mr. Speaker, many months ago, Congress was tasked with replacing a $5 billion-a-year export subsidy for domestic manufacturers that was deemed illegal by the World Trade Organization. At the time, I…
Mr. Speaker, many months ago, Congress was tasked with replacing a $5 billion-a-year export subsidy for domestic manufacturers that was deemed illegal by the World Trade Organization. At the time, I believed this would be a golden opportunity for Congress to not only replace the subsidy, but also craft a bill that would provide incentives to domestic manufacturers in order to create more jobs and get America back to work. The bill on the floor today, H.R. 4520, is sad evidence that Congress has squandered this opportunity by letting the needs of special interests and lobbyists come before the needs of American families.
Like the rest of America, my home State of Wisconsin has been hit hard by the loss of good paying manufacturing jobs over the last few years. Many of those workers who have found new jobs are typically working longer hours, working for less pay, working for fewer benefits, and working harder than ever to keep their families' budgets afloat. There are thousands of other Wisconsinites who have yet to find a job. By passing H.R. 4520 today, Congress will essentially turn its back on those who are struggling to maintain or find a job.
The so-called American Jobs Creation Act is a 930-page bill that reads like a horror story to me. Simply replacing the export subsidy would have cost $50 billion over 10 years. Instead, House Republicans have brought to the floor a bill, riddled with special-interest provisions and favors, that costs $150 billion over 10 years. Instead of creating jobs, it creates tax cuts for cruise-ship operators, foreign dog-race gamblers, NASCAR track owners, whaling tribes, bow- and-arrow makers, Chinese ceiling fan manufacturers, Oldsmobile dealers, and beer and liquor wholesalers.
It is clear to me that our nation's economy is changing--and not for the better. As you may know, 2.7 million manufacturing jobs have been lost since the beginning of the Bush Administration. Many on the other side of this issue say that the outsourcing of information technology and service industry jobs to other countries like China and India is healthy for our economy even though it is estimated that 3.4 million service industry jobs alone will move offshore by 2015. This is outrageous. Instead of confronting and fixing these serious economic challenges, H.R. 4520 makes them worse.
For example, H.R. 4250 provides Republican plan includes at least $30 billion in additional tax incentives for companies to move overseas. Specifically, it includes a large loophole that allows corporations to outsource almost all of the work needed to make a product and still reap most of the benefits from a tax break for ``domestic production.'' For example, if Microsoft hires foreign computer programmers to produce parts of its software because of lower wage rates overseas, it will receive a rate reduction for the cost savings so long as the final computer program is assembled in the U.S. I find it reprehensible that Republicans would bring a bill to the floor that discourages companies from keeping jobs where they belong--right here in the United States.
As I mentioned earlier, I believe that we need to give American companies the incentives they need to expand their businesses and create more good paying jobs. Unfortunately, tax breaks in H.R. 4250 unfairly discriminate against smaller companies even though these small firms create 75 percent of all new U.S. jobs every year. In fact, 82 percent of all profitable corporations will receive no tax benefit from this bill because they do not have incomes large enough to benefit from reducing the corporate tax rate to 32 from 35 percent. The rate reduction is essentially the core of this bill and I believe it makes no sense that subchapter S corporations, partnerships, farms, and other proprietorships engaged in manufacturing activities will receive no benefit from this reduction even though they are vital to the health of our nation's economy.
I am supporting an alternative bill, H.R. 1769, which was authored by Representative Charles Rangel (D-NY). The bill provides tax incentives for companies to manufacture their products in America and provides no incentives for businesses to move offshore or utilize tax havens. It would also extend tax incentives and tax relief to small firms and farms--not just large corporations. Above any other reason, I support H.R. 1769 rather than the bill on the floor today because it puts our nation's best economic interests before special interests.
In conclusion, the number of gifts and favors in this bill makes it clear that Christmas has indeed come early for many lobbyists in Washington, DC. They have succeeded in taking a bill that could have created thousands of
jobs in the U.S. and converting it into a bill that no Member of Congress--and no American worker--should be proud of. I urge the House to reject the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004 and bring to the floor a bill that truly creates American jobs now and well into the future.
Mr. Speaker, there seems to be a lot of confusion out here. I declare that the rubber stamp session is now in order. We are back here today doing what the Republicans love to do: That is, come out…
Mr. Speaker, there seems to be a lot of confusion out here. I declare that the rubber stamp session is now in order. We are back here today doing what the Republicans love to do: That is, come out here and rubber stamp this 900-page perfect piece of legislation.
The Democrats have no opportunity to offer a substitute or an amendment. They were denied. They asked for amendments, they were denied. This is a perfect piece of legislation. The fact is we have a rubber-stamp Congress. And why are we doing that? Because Christmas has come on the 17th of June.
Now my Latino friends call this ``feliz Navidad,'' but I call it the fleecing of America. This is a Christmas tree bill that has everything in sight on it. If there is an amendment in this bill, there are 5 votes behind it or 10 votes or 20 votes. They would not accept an amendment unless they voted for the bill. That is how it was put together.
The fact is that the chairman of the committee in November of 2003 lost this piece of legislation on the floor. It got stuck. He could not move it. He went over to a meeting with EU in November and told them he was sorry
they had not put sanctions on this country because then he lost his leverage to move this bill. He had to make the American people uncomfortable. In my district, the sanctions went on Weyerhaeuser, on paper products and on construction materials. I do not know what the sanctions did in central California; but when the Committee on Ways and Means is going to the WTO people and saying could you please put some sanctions on the United States so I can get a bill through Congress, there is something really wrong.
This Christmas tree bill is put out here in order to give $150 billion of Christmas presents in June. We are all going home in a week, and we will have a fund-raiser, so Members, bring your rubber stamps.
[From Dow Jones Newswires, June 17, 2004]
Sanctions Alter Dynamic on House Tax Bill
(By Rob Wells)
Washington.--The reality of European Union trade sanctions
against U.S. exporters is a key dynamic propelling a
corporate tax bill through the U.S. House this week.
The House Ways and Means Committee late Monday approved a
bill, sponsored by committee chairman Bill Thomas, R-Calif.,
to end a controversial U.S. export tax break ruled illegal by
the World Trade Organization in 2002.
That tax break is called ``foreign sales corporation'' or
the ``extraterritorial income exclusion act.'' The WTO
allowed the European Union to impose up to $4 billion a year
in trade sanctions until the U.S. repealed the export tax
break, which benefits Boeing Co. (BA), General Electric Corp.
(GE), Intel Corp. (INTC) and others.
A version of Thomas' bill passed the committee in October.
It stalled in the House amid opposition from a bloc of
Republicans who said the bill doesn't do enough to benefit
U.S. manufacturers.
A frustrated Thomas disagreed, saying his bill helps
manufacturers. International tax law changes in his plan
would benefit a broad range of companies, including U.S.
multinationals, he said.
In November 2003, Thomas' bill was stuck in the House and
he lost another piece of leverage. The E.U. postponed the
date it would begin sanctions on U.S. companies from Jan. 1
to March 1.
Thomas, in a November 2003 meeting with European Union
Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy, expressed disappointment the
E.U. didn't impose sanctions on U.S. companies sooner--on
Jan. 1 instead of March 1, according to three people familiar
with the conversation.
Thomas said earlier sanctions would have increased leverage
needed to push his corporate tax bill through Congress, these
people said. One person attended the Thomas-Lamy meeting
while the others were briefed by Lamy or other participants.
A House Republican aide said Thomas ``made the observation
reflecting what members had told to him and concerns they had
raised.'' Thomas had ``made similar observations in other
meetings,'' the House aide said.
Thomas' comments were interpreted differently by others.
``It puts you in a position where you want draconian
sanctions placed on U..S. companies early,'' said another
House aide who spoke to Lamy after the Thomas meeting.
The account circulated widely for months among lobbyists
and lawyers who handle trade and international tax issues;
several offered an unflattering view of Thomas' remarks. One
U.S. lobbyist recalled that during a visit with Lamy's staff
in Brussels, ``I heard the same story'' that Thomas ``has
been cheering on retaliation.''
A U.S.-based tax professional said his client relayed a
similar account after meeting with E.U. trade officials. A
Lamy spokeswoman declined to comment on private conns between
Lamy and members of Congress.
Show 11 more
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, today our country is at a crossroads, and this debate on the floor clearly defines the choice that we have to…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, today our country is at a crossroads, and this debate on the floor clearly defines the choice that we have to make. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) at that crossroads offers us a path to expand opportunity in our country and to grow community. The gentleman from New York, as we make this important decision, knows that nothing less is at stake than our technological, industrial, and manufacturing base. The path that the gentleman from New York will take us down is one that will stop the hemorrhaging of U.S. jobs overseas. The gentleman from New York will strengthen our base. That is a decision we have to make. Are we going to strengthen that base, which is so essential to our national security, so essential to job creation in our country? Or are we going to abandon it? The gentleman from New York strengthens it. The Republican proposal abandons it.
But I have to give the Republicans credit, I really have to give them credit, because they are consistent. They are consistently the handmaidens of the special interests at the expense of the public interest and the public good. Every opportunity they get to bring legislation to the floor, we see the difference between the Democrats and the Republicans in that regard. That is most unfortunate. Because people across our country are suffering from job loss, from uncertainty in their lives, from their communities dissolving because businesses are leaving and what that means to America's families and America's communities. That is most unfortunate.
The gentleman from New York on the other hand again takes us to a place which strengthens community and strengthens and expands opportunity. We have to view what the Republicans are doing within the context of their reckless economic policies. Here they come to the floor abandoning the American worker at a time when the Republican reckless policies have produced the worst job loss since Herbert Hoover. No President of the United States since Herbert Hoover has lost jobs in office, but these Republican policies have produced those losses. It has to be viewed within the context of, again, that uncertainty in American life. How sad.
The gentleman from New York's proposal should be viewed in the context of a Democratic proposal to take the initiative on outsourcing, a proposal that says we must have innovation to create the jobs of the future, we must have education to produce the workforce of the future, and we must have job creation using the Tax Code that will reward businesses that stay here, create jobs here, and maintain jobs in the U.S.; and that is the distinct difference between what the Republicans are proposing and what the gentleman from New York is proposing today.
Unfortunately, because the Republicans are once again afraid of ideas, they would not allow the gentleman from New York's (Mr. Rangel) proposal to come to the floor. They would not allow a substitute to be brought to the floor so we could have a fair airing of these different visions of America, because they are two different visions of America.
Instead, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) is confined to a motion to recommit, a parliamentary instrument that gives him only a few minutes to present his case. But his case is a clearly distinctly different one from the Republicans.
We are talking about two different visions of America. The gentleman from New York's (Mr. Rangel) is about supporting American values, of expanding opportunity again through innovation, education, using the Tax Code for job creations, rewarding those who keep jobs here in the U.S. It recognizes the reality of the global economy and wants to make the U.S. manufacturers the most competitive in the world with the most productive workers, the U.S. workers, in the world.
So I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) for his sense of responsibility to the American worker,
to the American economy, for his sense of responsibility that we all have to make the future better and not have an erosion of jobs in our country but of an enhancing of opportunity. And I thank him for what he is doing as far as a sense of communities is concerned because that is a strong American value that is being seriously undermined by again the erosion of our manufacturing base and what that does to communities across the country.
So I urge my colleagues as they stand at this crossroad to choose the gentleman from New York's (Mr. Rangel) vision of America. They can do so by supporting his motion to recommit. They can do so by rejecting the Republicans' ill-conceived legislation and voting ``no'' on final passage.
Mr. Speaker, I want my colleagues and those paying attention to what is going on to appreciate what has occurred on the other side of the aisle. The gentleman who is managing the bill for the rule…
Mr. Speaker, I want my colleagues and those paying attention to what is going on to appreciate what has occurred on the other side of the aisle. The gentleman who is managing the bill for the rule for the minority took some time to discuss the Crane-Rangel bill. Had that been offered, that would have been a substitute. That would have been, under the rules, appropriate; but they did not offer the Crane-Rangel substitute, notwithstanding the fact that what was offered was an amendment; but I want my colleagues to understand this.
In the Committee on Ways and Means on Monday, the gentleman from New York had every opportunity to offer the Crane-Rangel substitute. It was his choice. He did not offer a substitute. He offered an amendment.
Last night, with the option of offering a substitute, he did not offer a substitute. He offered an amendment. Under the rules, it has to be a substitute.
Now why is the Crane-Rangel substitute not before us? Because it did not offer a tax cut to small business, because it did not include the appropriate and necessary elimination of the tobacco subsidy program; because it did not include the assistance to small business, called section 179, expensing; and it did not include the provisions for small S corporations to continue to reform. Those are in the underlying bill, and what the gentleman from New York and his staff did was simply cut and paste various provisions of the underlying bill, and they wanted that to be accepted.
A letter was submitted by the gentleman from New York in which it says in part, ``I request that I be allowed to add to the amendment.'' Additionally, he says, ``the additional language . . . would include.'' At one time we were able to submit material like that without having legislative language and it would be accepted. When we became the majority, there was a thrust by the now-minority to require everything to be in legislative language. That is the rules, and the gentleman wanted not to follow the rules. He wanted the rules bent for him, the very same rules they insisted that we follow.
I want to offer my colleagues three quotes: Beauty is in the eye of the beholder; all politics is local; and patriotism is the last refuge of scoundrels.
My colleagues heard the gentleman from Washington. I have here the 1985 markup document from the then-Democratically controlled Committee on Ways and Means, Chairman Dan Rostenkowski. The position in the House was to remove from the Tax Code the sales tax exemption, the income tax exemption, and the property tax exemption. Fairness.
What happened in the final law was that if you were a renter in a State that raised its revenue by sales tax, you got no relief; but if you paid income tax in a State that used income tax and you were a homeowner, you got relief. That is not equitable. That is not fair. Twenty years ago that occurred. I say it is fairly reasonable to
give people 1 day out of 20 years. This is their day.
A provision in this bill will be ridiculed about eliminating the excise tax on arrows for goodness sakes. We are going to hear a lot of crocodile tears hitting the floor about us not helping small business. The technology that is currently controlling the arrows market was invented in the United States; but if you have a foreign arrow coming in, it is on the shelf cheaper than the arrow made in the United States. Why in the world would we let, longer than absolutely necessary, discrimination against an American product? That is in this bill. It is time to eliminate it. They should get a day.
Tackle boxes. If it is pink and it is called a cosmetic box, it does not carry a tax. If it is olivedrab and called a fishing tackle box, it is exactly the same, except for the color, it carries a tax. Whether it is pink or olivedrab or red or black, the color of something should not determine how it is treated. It should be fairly treated if it is the same box.
We have sonar fishing equipment in here. Guess what? If you do not use the latest technology LED screening, you do not get relief from the 3 percent excise tax. Why in the world would we stop technology? Why? Because the law is written that way. They deserve a day.
When my colleagues argue that it is eliminating American democracy to not let somebody not follow the rules, that is not American democracy; that is un-American.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I thank the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and his staff for their hard work in producing the legislation we have today. President…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and his staff for their hard work in producing the legislation we have today. President Bush's 2005 homeland security budget request fell far short; and while this bill is an improvement, and that it is, I am concerned that it does not go far enough to close troubling homeland security gaps.
The committee followed a logical plan in distributing the $32 billion allocation. However, this measure does not provide the resources needed to significantly improve our ability to detect terrorist activities or to respond to an attack. The committee was forced to make trade-offs among programs to improve disaster preparedness and response, immigration services, and programs to stop terrorists. As a result, we have some worrisome gaps.
The first responder funding cuts, this funding cut for local fire, police, and emergency personnel, is one of my biggest concerns. With cuts in fire grants and deep cuts in formula funds to most States, overall the bill provides $327 million less for first responders than was enacted in 2004. While funding to certain high-threat urban areas is increased, the fact is that this increase comes at the expense of the rest of the country. If these cuts hold, next year most States and localities will end up with less homeland security funding than they have today.
This bill comes just weeks after the American people saw live television coverage of the Attorney General and the FBI Director giving us alarming warnings of imminent terrorist attacks. At their press conference, Mr. Ashcroft said that our own intelligence and al Qaeda public statements indicated that it is almost ready to attack the United States and that they intend to hit us hard. This week an alleged al Qaeda operative was indicted for plotting to blow up a shopping mall in Ohio.
If terrorists attack us again, our local police, firefighters, and emergency workers will be the first on the scene. It frustrates me that there is little sense of urgency to ensure that these first responders have the tools that they need to do their jobs. This legislation also fails to address other critical homeland security issues.
Two of my chief concerns are the inadequate inspection of cargo carried on passenger planes and the lax Federal oversight of chemical plant security practices. Unlike passenger baggage, the cargo on passenger aircraft is not rigorously inspected, even though it is carried in the same hold. Furthermore, cargo carried on all cargo aircraft is not inspected at all. I am also troubled that the administration continues to have inadequate chemical plant security policies. For the most part, vulnerability assessments and security plans are left to the plant owners' consciences.
Last, I would like to point out a bill provision concerning the CAPPS2 air passenger prescreening system that TSA is developing and may be testing later this year. This provision updates last year's bill by requiring the Secretary to certify, and the General Accounting Office to review, the certification that all eight security and privacy criteria are met before the passenger profiling system can be deployed. In its first review in February, the GAO found that TSA had met only one of the eight criteria.
The new language also specifically mandates that GAO review the CAPPS2 methodology that is intended to predict whether a passenger could be a terrorist. This element is the most sensitive aspect of CAPPS2 with broad implications for Americans' privacy and civil liberties.
In closing, I am concerned that this bill continues, does not do more to close the troubling homeland security gaps. The American people demand our best efforts to protect the country from those who would do us harm, and the Congress should be more aggressive in challenging the administration where it falls short.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the full committee.
Mr. Speaker, over the last 15 years, the Archery products industry has seen a tremendous growth in its sport due to increased deer populations and expanded hunting seasons. Unfortunately, that…
Mr. Speaker, over the last 15 years, the Archery products industry has seen a tremendous growth in its sport due to increased deer populations and expanded hunting seasons. Unfortunately, that expansion has reached a plateau and we are seeing decreasing numbers of bow hunters and sportsmen nationwide.
This problem threatens not only our industry but the future of our sport as well. The archery industry tax adopted in the early 1970's has accomplished many of its original goals, but has shown a limitation that keeps the sport from growing in the future.
I believe that it is once again time for the leaders in the archery industry to step forward and reform the archery excise tax to meet the demands of the next century. This reform must protect the archery industry by benefiting the next generation of sportsmen and enhancing our heritage.
The current tax represents an unfair burden shared by only a few manufacturers in the larger archery industry. While you cannot fault the leaders who drafted this legislation in the early 1970's, since then, the sport has created dozens of new industries and products. Unfortunately, the tax has not changed to keep up with the changing market in archery products. Today, only a few of the manufacturers of archery products pay the tax, most products used in archery hunting today have never paid the tax, and with the legislation passing today, that failed legacy will continue. It is time to create a program that will accomplish the goal of expanding the sport and sharing the tax among the broad variety of archery product industries.
When the legislation to tax the archery industry was enacted in the 1970's, one-half of the revenue was to be used for purposes of the regular Federal Aid in Wildlife Restoration Program and one-half could be used for the acquisition and development of public archery ranges and for courses. Unfortunately, budget constraints have limited the amount of money state agencies had been able to expend on development of ranges.
Reform should mandate that 20 percent of the funding be directed to ``wildlife heritage, skills and education programs.'' This would include tremendous programs like ``Becoming an Outdoors Woman'' and ``Archery in Schools.''
The current system taxes domestically made arrows, bows and equipment leaving much of the current industry untaxed and making the current structure a heavy burden on the consumers and a few manufacturers.
Reform should clarify the definition of arrows and make several additional changes to the bow and arrow excise tax provisions in current law. Under current law, imported arrows are not taxed. To remedy this, a 3-5 percent excise tax would be imposed on the first sale of a shaft suitable for making an arrow. Since many arrow shaft manufacturers also sell arrows, a 3-5 percent excise tax would be imposed on the first sale of an arrow unless the excise tax has already been collected on the arrow shaft used in making the arrow. In addition, a 3-5 percent tax will be levied on other industry items including: tree stands, releases, quivers, hunting blinds, archery targets, scents and sprays. The list of taxable items, among others, already includes bow handles, bow levels, bow stabilizers, camouflaged bow covers, kisser buttons, and string peeps.
This proposal never received serious consideration from Congress and was dismissed by the proponents of the current proposal as too complicated and too troublesome to consider. Unfortunately, the proposal in H.R. 4520 is a half step that will force the State agencies, wildlife groups, and the archery industry to come back to the Congress for a real reform that will promote the sport of archery, enhance our nation's wildlife resources and protect the archery industry.
Mr. Speaker, after 1999 all businesses, from normally large chapter C corporations to nontraditional corporations such as sub S partnerships, limited liability corporations and sole proprietorships,…
Mr. Speaker, after 1999 all businesses, from normally large chapter C corporations to nontraditional corporations such as sub S partnerships, limited liability corporations and sole proprietorships, have had a tax break for the items that they export. This is the extraterritorial income exclusion, or ETI. The WTO held this tax break illegal because it gives a preferential tax break to exported items, even though Europe does the very same thing through its VAT tax, which is rebated at the border.
The present House bill replaces the ETI tax with a large tax cut for businesses that manufacture in the U.S., similar to what the other body did, except that in this House bill, only chapter C corporations get the tax cut because the House bill tax cut does not apply to other nonchapter C businesses, such as subchapter S, limited liability and sole proprietorships, normally the little guys.
The present House bill has the same problem as my bill did from early last year. That is why I admitted my mistake and abandoned the original Crane-Rangel-Manzullo bill because it, too, limited relief only to chapter C corporations. My district's 2,000 manufacturing businesses are little guys, mostly sub S like the rest of the Nation. I worked with the other body last summer to include the manufacturing benefit to everybody, which is what that body did. The House bill hurts businesses which are presently exporting and which are nonchapter C corporations by causing a tax increase.
SAS in North Carolina, 100 employees, manufactures software, exports a lot. Because it is a subchapter S business and not a chapter C corporation, SAS will have a massive tax increase. Excel Foundry and Machine in Pekin, Illinois, 100 employees, a third of its revenue coming from exports. They just added three engineers and put on an addition. Because they are a sub S and not a chapter C, their tax benefit will end, and they will have a tax increase. National Machinery of Tiffin, Ohio, the last U.S. manufacturer of cold forming machines, exports most of its product. Because they are an LLC and not a chapter C, they will have a massive tax increase. They make a machine that makes bullets.
There are tax cuts for small businesses and depending on how you total them, somewhere between $2.75 billion and $18 billion; and I want to thank everybody for those tax cuts. We appreciate the sub S reform and expensing extension for 2 years. However, the bill totals about $143 billion in gross tax cuts, meaning the large and multinational corporations get a benefit of about 93 percent of the entire bill.
The class warfare between large and small businesses was not asked for by the large companies. They want the smaller manufacturers to thrive because the little guys are the suppliers for the large companies. The supporters of the bill say the nonchapter C people got their tax break when personal income tax rates were reduced for everybody, but everybody knows it costs a lot more to run a small business. As chairman of the Committee on Small Business, I cannot discriminate against small businesses; and I hope the majority of the House will agree with that.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to respond to my colleague, the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. I am in favor of a tax cut for all manufacturing entities, from large corporations through to the sole proprietorships. The reason I abandoned my own bill, Manzullo- Rangel-Crane, is the fact that it limited relief only to the large corporations. Only. Only to the large corporations. I cannot support that. What we need is a bill as in the other body that has a manufacturing benefit for everybody who manufactures, not just the large ones.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reynolds) for yielding me time to speak on this rule and about the underlying bill. Mr. Speaker, I want to celebrate an enormously important…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reynolds) for yielding me time to speak on this rule and about the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I want to celebrate an enormously important change in the Federal income Tax Code that is a key part of the American Jobs Creation Act, a return to fairness for the residents of States that have no State income tax.
The Federal 1986 Tax Reform Act eliminated the State sales tax deduction from the Federal income Tax Code, but maintained the State income tax deduction from one's Federal income tax responsibilities. Washington is a non-income tax State. Americans who live, work, and raise their families in Washington, in my view, have been treated unfairly since 1986. And Washington State is not alone. Alaska, Florida, Nevada, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming all do not have statewide income taxes. Clearly these States are a minority in this House and, indeed, in this Congress.
There are not just party majorities and minorities in Congress, there are similar divisions on policies and issues, and this is one of them. When it comes to trying to fix the Federal Tax Code's discrimination against non-income tax States, the congressional delegations from the affected States had and have been a distinct minority in this body.
Mr. Speaker, today my colleagues and I from the affected States will have the first opportunity to correct this longstanding injustice by voting to pass the American Jobs Creation Act. It has taken hard work on both sides of the aisle to get this change made. The Washington State delegation has worked on this issue for years. Republicans and Democrats have pitched in where they are able and tried to get this job done. But probably the best illustration of just how difficult a challenge it has been to correct this injustice is to look back on who served as the most powerful member of this body after the 1986 tax reform.
That tax reform became law in October of 1986. In January of 1987 the Democrat majority in the House at that time elected a Speaker of the House from the State of Texas. When this Texas Speaker's tenure ended, the Democratic majority elected a Speaker of the House from Washington State. For four Congresses, this House was run by a Speaker from one of the nine non-income tax States. Yet even with this powerful office, the States' tax codes and fairness did not get corrected by a vote in this House.
Mr. Speaker, this just demonstrates how long and hard a road these congressional delegations from these sales tax States have been traveling.
Today we can and will make a big change for the better for our States. This bill is a tremendous victory in my view. Comments have been made that the State sales tax portion of this bill is not perfect, and it does not return the Federal Tax Codes to its pre-1986 reform wording and that the State sales tax deduction will eventually sunset. I will only say after working so long, after struggling such long odds for nearly 20 years when our States have had no deduction, I say let us grab the victory; seize the one bird in our hand as tight as we can, especially when we have not seen two birds in a bush for nearly 2 decades.
This bill will provide billions of dollars of relief to tax payers in Washington and the other States in this tax year and for the next year. Let us get this enacted into law. It will be working to include a change in the future that will make this permanent, obviously.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this rule and especially urge all of my colleagues from non-income tax States to support the American Jobs Creation Act.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, the bizarre priorities of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle this morning are shocking. Faced with a choice…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, the bizarre priorities of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle this morning are shocking. Faced with a choice between taking care of our Nation's citizen soldiers or giving employers incentives to ship jobs overseas, the leadership on the other side of the aisle has chosen outsourcing.
As we all know, the continuing activation of military reservists to serve in Iraq and Afghanistan has imposed a tremendous burden on many of our country's businesses. In fact, the United States Chamber of Commerce estimates that 70 percent of reservists who are sent to active duty work in small and medium-sized companies. When their employees are asked to leave their jobs and serve our Nation, many of these businesses are unable to continue operating successfully and face severe financial difficulties, even bankruptcy. These employers are sacrificing much so that America can be safe.
To address this matter, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) and I offered an amendment that would have given all American businesses a tax credit to help them continue to pay their employees who are called to active duty, as well as help small businesses temporarily replace reservists who have been called to duty.
Mr. Speaker, this common-sense amendment would have encouraged all employers, but especially small businesses to rebridge the gap between what their employees earn in civilian life and what the military pays when they are on active duty. Those who do so would be eligible to receive a tax credit of up to $15,000 of the wages they
pay to members of the Guard and Reserves for as long as they are on active duty status.
Many small employers are having a difficult time hiring temporary workers to replace their employees who have been called up to active duty in the National Guard or the Reserves. The Lantos-McGovern amendment will provide a tax credit of up to $6,000 to help small employers defray the costs of hiring a new worker to replace a guardsman or reservist who has been called up to active duty. Small manufacturers would be eligible for a tax credit of up to $10,000 to assist in hiring temporary workers.
The cost of this amendment was offset by striking a provision, section 311, that we let companies invest their profits anywhere in the world except in the United States. By allowing companies to get the benefits of low tax rates for investments located in high-tax countries, the bill is creating a strong incentive to invest overseas, which will result in the United States losing both capital and jobs.
Instead of providing incentives to send jobs abroad, Congress should take action to help businesses cope with the loss of an employee to active duty and we should protect employees and their families from suffering a pay cut while serving our Nation. We cannot let the cost of that service force businesses into financial ruin and leave reservists and their families to suffer substantial losses in pay.
What kind of values do our actions reflect if we are prepared to send people overseas to fight for our security, leaving their families and employers vulnerable to financial hardship, while giving U.S. businesses ever more rewards for shipping jobs out of the country. This is a topsy-turvy set of priorities which we must reject.
Mr. Speaker, I do not really know what the Republicans are so frightened of in this bill that they allegedly are so proud of that they continuously deny the Democrats an opportunity to say, But we…
Mr. Speaker, I do not really know what the Republicans are so frightened of in this bill that they allegedly are so proud of that they continuously deny the Democrats an opportunity to say, But we got a better idea.
The Republican majority has been successful in winning the votes in order to get legislation passed. I do not think they have been successful in allowing the American people to believe that they have been fair, that they have been fair to the minority, or that they have been fair to the working people, or that they have been fair to the manufacturers that work hard every day to try to create jobs. I do not think that they think that they have been fair in terms of having some sense of patriotism or some sense of pride in saying, Made in the USA.
Yes, they say this legislation creates jobs, but not jobs for Americans. Jobs for people overseas. Why would they not let the Crane- Rangel bill come out in substitute? It has been rumored because we did not have a substitute, but I am so glad to see that my friend who is the chairman of the Committee on Rules is on the floor, who is always fighting hard to do the right thing, but somehow he is overwhelmed by evil forces that deny him the opportunity to do it.
Early last night, the gentleman came to me on this floor to say he wanted to help me to have a substitute. And while we were working with the leadership to have this substitute, he came
with heavy heart to share with me that we would not have a substitute.
Why, I ask, are Republicans so afraid to allow Democrats to get a chance to vote up or down on an alternative to the lousy bill that they brought to the floor.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
The last thing you said to me was that we would not get a substitute.
Well, we did not get it; that is the bottom line.
I take back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, we do not have a substitute, and that is the bottom line. I would think that we should not have to beg and scrape and ask them to give us a chance.
Are we asking for a chance to win? No. Do we believe that we have enough sugar and incentives that we can buy votes? No. We do not have that in our bill. We do not turn over the collection of taxes to private sector people. We do not have the ornaments that the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott) will tell my colleagues about. All we have got is a fair bill to create jobs in the United States of America. That is all we have got. We do not buy votes. We just try to sell without their profits.
Only if the gentleman promises to tell me through his remarks in response why the Democrats cannot have a substitute to be able to say that we got a better idea.
I thank the chairman.
You are telling me that the gentleman from California did not tell me close to midnight that we would not get a substitute, that you had tried and you were unsuccessful? Is that what the gentleman is saying?
Mr. Speaker, I am telling my colleagues that we were told last night that we would not get a substitute. I am telling my colleagues we did not get one. I am telling my colleagues they have denied us the opportunity to express the fact that we have a bill that would have brought jobs to the United States and not abroad.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding me time. Mr. Chairman, I want to rise in strong support of H.R. 4567, and I want to commend the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) who has shown…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding me time.
Mr. Chairman, I want to rise in strong support of H.R. 4567, and I want to commend the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) who has shown tremendous leadership on this bill, a very, very difficult bill, and the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) and all the staff on both sides of the aisle doing an outstanding job of moving this homeland security appropriations bill to the floor under a very tight fiscal circumstance.
We received a tremendous number of specific requests, and each of us has had to say no many more times than we would have liked to. I know that all Members of this Chamber have specific accounts they believe should have increased funding or areas for which they want to include language. There are particular programs that need more direction and money.
Most, if not all, of our colleagues care deeply about homeland security. We want it done right, and we want tangible results. However, at some point we need to focus on the possible and the reasonable knowing that none of us are going to be fully satisfied. I am not satisfied with the level of funding for the State formula grant, but given all of the factors that must be considered when addressing the various risks in each congressional district, the number for this program is not unreasonable; particularly when one considers that is a half a billion dollars over the administration's request.
We should also remember that there are hundreds of millions of dollars out there in our States that have yet to be obligated for homeland security. I am not satisfied with what I believe is less than adequate attention devoted to the threat of agroterrorism, particularly as it relates to prevention activities and needed work to advance animal vaccines; and I openly criticized the people in the Department who have been shortsighted in this area. I intend to be an advocate for protecting our agriculture economy from terrorism.
The potential cost of agroterrorism to rural economy is hard to imagine, yet alone the cost as far as food safety.
For those who want to score easy political points, this is a great bill for you. I will be one of those first who worry about funding levels. But none of us holds the answers to what truly defines adequate funding for homeland security.
As we debate this appropriations bill, I challenge the critics today to be honest with the American people. This is not an easy bill to write, and the most complex and the most demanding homeland security functions make easy targets for those who claim to be an authority on what is the best way to spend our homeland security dollars.
As the chairman has said, we can all think of more ways to spend money on homeland security, and there is no end to what we could spend. Nobody can argue that. And the issue is how well we shepherd our limited resources. In my view, this is one of the most important spending measures we will consider this year. We all know what the budget situation is; but we have crafted a very, very good bill.
I urge the Members to support this bill, keep the debate honest, and pass it quickly because it is so important to our constituents and to this Nation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this international tax bill. We worked for the better part of 3 years to get to this point. Everyone in here knows we need it. I want to congratulate…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this international tax bill. We worked for the better part of 3 years to get to this point. Everyone in here knows we need it. I want to congratulate Chairman Thomas for leading us. The bill strikes the right tone in the repeal and replacement of FSC/ETI. This section of the bill was debated long and hard, and I am proud of the deal we have reached on this section. I am also glad to see long overdue international competitiveness reforms are still in this bill.
In addition, I want to mention my strong support for the return of the State sales tax deduction. Since 1986, the residents of seven States, including Texas, that rely upon sales taxes rather than income taxes have been unfairly denied this deduction. From every corner of my congressional district, my constituents are thrilled at the prospect of being given this tax deduction. We like to say no taxes in Texas.
I urge my colleagues to vote for this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this international tax bill. We have worked for the better part of 3 years to get to this point and I want to thank and congratulate Chairman Thomas for leading us.
The bill strikes the right tone in the repeal and replacement of the ``FSC-ETI'' benefit. This section of the bill was debated long and hard, and I am proud of the deal we have reached on this section. I am also glad to see long-overdue international competitiveness reforms are still in this bill.
In addition, I want to mention my strong support for the return of the State sales tax deduction. Since 1986, the residents of seven States, including Texas, that rely upon sales taxes rather than income taxes, have been unfairly denied this deduction.
From every corner of my congressional district, my constituents are thrilled at the prospect of being given this tax deduction. We like to say no taxes in Texas.
I urge my colleagues to vote for this bill.
I want to urge caution however on the revenue raisers that are used to offset some of our tax cuts.
I find the revenue raisers in the House bill to have many flaws-- large and small. I have been sharing my reservations with the Chairman and other committee members who are likely to be conferees.
My reservations about the House offsets, however, are magnified into grave concerns when I look at the Senate tax increases. In particular, I cannot accept retroactive tax increases and will not support a conference agreement that includes retroactive tax increases.
I am firmly in the camp of those who believe that tax cuts do not need to be offset with tax increases. This is simply money the Federal Government is not collecting that belongs to individuals or companies that have earned the money.
However, to the extent that we are forced to offset some off our tax cuts, I urge the Chairman and other conferees to pick through these offsets so that the ``pay-for'' is not worse policy than the items we are trying to fix.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to offer my strong support for H.R. 4520, the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004. This important legislation…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to offer my strong support for H.R. 4520, the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004. This important legislation will end EU sanctions against our exporters, which is harming U.S. workers, and will deliver much-needed tax relief to the manufacturing sector of our economy.
In April 2003, I introduced bipartisan legislation to repeal ETI and return that money to domestic manufacturers. That legislation lowered the corporate tax rate for domestic manufacturing from 35 to 32 percent, and I am therefore quite pleased that $75 billion in direct relief for U.S. manufacturers has been included in this legislation. Of this, $13 billion is devoted to current ETI beneficiaries through important transition relief, and over $60 billion is devoted to rate cuts for manufacturers. Lowering the cost of doing business for this sector of our economy is critical for keeping the playing field level with our foreign competitors and stimulating U.S. job growth.
I would like to thank the gentleman from California (Chairman Thomas) for working with me to include these very important provisions in the legislation before us today and, at the same time, I am pleased that the legislation also includes significant international tax reforms.
Contrary to the assertion by some, these provisions do not shift jobs overseas. Rather, they allow our multinationals doing business abroad to become more competitive.
This creates jobs here at home and is critically important to the long-term competitiveness of our multinationals engaged in the global economy.
H.R. 4520 also extends the enhanced section 179 expensing for 2 years, making it easier for small businesses to invest in new equipment and grow their businesses, and includes many tax relief and simplification provisions for smaller, subchapter S corporations. This, coupled with the nearly $200 billion in tax relief for small businesses provided in the Bush cuts of 2001 and 2003, is fundamental for helping small business, the backbone of our economy, continue to thrive.
No legislation is perfect; and I, for one, wish we had the resources available to do more. But this is a great first step, and it comes at an important time. If we do not act, EU sanctions against many U.S. goods will continue to grow until they reach 17 percent, further harming U.S. businesses and workers. And we must not allow that to happen.
Mr. Speaker, we have traveled a long road in bringing this legislation to the floor, and I am glad to be here today in support of a great bill. We have two alternatives. We can vote to end EU sanctions against U.S. manufacturers then ensuring that all sectors of our corporate economy continue to flourish, or we can vote to allow sanctions to continue to grow. I suggest that there is only one responsible choice, and I urge my colleagues to vote for the American Job Creation Act.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 681 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
June 17, 2004.
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order
without intervention of any point of order to consider in the House the bill
(H.R. 4520) to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to remove impediments in
such Code and make our manufacturing, service, and high-technology businesses
and workers more competitive and productive both at home and abroad. The bill
shall be considered as read for amendment. The amendment in the nature of a
substitute recommended by the Committee on Ways and Means now printed in the
bill, modified by the amendment printed in the report of the Committee on Rules
accompanying this resolution, shall be considered as adopted. All points of
order against the bill, as amended, are waived. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill, as amended, to final passage without
intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate on the bill, as amended,
equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of
the Committee on Ways and Means; and (2) one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
Attest:
Clerk.