Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 4613) making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2005.
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
June 22, 2004 • 2:37 PM
View full timeline
Introduced in House
June 21, 2004
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 108-559, by Mrs. Myrick.
June 21, 2004
The amendment printed in the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution shall be considered as adopted in the House and in the Committee of the Whole. Upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order, any rule of the House to the contrary notwithstanding, to consider concurrent resolutions providing for adjournment of the House and Senate during the month of July.
June 21, 2004 • 7:40 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 192.
June 21, 2004
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H4674-4683)
June 22, 2004 • 1:05 PM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 683.
June 22, 2004 • 1:07 PM
On ordering the previous question Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 220 - 196 (Roll no. 279). (consideration: CR H4682-4683)
June 22, 2004 • 2:29 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 221 - 197 (Roll no. 280).(text: CR H4674)
June 22, 2004 • 2:37 PM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 221 - 197 (Roll no. 280). (text: CR H4674)
June 22, 2004 • 2:37 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
June 22, 2004 • 2:37 PM
Voting History
2 votes recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 683 on the floor
EB
MKS
TT
BS
SJL+18
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 683 on the floor
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. For the last 230 years, the United States has evolved from a ragtag collection of determined colonials who were able to meet the most powerful military…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
For the last 230 years, the United States has evolved from a ragtag collection of determined colonials who were able to meet the most powerful military in the world to today being the most powerful Nation. There are many chapters to that story. It was achieved at tremendous cost in human life and sacrifice, many lessons that we have learned, sometimes painfully.
This long, rich, varied history created the power that is the United States today and is, frankly, too little understood. We have tallied and documented the casualties, the missing and the maimed; but it does not tell the full story.
Our Nation's military history has a footprint that extends across the country and across the globe. Our military is the largest user of energy in the world. It is the largest manager of infrastructure, but 250 years of fighting and training around the country and around the world has produced a toxic legacy today.
People have forgotten about the unexploded bombs used in training, the discarded munitions, particularly in times past when our country appeared so large, the installation so remote, and the challenges we faced so dire. The cleanup of our toxic legacy has always been left to the future. It is my hope today that Congress will send a signal that when it comes to the toxic legacy of the past, the future is now; we will no longer avoid our responsibilities and look the other way.
There are many reasons for addressing the cleanup other than just the arguments of the environmentalists. There are clear and conservative, fiscal and military imperatives. These problems do not go away. We have millions of acres that are off limits and potentially contaminated. There are vast challenges from yesterday's legacy. Until these dangers are cleaned up, the longer we wait, the greater the cost to the taxpayer through escalating costs, as munitions decompose, toxins migrate in the groundwater and memories fade as to where the bombs might be. Cleanup delayed inevitably makes cleanup more expensive as the problems get worse and inflation drives the prices higher.
Mr. Chairman, I had an amendment that I was seeking to offer that would do something about it, to be able to enable us to do a better job. The first thing we ought to have done was put one person in charge. My amendment would have established a separate line item for cleanup of UXO in the Defense appropriation bill, entitled ``Military Munitions Response Program,'' separating UXO from the hazardous waste cleanup to provide the focus that the UXO efforts needed.
The amendment would also have established an assistant Deputy Under Secretary of Military Munitions Response to the Deputy Under Secretary for Defense Installations and Environment at the Department of Defense. I have been trying for the last 5 years to be able to help us get a handle on this by having one person in charge and be able to know exactly what the status is. Unfortunately, despite working through both the authorizing and the Committee on Appropriations, we still face the situation today where it is fractured, where no one person is in charge. I hope that our failure to act on this toxic legacy can be reversed.
I will not offer the amendment because I know that it would be ruled out of order, but I wanted to make the point as we are dealing with this massive bill.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's kind words. I appreciate the difficult task that his subcommittee has.
As I think of the challenges that we face, I cannot think of anybody with a more difficult challenge today, and my heart goes out to the difficulty my colleague has in terms of providing for the needs of our constituents that are overseas.
But, as I say, I will not offer this amendment because I think it would be ruled out of order. I want to make the point that nobody in the Department of Defense to this day is in charge. There is no separate account that enables an appropriate accounting; and in the course of the debate this afternoon, I look forward to offering up some alternatives that may, in a small way, help my distinguished friends on this subcommittee who have what I truly believe is a difficult task; but I want Congress to no longer be missing in action on unexploded ordnance and military toxins that pollute millions of acres around this country. In fact, nobody knows how many are polluted.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, earlier I had mentioned my concerns about Congress no longer being missing in action when it comes time to clean up unexploded ordnance.
It is astounding to me how little awareness there is on the part of most of my colleagues how dire the situation is and how serious it is around the country. I have here one chart, Mr. Chairman, that speaks to the sites that we have, number of properties in various States and the territories around the country. One can see that it is every State in the union, every territory, and we are having a serious situation now, Mr. Chairman, in terms of losing ground. We have 2,300 sites, and we are still counting. At today's rate, it will take between 75 and 300 years in order to clean these up.
There have been references to our doing the best we can, and I agree. There are lots of efforts that have been undertaken to try and deal with this problem, but how it breaks out in terms of these 2,300 sites around the country, we are dealing here with only $204 million total in proposed budget for 2005. That is less than we had in 2003 by a substantial margin, barely more than we had last year. Even though inflation continues, the costs go up.
If I can put it in perspective, in terms of where we are spending the money, I have a chart here in terms of how much we are spending. We have 52 of these sites where we are spending $.5 million. Basically, it is kind of hold your own. It is kind of a maintenance effort. There are less than 2 dozen sites that are funded for over $1 million. And, Mr. Chairman, if this chart was to scale, the number of sites that we are spending nothing on would go from the bottom all the way to the ceiling, over 1,400 sites.
This is serious business. In Southern California, there were two 8- year-old boys who were injured after discovering a live shell in Terra Sana, a northern San Diego neighborhood. Following the tragedy, the Navy swept 300 acres and discovered 184 shells. This was, sadly, 20 years ago, the tragedy that killed those two boys. When I took to the floor yesterday, I talked about a situation in North Carolina, right now at Fort Butner, where a family is forced to move out of their home when they find a bomb in the front yard, a year and a half later they cannot live in it, they cannot sell it, and they are on the verge of bankruptcy.
There are thousands of acres around there that are now in private hands and are being sold where there will be liability in the future.
Here in Washington, D.C., a 30-minute bicycle ride from where we are standing right now, on the campus of American University, is the site of where we manufactured and tested chemical weapons during World War I. They are still working on it. Three times they thought they were done. They just recently extended the deadline between 2008 and 2010. And you know what, they are stopping work this year because there is not enough money to finish the job. The child care center at American University is still vacant because of the arsenic levels. It has not been fully cleared to be used. And they are working in home after home in some of the most expensive neighborhoods in our Nation's Capital.
I could go on at great length, going over the problems that are here that we are not addressing. I would offer up an amendment that would permit us to move in the direction of being able to have some wide area assessment so that we can go out and at least clear some of these properties so that they will no longer have to be off limits.
I invite you to look at some of the material that is being put out by the Corps of Engineers: Coloring books for children telling them not to pick up unexploded ordnance. Now, I am sorry, Larry the Lizard is a great guy, but he is no substitute for Congress stepping up and putting money behind the cleanup on our public lands.
Three times since I have been in Congress, we have had to pull firefighters out of the forests because the heat has exploded bombs around them. From New York to Arizona to Alaska. I would respectfully suggest the adoption of this amendment so that we can have some opportunity to clear millions of acres so that at least we will not have to have Larry the Lizard telling our children what they have to do when they visit our Nation's parks.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Chairman. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, what I am suggesting in this regard is to redirect a mere $5 million from the research account to be able to deal with the wide area assessment. This is one of the numerous studies. This was done by the Defense Science Board task force on unexploded ordnance. This is for the Department of Defense itself. They have been looking under the direction of the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense, what do you do with the 10 or 15 million acres? Remember a few minutes ago I talked about ``Larry the Lizard,'' the coloring book to try and tell children not to pick up exploded ordnance. There is a way that we can find out where the problems exist and what the unexploded ordnance report for the Defense Science Board concluded was having a wide area assessment.
What they recommended was to do $200 million a year. With $200 million a year over 5 years, we could assess 10 million acres. That would not tell us what type of ordnance is under the acres that are polluted, but what it would do would tell us areas that there is not ordnance. Their estimate is that by doing this simple billion dollars over 5 years, $200 million a year, we could open up 8 million acres that could be used safely. We would not have to be telling kids through Larry the Lizard. Or I have a great one here that tells people when they go to the park in the Jefferson proving area in Indiana that you have to sign a waiver to use the park because of exploded ordnance, and they tell you if you find unexploded ordnance on the trail, do not use your cell phone because it might detonate it, in our Nation's parks.
With all due respect, I would suggest that by starting with a simple assessment, not $200 million but merely $5 million, so my colleagues would actually see that it works, that we can have an opportunity to start eliminating, because $5 million, frankly, is a scandal in my judgment, out of over $400 billion, we can protect our children, we can protect our forest rangers, our firefighters and be able to do an assessment that would take it all.
Mr. Chairman, I would respectfully request the adoption of this amendment to have $5 million for the pilot study on the wide area assessment. But I hope that this minimal initial step is something that will encourage the House of Representatives to start taking this seriously and not consign Larry the Lizard to take care of our children or wait a quarter of a millennium or more to do what we should be doing today.
I urge the adoption of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the point I was trying to make earlier, with all due respect, is that the couple of hundred million dollars that we have here leaves the vast majority of sites with no expenditure whatsoever. Over 1,400, no expenditure. I just mentioned on the floor that we are having to suspend the work on the campus of American University and in Spring Valley because they are running out of money.
My question is, why should we be continuing to play this sort of shell game when for a reasonable expenditure of funds we could clear 8 million acres or more from having this signage and having this risk?
If the gentleman will yield further, I have four studies here now from 2001 that detail the deficiencies and inadequacies of the program. I am wondering what the gentleman expects to be accomplished by one more study that has not been already highlighted, documented and discussed with the gentleman and the committee over the course of the last 4 years?
The amount of money that is required according to the Defense Science Board to be able to do the 10 million acres which could free up an estimated 8 million is $200 million a year. The $5 million that I was talking about was a pilot study that would maybe demonstrate to people the effectiveness of it. It is not going to solve the problem at all, but it would move us in a direction so that maybe we could demonstrate to people the effectiveness and we could get to the point where we are spending serious money. My colleagues know what serious money is. They spend billions. They spend billions on things that are controversial even within defense experts. I am trying to get a little bit of money, serious money but small in the scheme of things, that would actually make a difference. I do not know if that is responsive.
I appreciate the gentleman's offer of help.
Mr. Chairman, what I am trying to get at is to not be at the same place next year that we are now. Last year we were trying to get a little money for research, but we were trying to focus some attention so we would do more. Where I see the problem is that we are actually spending less than we did 2 years ago, that we have reasonable proposals from the Department of Defense for doing something about it, and now I am back here hearing that here is $5 million for a pilot project and we will have a study and come back next year.
I wanted to explain what I hope to accomplish. My goal is to be in a situation where we can actually make some significant progress for expenditures to solve the problem, not to continue to study it or to do tests.
I appreciate the courtesy that has been offered by the Chair and ranking member to try to help out for 5 million. I am trying to respond to this question about what I am trying to achieve. I do not want to be back here next year and see the funding level going down, the cost going up, needs unmet, and people looking at me like it is hard to understand what I am trying to achieve. That is what I am trying to do.
Mr. Chairman, I will seek to work with the committee, but my ironclad commitment is to help make sure that there is a way that we focus on the floor so we are not back here with another study and a pilot project, no increase in funding and a problem that continues to get worse year after year after year.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, would the gentleman yield? Mr. Chairman, first let me thank the chairman for his support as he completes his term as chairman of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense.…
Mr. Chairman, would the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, first let me thank the chairman for his support as he completes his term as chairman of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense. I add my congratulations to those that have already been stated for the great job that he has done for America and for our military.
I appreciate the Chairman's raising the important issue of Japan's contributions in Iraq and join with him in acknowledging their historic role. As he mentioned, this operation is unprecedented and has been severely tested during the recent hostage crisis. However, Tokyo's commitment has not changed. In fact, Japan has just dispatched the 2nd Contingent of its Ground Self-Defense Forces to Iraq.
I also understand the Japanese forces have recently commenced airlift operations between Iraq and Kuwait. Other humanitarian and infrastructure projects include food and medicine and construction or repair of seaports, power plants, hospitals, and schools.
In fact, on May 26, Japan played a leading role as the chair of the second meeting of the Donor's Committee of the International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq at Doha.
Prime Minister Koizumi has been a key ally on the war on terrorism. On June 8, Prime Minister Koizumi and President Bush had a bilateral meeting on the occasion of the Sea Island G-8 Summit meeting. During the meeting, the Prime Minister announced Japan's full support for the U.S. policy on Iraq through the continued dispatch of Self-Defense Forces as well as financial assistance through the government's official development assistance.
We highly value the contribution of Japan and other allies. I hope that all Members will read the Fact Sheet from Japan's assistance that I will insert into the Record at this point.
Japan's Assistance for Iraq
The attached Fact Sheet outlines Japan's very significant,
and continuing, efforts in providing critical assistance to
Iraq. Following are some of the highlights of the fact sheet:
The total number of Japanese Self-Defense Forces (SDF)
participating in the reconstruction of Iraq is approximately
1,000, including nearly 600 ground troops. Several naval
vessels and aircraft are also present. This is an historic
operation, the first of its kind for SDF since World War II.
Japan has decided to fund both bilateral and multilateral
projects as part of the implementation of the $1.5 billion
grant out of the $5 billion Japan pledged in Madrid last
fall. Such humanitarian and infrastructure projects include
food and medical assistance, employment, and construction or
repair of key seaports, power plants, hospitals, schools and
other facilities.
Japan's Self-Defense Forces have commenced airlift
operations between Iraq and Kuwait, and are now providing
humanitarian assistance in Samawah, Iraq.
Japan's commitment was severely tested during the recent
hostage crisis. Fortunately, that crisis was resolved
favorably. Here is what Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said
on April 22 on the subject:
``This hostage taking has not undermined Japan's firm
resolve to engage in humanitarian and reconstruction
assistance in Iraq.
It is precisely because the situation in Iraq makes the
activities of ordinary individuals impossible that the Self-
Defense Forces (SDF) have been dispatched to engage in
humanitarian and reconstruction assistance in Iraq.''
On April 15, the Embassy of Japan in Baghdad reported that
the three Japanese were released in Baghdad and were under
secure custody of Embassy officials. The Embassy of Japan
would like to extend its sincere gratitude for the efforts of
those concerned in Iraq and for the support from all over the
world. Foreign Minister Kawaguchi's statement can be found on
the following website: http://www.mofa.go.jp/announce/ announce/2004/4/0415.html
japan's assistance for iraq (fact sheet)
(Note: All number are approximate.)
1. Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance to Iraq
(total: $846.35 million).
(A) Assistance in cooperation with international
organizations ($91.4 million).
(1) Humanitarian Assistance for Iraq ($29.5 million) (2003
March 20 and April 9).
(a) World Food Programme (WFP): food supply.
(b) United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF): child
protection, education, water/sanitation.
(c) International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC):
medical assistance, provision of food and life supplies,
restoration of water supply facility.
(d) United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR):
assistance for refugees.
(2) Protection and Preservation of Cultural Heritage,
Education ($2 million) (2003 April 23).
(a) Restoration and preservation of cultural heritages ($1
million, in cooperation with UNESCO).
(b) Education ($1 million, in cooperation with UNESCO).
(3) Umm Qasr Port Project ($2.5 million) (2003 April 25).
Activities: carry out an emergency dredging of Umm Qasr
Port (In cooperation with UNDP).
Impact: realize effective port operations and smooth
delivery of humanitarian assistance.
(4) Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance in Iraq
($57.4 million) (2003 May 16, 21, July 4, Oct 17; 2004 Jan
16, Jan 26).
(a) Iraq Reconstruction and Employment Program ($6 million,
in cooperation with UNDP).
Activities: employ Iraqis in Baghdad to perform functions
such as debris removal, garbage collection and rehabilitation
of buildings.
Impact: creation of 35,000 jobs, improvement of the
sanitary conditions in Baghdad.
(b) Project for Reactivation of Primary Education in Iraq
($10 million, in cooperation with UNICEF).
Activities: rehabilitate schools and provide school
supplies in Baghdad, Mosul, Najaf and the surrounding areas.
Impact: 1 million children in 3 cities and their suburbs
will benefit.
(c) Rehabilitation of the National Dispatch Centre ($5.55
million, in cooperation with UNDP).
Activities: rehabilitate the National Dispatch Centre and
provide it with necessary equipment and materials.
Impact: improve provision of electricity to the
institutions such as hospitals which are essential for
humanitarian needs by proper control on the power
distribution.
(d) Project for Emergency Rehabilitation of Al-Kadhimiya
Teaching Hospital ($3.64 million, in cooperation with UNDP).
Activities: rehabilitate the Al-Kadhimiya Teaching Hospital
and provide materials and equipment.
Impact: improve the hospital's medical services and the
lives and hygienic conditions of the people.
(e) Project for the Emergency Rehabilitation of the Hartha
Power Station ($8 million, in cooperation with UNDP).
Activities: rehabilitate the Hartha Power Station and
transmission in Basra region.
Impact: increase electricity supply and improve the life
and hygiene of the civilians in Basra region.
(f) School rehabilitation Project ($6.1 million, in
cooperation with UN-HABITAT).
Activities: rehabilitate 271 schools in Basra, Samawa,
Nashiria and Amarra.
Impact: resume lessons and create job opportunities.
(g) Community Rehabilitation Project ($2.7 million, in
cooperation with UN-HABITAT).
Activities: rehabilitate a total of 3,000 damaged houses
and/or community facilities in Baghdad, Samawa and Kirkuk.
Beneficiaries will be selected from vulnerable groups
particularly from households headed by women.
Impact: improve community neighborhood through
rehabilitation of infrastructure and create job
opportunities.
(h) Iraq Reconstruction and Employment Program ($15.4
million, in cooperation with UNDP).
Activities: hire local Iraqi people for restoration of
water/sewage systems, garbage collection, clean-up activities
etc.
Impact: hire local Iraqi people etc.
(B) Direct Assistance to Iraq ($227 million).
(a) Provision of 1150 Police vehicles to be deployed in 27
cities. 40 vehicles will be deployed to Samawa. ($29 million)
(04 Jan 16).
(b) Provision of 27 mobile substations throughout Iraq ($72
million) (04 Mar 26).
(c) Rehabilitation and provision of equipment to 4
hospitals (Nasiriyah, Najaf, Diwaniyah and Samawah) $51
million) (04 Mar 26).
(d) Provision of 30 compact water treatment units to the
city of Baghdad ($55 million) (04 Mar 26).
(e) Provision of 70 firetrucks to Baghdad, Al Basra and
Muthanna ($20 million) (04 March 26).
(C) Assistance through funds ($500 million).
(a) International Reconstruction Fund Facility For Iraq
($490 million).
$360 million to the Fund administered by the UN.
$90 million to the Fund administered by the WB.
Additional $40 million will be also available to the Fund
administered by the WB after the approval of FY2004 budget.
(b) IFC small business finance facility ($10 million).
(D) Assistance in cooperation with NGOs ($27.9 million).
(1) Assistance for the emergency medical activities of NGOs
($3.3 mil) (2003 March 20).
(a) Japan Platform Joint Team operating in Jordan.
(b) Peace Winds Japan operating in Northern Iraq.
(2) Assistance to the following NGO activities ($21
million) (2003 May 16, 21, Dec 11, 2004 Feb 8, Feb 20 and
March 4).
(a) Medical projects and distribution of emergency supplies
in Iraq carried out by Japan Platform (Japanese NGOs, 2003
May 21).
(b) Project distributing medical supplies including
antibiotics in Iraq run by Hashemite Charity Organization
(Jordanian NGO, 2003 May 16).
(c) Project distributing medical equipment such as Infant
Intravenous Kits run by CARE International (International
NGO, 2003 May 16).
(d) Emergency Rehabilitation of public facilities by Japan
Platform (Japanese NGOs, 2003 Dec 11).
(e) Cultural Grassroots Projects to the Iraq Football
Association (Iraqi NGO, 2004 Feb 8).
(f) Emergency Aid of Medical Equipment to Samawa Maternity
& Children Hospital (Japanese NGO, 2004 Feb 20).
(g) Emergency aid for Iraq to the NGO unit of Japan
Platform (Japanese NGOs).
(3) Humanitarian and Recovery Assistance ($3.6 million)
(Grassroots Assistance).
(a) The Project for Humanitarian Operation in the Umm Qasr
Community $90,000.
(b) The Project for the Equipment Supply for Rashid RF
Community Council $73,000.
(c) The Project for Improvement of Schools in the Rashid
District $206,000.
(d) The Project for Improving Hibatoallah Institute for
Down Syndrome $42,000.
(e) The Project for Reconstruction of Mustakbal Secondary
School in Mosul City $375,000.
(f) The Project for Construction of Wastewater Treatment
Plants in Mosul City $460,000.
(g) The Project for Rehabilitation of Water Treatment
Plants in Nineveh Governorate $230,000.
(h) The Project for Improvement of Medical Transportation
in Nineveh Governorate $620,000.
(i) The Project of supplying Water Tankers to the
Governorate of Al-Muthanna $800,000 (for 12 water tanks).
(j) The project for Provision of Emergency Medical Supplies
to Al Samawaha General Hospital $770,000.
(E) Others.
(a) Assistance for supplying TV program ``Oshin'' by Japan
Foundation (the broadcast started from 2003 Oct 27).
(b) With regard to the friendly football match between the
Japanese national team and the Iraqi national team hosted by
the Japan Football Association, GOJ provides approximately
10 million as the travel expenses of the Iraqi team
through the Japan Foundation.
(c) Provision of Judo equipment to the Iraq Judo Foundation
and its transportation ($50,000).
(d) Provision of football equipment to the youth and sports
department in the governorate of Muthanna ($41,000).
((e) Dispatch of research missions for grant aid projects
formulation to Jordan and other surrounding countries (from
Jan 2004).
(f) Provision of 240 tents to the Governorate of Al-
Muthanna to counter the flooding of the Euphrates River in Al
Muthanna.
2. Consolidating broad based solidarity among the
International Community.
(a) GOJ believes that an international conference for
assisting Iraq should be organized with broad participation
of countries and international organizations. To this end,
GOJ has urged relevant international organizations such as
the UN and others, to take an active role in organizing
such a conference. As a result, the International Donors'
Conference for the reconstruction of Iraq was held in
Madrid, Spain, in 23-24 October. The Conference was able
to send a united and strong message of the international
community that the international community should actively
implement the assistant to Iraq in order not to make Iraq
the ``failure state.''
(b) Former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto visited France
and Germany last December, as Prime Minister Koizumi's
special envoy, and emphasized to the leaders of the both
countries the importance of broad based solidarity among the
international community on assisting reconstruction of Iraq.
As a result, France, Germany, and Japan have agreed with
pursuit of cooperation among the three countries regarding
reconstruction assistance to Iraq. GOJ is consulting with
France and Germany through
the framework of trilateral consultations on reconstruction
assistances to Iraq in such areas as cultural affairs and
police personnel training.
3. Cooperation under the Special Measures Law for
Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance for Iraq.
GOJ dispatched Self Defense Forces to Iraq and surrounding
countries and areas to provide humanitarian and
reconstruction assistance for people of Iraq.
4. Coordination with CPA.
GOJ extends personnel cooperation through the Coalition
Provisional Authority.
5. Cooperation with Arab and neighboring countries.
GOJ will promote such cooperation, for example, by
promoting medical assistance through the Hashemite Charity
Organization of Jordan, and Japan-Egypt Joint Medical
Cooperation. As for the Japan-Egypt Joint Medical
Cooperation, it is planned to start training of approximately
100 medical related Iraqi personnel in Egypt.
6. Cooperation under the International Peace Co-operation
Law.
(1) In-kind contribution to UNHCR (2003 March 28).
Tents for 1,600 refugees were transported by 2 special
government aircraft, and handed over to UNHCR in Jordan.
(2) Transportation cooperation.
Operation of JSDF Aircraft (C-130H) between Brindisi
(Italy) and Amman (Jordan) for transportation of humanitarian
relief materials (140 tons) of UN from 17 July 2003 till 12
August 2003.
7. Assistance for neighboring countries and others ($322.25
million).
(1) Jordan: grant assistance ($100 million) (2003 March
23).
(2) Palestine: food aid ($4.2 million) (2003 March 23).
(3) Palestine: announcement of a new assistance package
($22.25 million, including the above-mentioned food aid)
(2003 April 29).
(4) Egypt: loans and grants (over $200 million) (2003 May
24).
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina for the time. Now, there is a lot of concern here about the mechanics of what we are about to do: pass a rule, increase the debt limit,…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina for the time.
Now, there is a lot of concern here about the mechanics of what we are about to do: pass a rule, increase the debt limit, provide for the welfare of our young men and women in uniform. But I think when we are moving forward, mostly through all this rhetoric, we need to step back and look at the history of our economy, see how we got into this position and why it is important that we move forward.
I know a lot of my colleagues remember back in the late 1990s, we had an overheated economy. The Federal Reserve reacted by raising interest rates. Then we had the tech bust of 1999, followed by the beginnings of a recession in November of 2000. Then September 11, 2001, hit. We saw a huge blow to our economy. In my hometown of Wichita, Kansas, we had the highest percentage of jobs lost in the total community compared with any other city in the United States. Our aerospace community, the air capital of the world, saw more layoffs in aerospace than we have seen in a short amount of time since World War II.
During that period of time, the Federal revenue has dropped 14 percent. There have been increased demands on the Federal budget. We have increased homeland security to make our Nation safe. We have increased our spending on defense to fight the worldwide war on terrorism; but when our revenues dropped, nobody down here complaining today about how we are doing business said, well, let us cut Medicare by 14 percent so we do not have to raise the debt. Nobody came down here and said let us cut Social Security by 14 percent so we do not have to raise the debt. Nobody came down here and said let us cut education by 14 percent so we do not have to raise the debt.
Well, let us do the math: decreasing revenue because of the impact of terrorism and a recession that started around the year 2000, increasing demand on the battle to fight terrorism around the world and a higher Federal debt. So if we do not address this problem, if we do not use the most expedient means available, we will not be able to fund Social Security. The threat of not having checks going to seniors in America would become reality. No one wants that.
So where is the grief here? Where is the contrary opinion? Do those who advocate a different solution here want to come down and say let us not raise the debt? I think they know the practicality of what we have to do.
We have to move forward and conduct the business of the United States Government, and that includes addressing an issue that is very difficult for many of us to address. I did not come to Washington to raise the debt. I doubt if anybody came to Washington for the purpose of raising the debt, but we are pragmatic. We are realists. We know that there have been attacks by terrorists against our very culture, using our own technology against us. We know that we are being sabotaged around the world. We know that there is an increased demand on what the Federal Government is trying to protect our Nation.
Now, there has been some implication on the floor that there has been some misleading of Americans that perhaps we are not telling the truth. This is a free and open society. Everything we do is a matter of public record. There is no deceit here on the floor of the House, not when it comes to this issue, this bill, raising the Federal debt limit.
So I do not want to leave anybody with the impression that we are trying to hide a thing. It is all a matter of public record, and I think it is very important that as Americans we acknowledge that we have some tasks that are not easy to handle, but, yet, this is something necessary. The circumstances demand it.
So Mr. Speaker, I say that we should vote for this rule and that we should move forward with this legislation to continue the function of the government.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for the time.
I think it is very interesting that the gentleman from Texas would like us to do something about what is going on. Well, we have done something. It is hard to ignore that when we look at the economy today.
We passed tax relief that did one of three things for Americans, when putting money in their pocket. They either spent it, which was demand for goods and demand for more jobs; or they saved it, which made money available in the form of home mortgages, which drove the home building industry and created more jobs; or they invested it, which has allowed many American corporations to expand.
Right now, in the State of Kansas, unemployment just dropped three- tenths of a percent because we have an expansion in our economy. Well, what happens when we have an expansion in the economy is we have more Federal revenue, and our Federal revenue is going up. We are doing something about Federal revenue, but right here on the floor of the House we also passed a Republican budget that froze domestic spending. The results are that we now have more Americans working than we have ever had in the history of our country. We have the lowest unemployment and lower than average of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s; and we have one of the fastest growing economies, growing so fast that the Federal Reserve is now considering raising interest rates so they can slow it down a little bit.
We are doing something about this Federal debt. We are very proactive in that, but the gentleman from Texas said he was willing to do anything at any cost. He said at any cost. Is he willing to cut Social Security? Is the gentleman willing to cut even education? Is the gentleman willing to cut Defense? What does ``any cost'' mean?
I think a vote against this rule is a vote against funding the government and threatening Social Security, veterans benefits, and all of those things that we are doing right to protect our young men and women in uniform.
Mr. Speaker, I am a little amazed by the comments made by the gentleman from Mississippi. He said that we were cowardly Americans. Now, I know that words have been taken down for a lot less than that, and I think that that kind of language does not have any place on the floor of the House.
We have a free and open society. Everything we do is a matter of public record. There is nothing cowardly about what we are doing here. To try to turn this into something to be called a cowardly act, I think, is really incredible and it is grounds for taking someone's words down.
Let us talk about this Federal debt a little so we can define what Federal debt is. There are two parts to Federal debt: One is the public instruments held by people, like treasury bonds, like savings bonds. Those are financial instruments with a financial obligation that is hard and fast. It is in writing. It is black and white. The rest of the public debt is projections on the future; about how much we are going to need for my Social Security, for your Social Security, for my children's Social Security, for Medicare for all of us, for Medicaid for all of us that require it in the United States. It is a future projection.
Now, if you wanted to do something about the Federal debt, we could change the law. We could cut the benefits for Social Security. Are any of you
suggesting that we should cut the benefits for Social Security to manage the Federal debt? It is just a future obligation. Well I don't hear any of that. In fact, I hear zero solutions.
No, I will not yield. I think you referred to me as cowardly, so I do not think I am going to give you any time.
Cowardly Americans. I cannot believe it, Mr. Speaker. I think it was something that should not be tolerated on the floor. And as a warning, if I hear it again, I will ask for the words to be taken down.
Now, another allegation was made that we had cigars lit; that when it was time for the Committee on Rules to meet, that cigars were lit. Well, I was not in the Committee on Rules room. There were people here that were in that room. The last time I was in the Committee on Rules room, it was a no smoking policy. I saw no cigars being lit. In fact, there is a no smoking policy in the Capitol. We have places outside for people to smoke, but there are no cigars lit in here.
I think it is a little misleading to say we are in some dark room in the dark of night lighting cigars and dreaming up ways we can gouge people. Nothing of the sort is going on. We are conducting the business of government. And sometimes it is difficult. There is an old saying about how you do not want to see sausage, or laws being made. Well, this is the part they are talking about. Now. Right now. This is the difficult part.
If we do not address this issue, the rule happens to be the most convenient vehicle, but if we do not address this issue, there will be a shortage of funds in the United States Treasury. Now, what does that mean? The gentleman from Mississippi before me talked about funding the needs of our young men and women in uniform. And he is right, we have to do that. We have to provide them with the bullets and the backup and the vests and the hardened Humvees. All those things we have to provide for them but we cannot if there is nothing in the Treasury.
What we are doing here are the hard cold facts of trying to protect Americans, trying to keep the lights on in this government, trying to make sure that we are safe in our homes, where our kids are going to school, where we shop, where we go to church. And the way we do that is by addressing these tough issues. It is not cowardly. It is the furthest thing from cowardly. It is up front.
People are saying do not vote for the rule because it has this in it. Of all the Members I have heard speak, I do not think any of them have voted for any of the rules this year. It is standard practice for the opposition to vote against the rule. It is standard policy for the majority side to vote for the rule. That is not a reason to call somebody cowardly or to suggest cigars were lit in a dark room. That has not occurred around here.
What has occurred is we have moved forward on carrying out the business of the United States Government.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and I were originally going to offer an amendment, but we are not going to do that. We are…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and I were originally going to offer an amendment, but we are not going to do that. We are withdrawing the amendment; and instead, we look forward to engaging in a colloquy with the chairman and the ranking member.
Mr. Chairman, the issue that we are discussing today is of extraordinary importance. In the midst of Iraq and Afghanistan, let us never forget that 100,000 veterans from the first Gulf War continue to suffer from a yet not fully understood debilitating illness commonly known as Gulf War Illness.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and I for a number of years have been working together on this issue, and I want to applaud him for his leadership. The fact of the matter is that over the years, while the Congress has appropriated many, many millions of dollars to research and tried to understand Gulf War Illness, in fact, much of that money has not been effective in getting us to better understand this problem.
As many will recall, at the beginning of this discussion, the DOD and the VA were both saying, hey, there is no problem; and then more and more veterans came forward and they said, well, there is a problem, but it is stress related. Finally, after many, many years, I think both the VA and the DOD now understand that we have a very serious physical problem.
Mr. Chairman, I am happy to inform my colleagues that the good news is that real progress is now being made in our understanding of Gulf War Illness. Medical researchers like Dr. Robert Haley of the University of Texas and other researchers can now measure real physical neurological damage in many Gulf War Illness sufferers. These injuries are likely the result of low-level exposure to chemical nerve agents during the first Gulf War. Much of the evidence suggests that exposure to these nerve agents is the direct result of the destruction of a major chemical weapons dump in Iraq by the U.S. military that created a plume of chemicals that may have exposed hundreds of thousands of U.S. military personnel and civilians in the region.
In hearings held by the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) in the last couple of weeks, we heard from Dr. Haley about the status of his research. Dr. Haley's findings were corroborated at the hearing by Dr. Paul Greengard, a 2000 Nobel Laureate and head of the Laboratory of Molecular and Cellular Neuroscience at the Rockefeller University. He agreed that research into neurological damage caused by low-level nerve agents is the most promising in terms of finding a cause and a treatment for Gulf War Illness.
There has also been a change in attitude in the Pentagon and the VA about this illness. It appears that both now acknowledge that this is a very real physical injury. Secretary of VA Anthony Principi has taken an active interest in supporting Gulf War Illness research and has committed $15 million to continuing the fight.
Mr. Chairman, I would introduce into the Record at this point a letter from Jim Binns, who is the chairman of the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans Illnesses, who supports this line of research.
VA Eastern Kansas
Healthcare System,
Topeka, KS, June 22, 2004.
Hon. Christopher Shays,
Chairman, Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats
and International Relations, Committee on Government
Reform, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for the opportunity to testify
before your subcommittee on June 1. As you could tell from
the hearing, we are at a moment of truth on Gulf War
illnesses. On the one hand, the science is finally there to
show that this is a medical problem, an important component
of which is neurological in nature. Furthermore, researchers
like Dr. Paul Greengard of Rockefeller University are waiting
in the wings with projects that have a real chance of
producing a cure. As you know, Dr. Greengard received the
Nobel Prize in medicine in 2000 for his work to uncover the
brain mechanisms involved in Parkinsons disease and to
develop a treatment for that disease, and he testified that
the same approach can succeed in Gulf War illnesses. In
response to these new scientific findings, research managers
at VA and DoD recognize the opportunity to pursue this type
of research.
On the other hand, while Secretary Principi is going to
increase VA funding to $15 million, DoD, which has
historically funded three-quarters of Gulf War illnesses
research, is currently funding no new projects in this area
because of its internal priorities. In addition to the
financial implications, this withdrawal of DoD from Gulf War
illnesses research dramatically limits the universe of
researchers whose talents can be brought to bear, because VA
by law can only fund VA internal research. Unlike DoD or NIH,
VA cannot give grants to outside researchers. Thus,
researchers like Dr. Greengard and others who have done
important, DoD-funded work in the past, cannot be funded with
the possible exception of minor sub-contractor roles. Other
respected scientists with relevant expertise similarly cannot
be engaged unless they work for VA. So just as there is
finally something solid to research, and a willingness on the
part of the research managers to spend in the right places,
funding is dramatically down, and the cadre of potential
researchers is dramatically limited.
On behalf of the membership of the Research Advisory
Committee on Gulf War Veterans Illnesses, I urgently request
you to seek an amendment to the DoD appropriations bill to
provide $30 million to the U.S. Army Medical Research and
Materiel Command for Gulf War illnesses research in FY 2005.
I have been told that Gulf War illnesses formerly was a line
item in the DoD budget, in the period when federal spending
was at the $45 million annual level (direct and indirect) in
1999-2002.
It would also be constructive to include language requiring
that ninety percent of this funding be placed with non-
governmental researchers, that DoD develop with VA and NIH
(specifically the National Institute of Neurological
Disorders and Stroke) a comprehensive federal research plan
for Gulf War veterans illnesses, and that DoD seek the input
and review of the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War
Veterans Illnesses in the creation of this plan and decisions
on which research to fund in pursuit of the plan.
I apologize not to have brought this matter to your
attention earlier, but our energies have been focuses on VA.
Thank you for your consideration of this request at this
critical juncture.
Respectfully,
James H. Binns,
Chairman, Research Advisory
Committee on Gulf War Veterans Illnesses.
Mr. Chairman, I would also enter into the Record at this point a letter from Ross Perot, who has been one of the leaders on this issue over the years, who also understands that we are dealing with neurological illness.
Plano, TX,
June 22, 2004.
Congressmen Bernie Sanders and Chris Shays,
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC.
Dear Congressmen Sanders and Shays: As you both know, I
have long been active in promoting and funding research to
find treatments and a cure for Gulf War Illness--which now
affects over 100,000 veterans of the first Gulf War.
In recent years, great strides have been made in our
understanding of the actual physical harm that these veterans
have suffered. Researchers like Dr. Haley and others have
been able to detect brain damage that likely resulted from
exposure to low levels of sarin nerve agents.
While the advances have been impressive, so much more still
needs to be done. That is why I am pleased to support your
amendment to the Department of Defense Appropriations bill to
provide $30 million in Gulf War Illness research.
Not only will this type of research help victims of Gulf
War Illness, but it could provide us with knowledge that
would increase our ability to defend soldiers and civilians
against future chemical attacks.
This research could also provide clues to other illnesses
in both the military and civilian context that may be caused
by low level chemical exposure.
Once again, I strongly support this amendment and look
forward to working together to end the terrible suffering
that so many Gulf War veterans are suffering.
Sincerely,
Ross Perot.
Mr. Chairman, I now move into the colloquy between the chairman and the ranking member, if I might.
Am I correct that the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha) are committing to work with the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and me to secure additional
funding for Gulf War Illness research when the bill goes to conference?
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Does that commitment include the gentleman's willingness to support higher funding for Gulf War Illness research that might be included in the Senate version of the bill?
Mr. Chairman, would the gentlemen be willing to work with the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and me to develop conference report language that would indicate the conference's expectation that the Department of Defense make a significant commitment to continue the breakthrough research which has recently indicated that the neurological damage associated with Gulf War Illness is caused by low-level chemical exposure?
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the chairman and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha) very, very much for their support for this important breakthrough.
I yield to the gentleman from Connecticut.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, to the chairman of the subcommittee, first of all, let me add my appreciation as well for the years of service that we can count on Members with his…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, to the chairman of the subcommittee, first of all, let me add my appreciation as well for the years of service that we can count on Members with his kind of commitment to do their very best, and we thank him very much. As usual as well, let me add my appreciation to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha), who has not only been both committed and dedicated with his expertise but has been forthright in some of the very difficult times that we have faced over the last 2 years.
9/11 changed America. It changed the way we wage wars. It changed the way we dealt with conflicts. And as we have seen over the last 2 years, it seemed the number of service personnel that we have utilized in conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq in particular. Over the last year, we have seen a number of statistics that frighten and concern us.
One, the question and debate about whether or not we need more personnel both in Afghanistan and Iraq, continuing debate about whether we should have a draft or continue in the volunteer army as we have, the continuing debate about Reservists and National Guard.
But one thing glares very loudly, and that is the high degree of suicides in the war of Iraq, the terrible tragedies that have occurred in some of our Reservists or returning soldiers who have come home.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, let me thank him very much.
As I was saying, the number of suicides and the number of family incidences that have occurred by our Reservists and others indicate, Mr. Chairman, that this need for mental health services is very important. I would only say that representing a veterans hospital, I can assure him that the need for increased dollars there be to treat veterans is important. I would look forward then to working with him on the mental health resources. I appreciate the language that has been put on by the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
As a Chair of the Children's Caucus, let me say that we have dealt with mental health issues. What greater population is impacted than families? Women and children were impacted by this when returning. Soldiers come home, and might I say women, men, and children because, as we know, men and women come home from the conflict.
I would like to be able to withdraw this amendment with the understanding, of course, and working with the chairman on this idea that mental health is part of defense, mental health for our personnel is part of defense, and I hope that we will be able to work on adding new resources for that.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this issue speaks particularly to comments made earlier on the floor today, and I again add my appreciation to the chairman of the Defense Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations and as well the ranking member, and I add my appreciation to the Foreign Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs Subcommittee. All of them worked very hard on this issue, and that is of course the terrible tragedy that is going on in Darfur in Sudan. We do know that right now there are negotiations and a final peace treaty dealing with the western part of Sudan. There are negotiations and settlement going on in Kenya. But we also recognize those of us who are concerned on human rights and the needs of children around the world of the terrible tragedy and displacement of the black Muslims in the Sudan.
Four hundred thousand moving to Chad; some 30,000 a day dying. We appreciate the $95 million that has been placed in this defense bill, but let me add why I would like to add the extra $10 million.
We know that the Sudan is also where al Qaeda is both lodged and festering. We also know that Sudan is a country that has faced terrorism and has the elements of terrorists engaged or placed in their country. While we try to establish humanitarian needs, I think it is important that when we place humanitarian needs and resources there, we help fight the terrorists. I want to make sure that we have the necessary funds to the very penny to allow for the equipment to come in that is necessary for potable water, for the villages that have been pillaged and burned to be rebuilt, for the security forces to be there.
This is a crisis, and it is interesting to note that while we are settling one aspect, we are in the crises in the eastern part of Sudan. That is what these resources are for, and I would hope that my colleagues will look favorably on an additional increase of dollars that would take from the resources on the missile defense, which is extremely hard and large, to help quell terrorism by going into the homesite of al Qaeda and working with those who are trying to survive and trying to restore their lives.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his response.
Reclaiming my time, as the chairman well knows, Sudan has been a hosting place for terrorists, but we are trying to help solve that problem in Darfur, and I want to make sure that we have all the resources we need.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. Chairman, I thank both the chairman and the ranking member for their comments.
I also want to make mention my greatest appreciation for the Foreign Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs Subcommittee and note that the Members that were already mentioned on the floor of the House have worked on this issue. I add my appreciation with that and being able to work with the conference committee, recognizing that all is not well in Sudan, all is not well with the government, and nothing is perfect, but that if we can be one small measure of fighting against terrorism but helping innocent people, we should do so. With that, and working with the conference committee and the ranking member and the chairman, I will withdraw this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to introduce an amendment calling for an extra $10,000,000 in funds to be provided to the ``International Disaster and Famine Assistance'' Account. I request this increase for one simple reason, I feel we need more funds set aside for potential international catastrophes or famines. Although the current allocation of $70,000,000 is noble, I feel more can and should be done.
We as a nation are blessed with many gifts and attributes. We live in a safe and stable environment where freedom is cherished. We as Americans are immensely fortunate to live where we do. But we must not take for granted all the wonderful things provided for us. We must not forget that there are others in this world that are not as fortunate as we are. There are others in this world that do not live in a society of peace and security. We must be cognizant of those who are less fortunate.
I feel that we, as the most advanced nation in the world, have some sort of obligation to help those around us who have fallen on hard times. At certain times a nation or a region faces such disastrous circumstances that it is unable to provide its citizens the means to survive. In times such as this we have an absolute obligation to lend a helping hand and alleviate the pain and suffering of these peoples. And this is the very obligation that the ``International Disaster and Famine Relief'' account was set up to fulfill. And I repeat, I do praise this account.
Unfortunately, I feel the current allocation of funding might not be sufficient to accomplish our goal. I fear that if the current crises in Chad and Sudan do not improve, or worsen, the current level of funding might not be able to handle another large scale crisis development. We must increase funding for this account so that we are able to support the crises in Sudan, Chad, and other unforeseen events.
My amendment would pay for this increase by decreasing funds from the Research, Development, Test and Evaluation Defense-Wide account by the equal amount, offsetting all expenses. Opponents of my amendment will argue that I am tapping into our Military's vital Research and Development funds and weakening our future national defense and security. They will argue that we must make every effort to ensure that our military has the newest, most effective technology in the world. And I agree with them in principle.
We as a nation must ensure our survival, through diplomacy, through economic force, and if necessary through military might. But we must also prioritize our spending. My amendment will take $10,000,000 out of the account that funds research as the Star Wars program. It is in my opinion that our money is much better spent alleviating international disaster and famines than research a program such as Star Wars that shows almost no chance of success. We have a choice; help alleviate famine in the world or fund nonsensical research programs that will amount to no more than a waste of money. My amendment would help to ensure that we have plenty of resources to help alleviate international disaster and famines. Please support the Jackson-Lee amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
Show 8 more
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, the annual Department of Defense appropriation bill…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, the annual Department of Defense appropriation bill is one that can truly be called bipartisan. It is developed on a bipartisan basis in the Committee on Appropriations, and it usually enjoys bipartisan support on the floor of the House. It is a bipartisan bill because it is of importance to our country.
Providing for our national defense is one of our most important duties as Members of Congress. Providing funding for our troops to ensure their safety and success of the war on terror is our obligation.
This year's bill is no exception. The Committee on Appropriations has put together a good bill, one that that provides vital support for our troops in times of war. This bill gives our troops a much deserved 3.5 percent pay raise. It gives the Department of Defense $25 billion for emergency supplemental funding for the war on terror.
These funds directly and significantly aid our servicemen and women by providing them with the tools they need to fight the war on terror and return home safely. It will provide every soldier with body armor, allow for more armored Humvees, and increase the size of the Army to relieve the burden on our overworked soldiers.
The Department of Defense appropriations bill not only aids our troops overseas, it also helps our communities here at home. The bill before us today funds several defense and weapons programs manufactured in north Texas. Lockheed Martin will receive $4.1 billion for 24 F-22 Air Force fighter aircraft, and $4.4 billion for the Joint Strike Fighter. Just over $200 million is provided for three Global Hawk High Endurance Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, a program supported by Vought Aircraft Industries in Texas. And Bell-Textron will receive over $1.1 billion for 11 V-22 aircraft.
By funding the continued development of these weapons systems, we are not only providing for the long-term support and protection of our troops, we are preserving good jobs for hard working Americans in my part of the country.
Mr. Speaker, I have been a Member of Congress for more than 25 years. And each and every one of these years I voted in favor of the Department of Defense appropriations bill and its rule. But this year, Mr. Speaker, the Republican leadership has snuck a last minute provision to raise the debt limit into the bill.
The so-called ``full faith and credit'' clause will allow this House to raise the debt limit by nearly $700 billion as part of the conference report on the Department of Defense appropriations bill. $700 billion is almost twice as much as we are spending on the entire Department of Defense under this bill.
Some Members on the other sides of the aisle will tell you that this clause does not mean anything, it is just a procedural item. But I have been here long enough to know when someone is trying to pull the wool over your eyes. And this House leadership is trying to pull the wool over the eyes of the American people.
So this year, Mr. Speaker, although I will vote in favor of the underlying bill, I will vote against the rule. I am incensed at this underhanded move to raise the debt limit, and shortly I will attempt to defeat the previous question by offering a motion to strip this deceptive provision from this important bill. I hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me.
The defense appropriations bill has always been a bipartisan initiative. Introducing partisanship into the war on terror is absolutely inacceptable. I resent that anyone would use this bill as a political tool to raise the national debt and threaten the possibility of its passage. Shame on all of you.
A vote on the debt limit deserves a separate vote. If consideration of the defense appropriations bill is rejected or delayed because you insisted on playing petty political games, you will
be held accountable by the American people and by our troops.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member on the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the whip.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm).
(Mr. STENHOLM asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Harman).
(Ms. HARMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), the ranking member of the Committee on the Budget.
(Mr. SPRATT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Taylor).
Mr. Speaker, I would inquire about the time remaining on each side.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Tanner).
(Mr. TANNER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I will be urging Members to vote ``no'' on the previous question in order to strike from this rule a provision that the Republican leadership would rather Members did not know about. When the Committee on Rules voted to report this rule last night, they slipped in an unrelated self-executing provision that allows for an increase in the debt ceiling. The gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter) made a motion in committee to strike this provision, but it was defeated.
So Members of this House should be aware that when they vote for this rule, they will be voting to increase the statutory debt limit by almost $700 billion for the next fiscal year. It is no wonder that they do not want Members to know about this. They would rather not have a separate vote or even a debate on the inescapable fact that their budget raises our national statutory debt limit to the highest level in history, to a staggering $8 trillion, an amount that is almost incomprehensible to most of us.
Mr. Speaker, I recognize that there is an honest disagreement in this House over our Nation's fiscal priorities. Many of us believe that, with record deficits and the high cost of the war on terror, we need to reevaluate our budget priorities and find a better way to match our revenues with our spending needs. It seems as though my Republican colleagues do not think there is a problem. They think it is just fine to continue on with the budgetary policies that have brought us into our current fiscal mess. They seem to think it is fine to keep driving up our national debt and let our children and grandchildren figure out how to pay for it.
If that is how my colleagues on the other side of the aisle want to proceed, they should at least have the political courage to vote up or down on this issue instead of relying on undercover parliamentary tricks. If you truly favor the fiscal policies that are sending the national debt through the ceiling, you should be willing to stand up on the floor of the House and vote for them.
I want to emphasize that a ``no'' vote will not stop the House from taking up the Defense appropriations bill. I do not oppose that portion of this rule. A ``no'' vote will simply strip this self-executing smoke screen from the rule so that we do not slip the debt increase through the House with no debate and no separate vote. However, a ``yes'' vote will allow this record-breaking increase to be enacted without a separate up-or-down vote.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
Again, vote ``no'' on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. It is my privilege today to present to the House the appropriations for National Defense for Fiscal Year 2005. This bill includes a total…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
It is my privilege today to present to the House the appropriations for National Defense for Fiscal Year 2005. This bill includes a total amount for the Defense Department of $416.1 billion. Within that dollar amount, which is an enormous amount, there also is included approximately $25 billion that is a part of a bridge fund amendment providing funds for operations in Iraq. This recognizes that the Congress may be in recess for an extended period of time, perhaps even adjourn for the year for a period of time, before we have another supplemental coming forward. That additional funding is to make certain that we do not have any of the funds that are very important in terms of meeting our world challenges today run short or run dry.
Indeed, this bill is a package that is designed to meet the country's need in this ever-shrinking and ever-complex world. It is a very, very important bill, that first and foremost is designed to support our troops wherever they may be deployed around the world. Most significantly, in doing that, we are providing the funding that is necessary to carry forward the current effort in Iraq and around Afghanistan as well.
I would like to outline just briefly what the bill does. It supports those operations in Iraq, as I have suggested; but it also supports our troops by making certain that funding is there for their housing, for their training needs, their clothing needs, et cetera. But above and beyond that, it provides for full funding for the 3.5 percent pay increase that is a part of the President's budget.
The bill further increases additional funding for readiness for our troops, providing for the training as well as the equipment of their efforts worldwide.
The bill provides a very significant level of funding for our intelligence efforts, including an increase beyond the President's original budget. Further than that, within the supplemental package that is here, there is a very significant addition to our Intelligence funding. The bill provides for funding for a number of very important assets across the board, including funding for the Virginia-class submarine, for example, funding for the Joint Strike Fighter, the F-22 fighter, et cetera.
This bill also includes language that is designed to improve or increase the reporting requirements that we provide
for the Department of Defense and the various branches to make sure that the Congress is getting the kind of oversight that allows us all the assurance we need that the funding that has been appropriated by the Congress is being spent along those guidelines that the Congress has extended.
At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to provide for the Record a summary of the funding provided in this bill.
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH22JN04.001
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH22JN04.002
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH22JN04.003
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH22JN04.004
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH22JN04.005
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I cannot tell my colleague how much I appreciate his remarks and his great support throughout the development of this bill. And to say the least, to suggest that he is a partner in this subcommittee's work would be understating it, for he not only has been chairman of this subcommittee but as full committee chairman, he has been absolutely fantastic.
I would further say the same about my colleague the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha). This partnership has produced very positive results over the years and, indeed, it has been my great privilege and honor to work with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to my colleague from California (Mr. Cunningham), who would probably like to do the same.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I might consume for purposes of having a colloquy with the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. Simpson).
Mr. Chairman, as chairman of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, I have the privilege of working closely with the Department of Defense. I see in here firsthand the skill, commitment, and bravery of our men and women serving in Iraq and elsewhere in the world.
We all know of the enormous contributions of our allies as well. And I must say the contribution of the United Kingdom is hard to overstate, but we have had great assistance from other allies, for example, Italy has 2,800 personnel working in Iraq and has donated some $210 million to the process that is here. We have had help from countries like Portugal, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Poland, and Kuwait.
So across the board, I must say that we have been helped greatly by allies who were willing to step up and pay a piece of the price of this very important venture.
I particularly wanted to mention the role played by our friends, the Japanese. For over the years, the Japanese have been very hesitant in the military front since World War II. But in this circumstance, they have really been a great ally. There are presently 1,000 Japanese troops known as the Self-Defense Forces, including some 600 ground troops in Iraq today. They have consistently indicated a willingness to support us in our effort there. I cannot compliment them enough.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Vermont and the gentleman from Connecticut have both been very active in the fight for a cure and treatment of Gulf War Illness for many years, and the committee will work with both of them to increase funding for research in this area.
Yes.
If the gentlewoman will yield, I will be very happy to work with the gentlewoman. I appreciate her withdrawing her amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, first I withdraw my point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. I am very empathetic to the gentleman's concern as expressed here. We have discussed it on many occasions between the two of us. The fact is that currently the DOD is spending some $200 million a year in this arena. There is $204 million already in the bill. It seems senseless to me to say withdraw $5 million from other accounts and pass it here. It seems to me that this is unnecessary; and because of that, I would oppose the amendment.
I yield to the gentleman from Oregon.
Mr. Chairman, I am very empathetic to the Member's expression of concern in this arena. There is report language in the bill that says the following that I would bring to his attention:
``The Defense Science Board and the General Accounting Office both express concerns with the efficiency of the Department of Defense plan for remediation of UXO, unexploded ordnance. Therefore, in the fiscal year 2005 DOD appropriations report, we have requested a comprehensive plan and cost estimates from the department on all identified sites by April 1, 2005.''
We are attempting, Mr. Chairman, to deal with this problem by dealing with the Department. We recognize that they are not as efficient as we might like.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
As we have discussed before, I am always willing to try to help the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to urge my colleagues to support a provision regarding cluster munitions that I have included in the Manager's Amendment to the Fiscal Year 2005 Defense Appropriations bill. I…
Mr. Chairman, I rise to urge my colleagues to support a provision regarding cluster munitions that I have included in the Manager's Amendment to the Fiscal Year 2005 Defense Appropriations bill.
I also want to thank you, Chairman Lewis, and Ranking Member Murtha for recognizing the unintended collateral damage and human damage caused by cluster munitions.
The provision would require that the Department of Defense issue to Congress a written report on steps being taken to reduce the dangerous, unintended consequences of cluster munitions and submunitions. In particular, it will help hold the Pentagon accountable to their own policy standards and to the American people by helping ensure cluster munitions have a failure rate, or ``dud-rate'', of 1 percent or less.
Cluster munitions are large weapons that contain hundreds of smaller submunitions, which upon release spread across a broad footprint and explode. These weapons continue to be used extensively by the U.S. military, even while alternatives and advanced technology exists.
The use of cluster bombs in populated areas has taken a tremendous humanitarian toll. According to USA Today, one Iraqi father, after witnessing a U.S. cluster bomb strike in Iraq that killed his son, said ``Regular shells would hit only one spot, not every place just like a rain of death.''
Cluster munitions strike without distinction. They rain hundreds of thousands of smaller submunitions. Many of these submunitions have high dud rates--as high as 10 percent to 30 percent in certain instances-- which leave large numbers of unexploded submunitions that become de facto landmines that continue to kill and main, even long after the conflict is over.
Extremely hazardous, these unexploded ``duds'' have been lethal for U.S. soldiers, peacekeepers, and local civilians. Children, especially, are often tempted to pick up these weapons since submunitions are small and can appear to be an intriguing object to play with.
The use of cluster munitions is widespread. In Iraq, for example, Human Rights Watch used Pentagon figures to estimate that the use of cluster munitions in populated areas in Iraq caused more civilian casualties than any other factor in the coalition's conduct of major military operations.
U.S. and British forces used almost thirteen thousand cluster munitions, containing nearly two million submunitions that killed or wounded more than one thousand civilians.
Cluster munitions also take a toll on U.S. service personnel. A tragic example, reported by the Associated Press, involves U.S. Army Sergeant Troy Jenkins.
After seeing an Iraqi child pick up a cluster submunition off the ground. Sergeant Jenkins rushed over to take the cluster submunition from the child. The ``bomblet'' then exploded and Sergeant Jenkins was killed.
Today, countless U.S. service personnel encounter this unexploded ordnance. It makes their job extremely difficult and much more dangerous than it already is.
The Pentagon has recognized the dangers of cluster munitions and has looked for solutions. In 1999, then-Secretary William Cohen issued a department-wide policy memorandum stating that all submunitions that reach full rate production during the first quarter of Fiscal Year 2005 must meet a failure rate standard of 1 percent or less. I ask unanimous consent to put a copy of Secretary Cohen's memo into the Congressional Record to accompany my statement.
Despite this action, the Pentagon continues to produce and procure cluster munitions that have high ``dud'' rates when other alternatives are available. The Department's budget for the coming fiscal year contains several procurement requests for weapons programs that do not meet the 1 percent or lower standard. This is unacceptable. It is time for the Pentagon to stop buying or using cluster weapons that employ old technology.
Mr. Chairman, our troops in the field, their families and the American people deserve accountability and answers from the Pentagon. It is time for the Pentagon to purge our arsenal of legacy submunitions and move toward the 1 percent dud rate. This report will help in these efforts, but it is not nearly enough.
In the end, I believe we must find a way to ensure cluster munitions are never used in populated areas and we must do more to address the unintended consequences of these weapons. Our troops, their families and the innocent victims living in post-conflict areas deserve our full attention.
Again, I thank Chairman Lewis and Ranking Member Murtha for their support of this provision, I urge its passage.
The Secretary of Defense,
Washington, DC, January 10, 2001.
Memorandum for the Secretaries of the Military Departments.
Subject: DoD Policy on Submunition Reliability (U).
Submunition weapons employment in Southwest Asia and
Kosovo, and major theater war modeling, have revealed a
significant unexploded ordnance (UXO) concern. The following
establishes the Department's policy regarding submunition
weapons acquisition. The policy applies to systems delivered
by aircraft, cruise missiles, artillery, mortars, missiles,
tanks, rocket launchers, or naval guns that are designed to
attack land-based targets and that deploy payloads of
submunitions that detonate via target acquisition, impact, or
altitude, or self-destruct (or a combination thereof). It is
the
policy of the DoD to reduce overall UXO through a process of
improvement in submunition system reliability--the desire is
to field future submunitions with a 99% or higher functioning
rate. Submunition functioning rates may be lower under
operational conditions due to environmental factors such as
terrain and weather.
Program Managers shall include the non-recurring cost of
increasing the overall functioning rate; the operational use
costs, including the cost of clearing UXO on test and
training ranges in accordance with DoD policy and operational
requirements; and disposal costs, as part of the life-cycle
costs of all future submunition weapons. The Program Manager
should establish submunition functioning thresholds and
objectives that advance the process of improvement in system
reliability, and that take into consideration the benefits
from reduced UXO (i.e., a cost-benefit analysis of increasing
the functioning rate (cost) and the resulting reduction in
UXO (benefit)).
The Services may retain ``legacy'' submunitions until
employed or superseded by replacement systems in accordance
with the above policy. The designation ``legacy'' would apply
to submunition weapon acquisition programs reaching Milestone
III prior to the First Quarter of Fiscal Year 2005.
The Services shall evaluate ``legacy'' submunition weapons
undergoing reprocurement, product improvement, or block
upgrades to determine whether modifications should be made to
bring them into compliance with the above policy.
The Services shall design and procure all future
submunition weapons in compliance with the above policy. A
``future'' submunition weapon is one that will reach
Milestone III in FY 2005 and beyond. Waivers to this policy
for future ACAT I and II submunition weapons programs, shall
require approval by the JROC.
This policy applies to all acquisition category submunition
weapons programs. Compliance with this policy shall be
assessed by the Component or Defense Acquisition Executive,
as appropriate.
Bill Cohen.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, this amendment addresses the clear American values of making sure that the 700,000 men and women who are so ably performing their duties today as…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment addresses the clear American values of making sure that the 700,000 men and women who are so ably performing their duties today as part of our war against terrorism as civilian employees at the Department of Defense retain their American rights of collective bargaining, their American rights of due process, their American rights of an appeal if they have been abused on the job, their American rights to be treated based on merit in the performance of their jobs rather than on politics and patronage.
Our amendment, quite simply, assures that no money will be spent in this bill to deprive them of those statutorily guaranteed rights that we have built up on a bipartisan basis over the last several decades. This will assure that that scaffolding that provides those 700,000 Americans with that protection will not be stripped away.
Why is this important? This issue became paramount to me when I welcomed the USS Vincent back from the Afghan theater. The gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks) and I helicoptered out to it, it was quite an experience as she came back in the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and we talked to the sailors on board.
The sailors told us they had launched and recovered I think over 10,000 sorties and had not lost a pilot, and that the reason they had done that had been because of the exquisitely professional performance of a lot of people who are of those 700,000 civilian employees of the Department of Defense, and particularly those of the Puget Sound Naval Shipyard. The sailors, the people who were out in harm's way within firing range, told me not to forget the people who were on the defense team in the civilian sector of the Department of Defense.
Unfortunately, unless this amendment passes, those 700,000 patriots stand in the fire line of losing their collective bargaining rights, losing their right to an appeal, losing their right to due process and losing their right to have their performance judged on their merit.
This happened because, unfortunately, during our rush to get the defense authorization bill through, there was a provision in good faith that was inserted that gave largely unfettered discretion to the Department of Defense to go forth and create a new personnel system.
We are always open to reform and new ideas, but, unfortunately, what has transpired at the first cut by the Department of Defense, they have proposed plans that would essentially gut the real basic, fundamental right to collective bargaining in our system, a collective bargaining system that actually has been successful in maintaining the morale of these 700,000 patriots who are instrumental in our defense efforts today.
What we have seen are proposals to essentially gut that by allowing the Department of Defense to unilaterally sort of jam down the throats of those 700,000 people whatever they decide to do without collaboration and without collective bargaining. That would be a mistake. It would be a mistake in not recognizing the American value of collective bargaining, and it would be a mistake to damage the morale of this workforce, and we are urging my colleagues not to allow that.
Secondly, we do not want to allow what I consider to be a real civil right, and that is a right that when you are on the job working for the DOD, if you are going to be sanctioned, if you are going to be fired, if you are going to be sent down to the bilge as punishment, you ought to have some basic due process rights. You ought to have it in writing what you did wrong, you ought to have a right to a written decision on your appeal, even you ought to have a right to have an appeal, if I dare say, where you have a lawyer present when your job is on the line.
Those civil rights are in jeopardy if we do not pass this amendment, and the 700,000 people who care about that know those rights are in jeopardy.
We have already developed a very successful appeals system to handle this issue. Why should we go forth and create a whole new system to be a duplication of our existing system? It is not necessary.
I would like to answer four kind of suggestions why this amendment is necessary. Some of my colleagues have suggested this is not a good idea. They have had four critiques. I would like to answer those during this debate.
First, it has been suggested that the 700,000 employees that are going to be protected by my amendment do not want to be protected by my amendment. Not a well-put argument, when virtually every union that is elected by these employees wholeheartedly supports my amendment, the Association of Government Employees, the Federation of Teachers.
By the way, teachers, it was said they are sort of un-American, they cannot form a union unless my amendment passes. That does not make any sense at all. Teachers ought to be able to form unions. So the employees think this is a good idea.
Second, this will allow consideration of alternatives; it simply will not allow the pulling of the trigger. DOD will be able to aim, they will be able to load up, but they will not be able to pull the trigger on this until we look at this issue.
Mr. Chairman, my point I want to make is this does not stop DOD in their tracks from at least thinking about this issue. They will be allowed to consider this issue, but they will not be able to actually pull the trigger to waive these collective bargaining rights, to waive these appeal rights, to waive these due process rights.
Third: One friend on the other side of the aisle suggested that this amendment is a bad idea, because now we are in the age of faxes and computers and this is a new day and age, so we should give unfettered discretion to the Department of Defense to have a new personnel system without statutory rules.
Well, we can use faxes and computers and e-mail and answering machines, but we need to have a system of law to govern what due process rights the Congress has a role in deciding. These are rights that belong to individuals that are held very dearly by our employees, and we can use computers and faxes, but we need to do in a method that is rules-based.
We got into a little trouble, we got into a little trouble when the Department of Defense decided they could sort of ignore this rules- based Geneva treaty system, because they thought they should just have unilateral discretion in deciding how to handle some of these issues. That was kind of a sort of suggestion that we need rules.
Now, I am not suggesting our employees are going to be tortured, thank goodness that is not going to be the case, but we do need a rules-based employment system, and we cannot allow unilateral decision making by the Department of Defense.
The fourth issue I want to make, this is not going to stop reform. We need to work on it in Congress. I think we have seen the whites of the eyes that this has been a very, very controversial issue that has inflamed the 700,000 people that we need to build morale on.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote, and pending that, I make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 683 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 683 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Committee on Rules met and granted an open rule for H.R. 4613, the Fiscal Year 2005 Department of Defense Appropriations Act. The rule provides for 1 hour of general debate, equally divided between the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations. The rule also ensures that the United States Government shall take all steps necessary to guarantee the full faith and credit of the government.
Mr. Speaker, this is a fair and open rule for a very important bill. It cannot get any better than that. The rule allows any Member to offer any amendment to the bill as long as their amendment complies within the normal Rules of the House.
H.R. 4613 comes at a particularly crucial time for our Nation's Armed Forces. The Iraqi conflict and our continuing war on terrorism have brought a renewed and proper focus on national defense. In our global campaign against global terror, our military must have every resource, every tool, every weapon, and every advantage that they need for the missions to come.
This legislation addresses the needs of a Nation at war on multiple fronts.
It contains $391.1 billion for the Department of Defense. It also provides an additional $25 billion requested by the President for early fiscal year 2005 costs associated with operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. The primary focus of the legislation is protecting our troops on the battlefield. Our men and women in uniform depend on having the necessary systems and equipment to be successful in accomplishing their mission.
Many of us have been concerned about the lack of armor available for our Humvees and other trucks. This bill addresses that concern by providing $674 million for an additional 2,996 up-armored Humvees, and $198 million for ballistic protection. These improved ballistic Humvees will protect our soldiers from anti-personnel armor-piercing munitions, and improvised explosive devices, or IEDs.
In the near term, the outcome of our war against terror depends on the courage of our personnel on the frontlines.
I am pleased that this bill makes significant improvements in the quality of life of the men and women who serve in the Armed Forces. These improvements include a 3.5 percent military personnel pay raise, and increased levels for basic allowances for housing by eliminating service members' average out-of-pocket expenses from 3.5 percent to zero in 2005. We can never pay our men and women in uniform on a scale that matches the magnitude of their sacrifice, but this bill reflects our respect for their selfless service.
Today, more than ever, we also owe those in uniform the resources they need to maintain a very high state of readiness. Our enemies rely upon surprise and deception. They used to rely upon the fact that they thought we were soft. Well, they have gotten the message that we are not. Our forces must be ready to deploy to any place around the globe on short notice, and this bill provides over $120.6 billion for operation and maintenance. This Nation must have and will have ready forces that can bring victory to our country and safety to our people.
The world's best soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines also deserve the world's best weaponry. To ensure this, our Nation must invest in procurement. This defense bill contains $77.3 billion for procurement.
The continued development and procurement of the M-Gator is also made a priority in this year's bill. The U.S. has deployed the M-Gator to the Balkans, Afghanistan, and Iraq, providing our troops with the support and the mobility they need to successfully wage war.
With the continued support and commitment from Congress, researchers will be able to enhance the M-Gator's capabilities with silent operation, precision control, and machine intelligence. These technological enhancements will continue to help make the United States military the most technologically advanced and best prepared force in the world.
This Nation must give our military the weapons it needs to meet future threats. If the war against terror means that we must find terror wherever it exists, pull it out by its roots and bring people to justice, our military must have the means to achieve that objective.
Now, more than any time in our Nation's history, we are relying on the men and women who so faithfully serve our country in the National Guard. H.R. 4613 contains language that will help us continue to provide strong support for our National Guard.
In my State of North Carolina, universities and community organizations are coming together to help develop a comprehensive program to effectively support our citizen soldiers. This bill recognizes the importance of this program and provides language to help integrate the National Program For Citizen Soldiers Support with the Defense Department's ongoing efforts to support our men and women in uniform.
Some of our greatest defense resources are found in the classrooms and the labs of our universities. This bill continues to recognize the important role our universities play in research and development for the Department of Defense. Funding in this year's bill will help researchers at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte study optoelectronics and superlattice nanotechnology, two technologies that are on the cutting edge of defense R&D. To that end, I urge my colleagues to support this rule and support the underlying bill. Now, more than ever, we must improve our national security.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Hayes).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Tiahrt).
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, this really is a very simple procedure to add language to the bill and that will allow for the possible future consideration of an increase in the national debt limit. That is what this does is allow for that to happen in the future. It is the same language that was done in 2002 in the supplemental.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would just remind the gentleman, when we passed the bill through the House recently for the budget, we did put a freeze on discretionary spending for the first time in a long time which is the beginning of paying that down.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Tiahrt).
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Smith).
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my profound opposition to House Resolution 683, a piece of legislation that should be limited to providing for consideration of the FY 2005 Defense Appropriations…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my profound opposition to House Resolution 683, a piece of legislation that should be limited to providing for consideration of the FY 2005 Defense Appropriations Act. However, true to form, the Rules Committee has reported a rule under cover of darkness that goes well beyond the normal procedural provision.
Mr. Speaker, the Republican leadership of this House talks a lot about fiscal discipline. It talks a lot about the success of its economic policy. The chairman of the Budget Committee boasts about the success of his budget, about reining in spending, and about reducing the deficit.
Sadly, Mr. Speaker, as this rule makes clear, all that talk and stated pride is little more than smoke and mirrors, and this rule is a shameful abuse of the prerogatives of the People's House.
I am appalled that the Republican leadership of this House would try to hide its budgetary shortcomings by sneaking an increase in our Nation's debt limit into a bill to provide for our national defense and the needs of our Nation's service men and women. The leadership of this House should not use such an important legislative vehicle to mask its failings, and that is exactly what this rule attempts to do. It's just wrong.
Mr. Speaker, there are few pieces of legislation that the Congress considers each year that are as important as the annual Department of Defense Appropriations Act. This legislation is vital to ensuring that the brave men and women who put their lives on the line for this country have the resources they need to protect our Nation against its enemies at home and abroad and to preserve our Nation's most precious resource--freedom--for posterity.
I heartily support the Defense Department appropriations bill to which this rule applies and will join with the vast majority of my colleagues in voting for it.
Mr. Speaker, if there is one issue about which all of us can agree, it is that we must provide all the resources necessary to a robust national defense. Our national security--and the very security of our families and homes--depend on it. This legislation is almost never--and should never be--a partisan measure. In Congress, despite frequent partisan rancor, we historically stand united behind our nation's armed services. Speaking with one voice on such a critically important matter has extraordinary value for friends and foes alike--at home and abroad. It makes clear that our resolve is firm and our commitment sure.
That is why, Mr. Speaker, it is especially appalling that this legislation, on which we should be united, is being cluttered with a completely unrelated provision increasing our nation's debt limit beyond its already crippling size. This is among the most cynical acts undertaken by the Republican leadership of this House during my time in Congress, and that says a lot.
Of course, Mr. Speaker, it is obvious to anyone observing this debate why the leadership of the House has been forced to do this. The Republican leadership of this House does not want a simple up-or-down vote on increasing the debt limit. They do not want to admit to the budgetary woes that our nation feels as a consequence of their failures to live up to the promises of their press releases.
Mr. Speaker, since coming to Congress, I have advocated an open and honest budget process, an open and honest debate on the economic choices before the country in the light of day. The cynical and covert tactics we are witnessing today fully vindicate my view. And so I say to the supposed fiscal conservatives on the other side of the aisle, ``Come out! Come out, wherever you are.'' You should be disgusted by this rule, by this process, as I am.
Just last year, the Republican leadership pushed through an increase in the debt limit of almost $1 trillion, by far the largest increase in the debt limit in history, without an up or down vote in the House of Representatives. Appallingly, this sneak attack on our children and grandchildren came less than 8 months after we raised the federal debt ceiling by a whopping $450 billion.
Well, Mr. Speaker, once again, the spirit of Yogi Berra appears to be guiding the leadership of the House. ``It's deja vu all over again.'' Today, we launch another sneak attack on future generations--hiding behind the brave men and women who put their lives on the line to preserve freedom for our children and grandchildren--by slipping through another $700 billion increase in the debt limit without any debate.
The Congressional Budget Office projects that the national debt will exceed $10 trillion in just over 4 years under the budget policies of which the House leadership claims to be so proud. What better way to underline the sacrifice of our Nation's service men and women, than to compromise their and their children's futures with an ever-increasing, staggering ``debt tax.''
Mr. Speaker, this House should have a full and open debate and vote up or down any increase of our national debt limit. It is a breach of the compact we have with the American people to hide behind parliamentary maneuvers to statutorily increase the debt limit without addressing the grave, structural budgetary problems our nation confronts.
If the Republican leadership honestly believes that tax cuts with borrowed money is a good economic policy, they should be willing to stand up and vote to increase the national debt to pay for their tax cuts instead of relying on undercover parliamentary tricks.
Mr. Speaker, today should have been a day to discuss our national defense priorities and to send a clear signal to the rest of the world that the United States is strong and will not shrink from challenges to its security. However, this rule has cast a cloud over that message, and that is a shame.
I will proudly stand up for our national defense and the brave men and women who risk their lives every day to protect us and our families. I will proudly cast a vote for the Defense Department Appropriations Act because of its critical importance to our national security.
But, Mr. Speaker, I deplore this rule, urge my colleagues to oppose this underhanded abuse of the procedures of this House, and urge the Rules Committee to report a clean rule for the consideration of this vitally important legislation. Our soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines deserve better.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding. Rather than prolong the debate, I want to adapt that which has been put forward by the gentleman from Washington…
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding. Rather than prolong the debate, I want to adapt that which has been put forward by the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen) in sponsoring this, and adopt the gentleman's remarks as well, and simply say that I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen) and the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) and the gentleman
from Washington (Mr. Dicks) have put their finger on it.
We abrogated essentially laws, statutes passed by the Congress, signed by the Presidents of the United States, without reviewing the changes that would be put before us and would impact on our Federal employees. That is all I think the sponsors are asking for the opportunity to do, and I would hope that the Members on both sides of the aisle would adopt this amendment, proceed in that fashion over the next year, and have the opportunity to review the changes that are suggested.
I thank the gentleman from Washington State, who has been a giant on behalf of Federal employees during our careers here, and I thank him for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to rise and thank the chairman and the ranking member for accepting the amendment that I offered in full committee on torture, and I want to speak just for a few minutes on that amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the American people watched with shock and horror, as all of us did, as the photos of physical and psychological abuse being inflicted upon Iraqi detainees at the hands of U.S. military personnel were broadcast for the world to see.
Many Members of the House have subsequently expressed their outrage, frankly, and disgust at the acts of torture that took place at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.
Some, Mr. Chairman, believe there has been an overreaction, that we are spending too much time on this issue.
Mr. Chairman, I disagree with that view. We must move beyond the mere expressions of outrage, and we must uncover the facts surrounding the torture that occurred at Abu Ghraib, and perhaps at other places as well.
Why? To undermine our efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq? Absolutely not.
To in any way cast doubt on the integrity, courage and good conduct of the thousands of men and women who wear our uniform? Absolutely not.
But we must do so, Mr. Chairman, to emphatically affirm the values for which we fight. These actions represent a grave breach of decades of international and domestic law, and those involved in allowing or in creating an atmosphere in which such actions may seem to be condoned must be held as accountable as those who perpetrated them.
Does a 20-year-old army private decide to put a dog leash on a nude Iraqi detainee and parade him in front of the others and photograph him? I think not.
Do young military guards decide to release guards on detainees? I hope not and I think not.
Secretary Rumsfeld's recent admission of his own violation of the Geneva Convention ordering the secret detention of an Iraqi prisoner for 7 months raises serious questions about the extent of the coordination of the treatment of prisoners of war and detainees in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantanamo Bay.
The international reaction to these actions damaged our standing in the world. It has undermined our credibility. It has made the already difficult job of securing a broader coalition of support in Iraq and achieving our objectives in Iraq, which I have consistently supported and support to this day, it makes that more difficult, and it has increased the danger of Americans in Iraq and around the world.
While it is true that torture is a clear violation of American and international law, that is not the reason that the United States of America renounces its use.
While it is true that torture undermines our credibility and increases the danger to any Americans traveling abroad, that is not the reason that we renounce its use.
While it is true that torture produces entirely unreliable information, that is not the reason that we renounce its use.
In fact, in a field manual 3452, a 1992 field manual still in force and serves as a basic primer for students and instructors in the army that outlines the Army's doctrine for conducting interrogations, it in the final analysis says this: Imagine that a technique was being applied to American prisoners of war, and ask yourself if it would be consistent with U.S. law. If a doubt still remains as to the legality of a proposed action, seek a legal opinion from your servicing judge advocate.
In other words, do not do these things if you think they would violate U.S. law.
There is another standard that was set forth in a manual of the Army which I thought made a lot of common sense. And it said to them if you would not want an American detainee or prisoner treated in the way you are treating a prisoner, do not do it.
Mr. Chairman, the United States of America renounces the use of torture and mistreatment of prisoners of war and other detainees because it is contrary to the principles upon which the Nation was founded, contrary to our commitment to human rights, and contrary to the value we place on the dignity of all people.
Torture, Mr. Chairman, is quite simply un-American. It is alien to who we are as a people. And where others may seek to rationalize its use, we must not. We must make clear to those who are watching, both friends and foe, that we do not tolerate the behavior that took place, that we will hold accountable all those who are responsible. And that it is not now, nor will it be, the policy of this great and good Nation to sanction the use of torture.
Mr. Chairman, today through language that was included in the fiscal 2005 defense appropriation act for which, again, I thank the chairman and ranking member, we again take an essential step by reaffirming that torture is, in fact, illegal under American and international law, that it is not consistent with American values, and that it is not a policy accepted by the United States of America.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the refreshingly honest statement of the gentleman from Kansas and what he just said because he stated quite clearly this is a vote to increase the debt ceiling. I want to…
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the refreshingly honest statement of the gentleman from Kansas and what he just said because he stated quite clearly this is a vote to increase the debt ceiling.
I want to ask the gentlewoman from North Carolina if she concurs with that statement, that by voting for the previous question and this rule it is a vote to increase the debt ceiling through $8 trillion?
I yield to the gentlewoman from North Carolina.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman and I thank the gentleman from Kansas for making it very clear by voting for this rule, by voting for the previous question my colleagues are, in fact, voting to increase the debt ceiling. That is critical because there are those that want to avoid that at all costs.
Now, we should not be using this Defense bill for this purpose because it is an open rule. There is strong bipartisan support for supporting the troops. We should not be mixing politics up in this issue.
My friends on the other side would like folks to believe that the debate we are having today is simply about partisan politics and procedural tactics. That could not be more wrong.
The only thing I disagree with the gentleman from Kansas, if my colleague wants to say all of these things
that happened in the past created the deficit and that, therefore, we have to increase the debt ceiling, my colleague could persuade me if we were setting in place a policy that would do something about the deficit next year and the year after that and as we prepare for the baby boomers. But to continue the economic policy that has driven this country to borrowing $2 trillion in a period of 4 years and then to come on and say, well, we are trying to put it in the Defense bill, that is wrong.
It is wrong for those that we prepare to spend the money to back our young men and women who are over in Iraq and Afghanistan today. It is wrong for us to say we want you to win, we pray every day you are going to be safe, but by the way, we are going to keep borrowing $500 billion a year under the economic policy that we have not got the guts to change on this floor and then add it to a Defense appropriation bill.
But it is nice to have somebody to come on this floor and to clearly identify for all 435 of us, if my colleagues vote for this previous question, they are voting to increase the debt ceiling. That is why I will vote ``no,'' and I will encourage all of my colleagues to vote ``no.''
Separate the two issues. Let us support the troops with a rule that could pass unanimously, but let us deal with the economic policy of this country by having an honest debate on how we are going to do something about these deficits that we are talking about.
I rise in opposition to this rule which will allow Congress to increase our national debt limit to more than $8 trillion without a separate vote on this issue. We should not use a spending bill intended to support our troops to hide a long-term increase in the debt ceiling so we can leave more debt for our troops and other young men and women to repay in the future.
My friends on the other side of the aisle would like folks to believe that the debate we are having today is simply about partisan politics and procedural tactics. They could not be more wrong. This debate is not about politics or procedure. Rather it is about the financial condition of our nation and whether we will continuing piling on more and more debt on our children and grandchildren.
A vote for the rule is a vote for using parliamentary tricks to sneak through an increase in our national debt more than $8 trillion. I would say to my Republican colleagues that if you honestly believe that tax cuts with borrowed money is good economic policy, you should be willing to stand up and vote to borrow the money to pay for their tax cuts instead of relying on undercover parliamentary tricks. While an increase in the debt limit is necessary to avoid a default, it would be irresponsible to provide a blank check for increased borrowing authority without taking action to stem the tide of red ink.
Before Congress votes to approve a substantial increase in the debt limit, the President must work with Congress to put the fiscal house back in order, just as a family facing financial problems must work with the bank to establish a financial plan in order to get approval to refinance their debts.
Congress has an obligation to re-examine our long-term budget policies in light of the dramatic reversal in our nation's fiscal condition before approving a substantial increase in our borrowing authority. At a minimum Congress should restore discipline and accountability in the budget process by reinstating budget enforcement rules which make it harder to pass legislation which would put us further into debt. Adoption of this rule approving an increase in the debt limit will allow the government to continue on the path of deficit spending, borrowing from the Social Security trust fund and a ballooning national debt.
I urge members to vote against the previous question and against this rule.
Show 11 more
Mr. Chairman, I rise to discuss this important legislation, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2005, especially in light of this country's current situation in Iraq and Afghanistan as…
Mr. Chairman, I rise to discuss this important legislation, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2005, especially in light of this country's current situation in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as its relationship with the international community. Because of the very small difference between the amount requested by President Bush in his Budget and that recommended by the Committee in this legislation, that is, $1.6 billion relative to the total amount recommended of $416 billion, my colleagues and I understand that we must grapple with the same fundamental differences that we had with the Administration's proposal when considering this legislation.
Congress has appropriated around $150 billion to date in military and reconstruction funding for the Iraq war. It has been estimated that the total amount expended for this situation will grow to a quarter of a trillion dollars for operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. There are clearly many other urgent initiatives that demand these funds without the trade-off in American lives.
Many thanks go to the Ranking Member of the Appropriations Committee for his leadership and work. He successfully won passage of an amendment that will require a detailed report from the Department of Defense and the White House Office of Management and Budget for their best estimates on long-term war and reconstruction costs of our operations in Iraq and Afghanistan by October 1, 2004. The American people have waited long enough for this information and deserves continued updates on the spending of its money.
It is unfortunate that this bill does not provide appropriations for military housing because homelessness has become a very real crisis among military veterans as well as for families of some who are in active duty.
Unfortunately, about one-third of the adult homeless population has served this country in the Armed Services. As many as 250,000 male and female veterans now live on the streets or in shelters, and about twice as many of those who live on the streets experience homelessness at some point during the course of a year. Many other veterans are considered near homeless or at risk because of their poverty, lack of support from family and friends, and dismal living conditions in cheap hotels or in overcrowded or sub-standard housing.
Currently, the number of homeless male and female Vietnam era veterans is greater than the number of service persons who died during that war. Furthermore, a small number of Desert Storm veterans are also appearing in the homeless population.
Almost all homeless veterans are male (about three percent are women), the vast majority are single, and most come from poor, disadvantaged backgrounds. Similar to the general population of homeless adult males, about 45 percent of homeless veterans suffer from mental illness and slightly more than 70 percent suffer from alcohol or other drug abuse problems. Moreover, roughly 56 percent are African American or Hispanic.
Furthermore, the amount in this bill includes a $25 billion supplement to cover costs of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Our policy in these regions is severely misguided, as evidenced by the repeated brutal slayings of American military personnel and civilians. Incidents such as the horrific beheading of the New Jersey-born engineering contractor for Lockheed Martin in Saudi Arabia should give this Administration an added sense of duty and responsibility to ensure that these monies are spent to improve our relations, our reputation, and our efficiency in the region.
The original President's request, prior to the emergency supplemental, did not include funds for Iraq and Afghanistan operations. It also failed to include some of the essential needs of our troops such as additional personnel, protective gear, and repair or replacement of weapons systems that have been damaged in the war to date.
The apparent confused policy evidenced by the miscalculation of what the war would cost, placing some 40,000 of our troops in Iraq without adequate supplies or support, and more recently, on May 28, Attorney General Ashcroft's announcement of new threat alerts unbeknownst to the Secretary of Homeland Security and the Commander in Chief corroborate Ranking Member Obey's statement in the Committee Report (108-553, p. 409) that ``[t]he Administration and the Pentagon have abused the trust that the Congress and the American people placed in them.''
Mr. Chairman, this bill does not adequately address the needs that have arisen as a result of the Administration's hasty actions and commitments. We must now do what is necessary
to curtail the death of American troops, civilians, and members of the international community.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the amendments offered by my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Oregon, Mr. Blumenauer, relative to unexploded ordnance. I completely agree with the…
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the amendments offered by my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Oregon, Mr. Blumenauer, relative to unexploded ordnance. I completely agree with the underlying assertion of his amendments that our country is failing its obligation to clean up unexploded ordnance (UXO) throughout our states and in fact, throughout the world.
My own Hawai`i is a classic example. Our military has made extensive use of my state for military training and preparedness for at least a century, and we in Hawai`i accept that use as an obligation that we owe to our country.
However, according to the Department of Defense's FY2002 Defense Environmental Restoration Program Annual Report to Congress, today there remain throughout Hawai`i over fifty Department of Defense- registered locations that have not been cleaned up, presenting ongoing public safety risks. These include 10 separate sites at Lualualei Naval Magazine on the Waianae Coast, one ten acre site at the Pacific Missile Range Facility at Barking Sands on the island of Kaua`i, five sites at Marine Corps Base Hawai`i at Kaneohe Bay, four sites on the island of Lana`i, and many smaller locations throughout the state. I can only believe that there are a number of other states in the same situation.
Let me take the specific example of the military's past use of a large portion of the Island of Hawai`i in and around the current residential communities of Waimea and Waikoloa. During and after World War II, the United States military, primarily the Navy and Marine Corps, utilized an area of approximately 123,000 acres on the western side of the Island of Hawai`i as an artillery range, military training cap, and general military grounds. This former Waikoloa Maneuver/Nansay Combat Range lies in and around the Coast resort area, and remains littered with related debris including UXO. This UXO has already resulted in civilian deaths and injuries and represents a continuing threat to residents and visitors and renders large portions of the area effectively unusable.
In 1992, the United States Army Corps of Engineers determined that the site was eligible for the Defense Environmental Restoration Program for designation as a Formerly Used Defense Site (FUDS). In 2002, the Corps completed an engineering evaluation/cost analysis which designated the entire site for potential ordnance health and safety risk and estimated total cleanup at an excess of $600,000,000.
Of that amount, the Corps analysis estimated cleanup costs for the three highest areas of potential risk, in and immediately adjacent to existing and pending residential communities at $250,000,000. A comprehensive plan for utilization of such funds to those purposes requested by the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC Report 107-151), completed, and submitted to the Secretary of the Army. Same amounts have been expended and other have been allocated in effectuation of that plan, but much less of the $250,000,000 estimate and far short then the estimated costs of total cleanup in excess of $600,000,000.
On April 12, 2004, I met with official from the United States Army Corps of Engineers on the Big Island of Hawai`i. At that meeting, I was given an update on the Corps of Engineers' ongoing efforts to clear high priority sites within the Waikoloa Maneuver Area. A small project now underway has begun to clear UXO around Waikoloa Village and Waimea Town--two relatively populated areas on the Big Island. This cleanup project is located in an area that was once used as a military training cap and artillery range.
Both on and off the record, I have heard many excuses about the reasons we cannot fund UXO: the war, the deficit, the President's tax cuts. But, these excuses and past Congressional and Executive mishandling of the UXO issue are no excuse for the country--for this Congress--to ignore a concept espoused by parents, coaches and camp counselors alike: Leave any place you visited cleaner than when you arrived. The Army Corps of Engineers is ready and willing to begin the process of cleanup; it is now up to all of us in Congress to appropriate the funds for this much-needed action.
Mr. Chairman, our military needs places where they can train fully to protect our country, but when they've completed their mission it's only right that they clean up and assure that those of us that come after them can use the land safely. These amendments offered by the gentleman from Oregon are an essential first step towards cleaning up the many communities which are littered with UXO. I urge their adoption by the House.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank Chairman Lewis and Ranking Member Murtha for agreeing to include my amendment in the Managers Amendment. Today, we are considering the $418 billion Department of…
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank Chairman Lewis and Ranking Member Murtha for agreeing to include my amendment in the Managers Amendment.
Today, we are considering the $418 billion Department of Defense appropriations bill that is solely funded by American taxpayers. It is estimated that between $200 to $225 billion of this funding will be spent on Federal contracts, and at least $20 billion will be allocated for contracts performed overseas. Unfortunately, there are no requirements to ensure that American small businesses have an opportunity to compete for these overseas contracts.
The amendment I am offering today will give small businesses this chance. It will simply require that large companies submit a subcontracting plan prior to being awarded a DoD contract for work overseas--which they are currently required to do for domestic contracts.
Throughout our Nation's history, small businesses have been systematically shut out of the Federal procurement process. Government agencies continue to fail to meet statutory goals designed to ensure fair and equitable small business participation in the Federal marketplace--costing small firms billions of dollars in lost contracting opportunities.
The size of Federal contracts keeps increasing as small jobs are combined into large procurement packages, where only big corporations are capable of meeting all of the product and service requirements. As a result, small businesses that can provide some of these services cannot compete for the contract, even if they offer greater savings to the American taxpayer.
Nowhere is this more apparent than at the Defense Department, which accounts for 65 percent of the entire Federal procurement market. DoD has substantially increased its contract volume over the last several years, yet the number of small businesses receiving these contracts has significantly declined. In FR 2003, the top ten corporations receiving DoD contracts were awarded nearly half of the agency's entire procurement budget.
Clearly, small companies already face difficult obstacles when trying to do business with the DoD. And now, we are considering a multi- billion spending bill that makes it almost impossible for small businesses to have a shot at winning any part of the billions of dollars in contracts for overseas work.
We have more than 700 overseas military bases in over 40 countries across the globe. Whether providing medical equipment to Ramstein Air Force Base in Germany, office supplies for the Marine Corp's Camp Butler in Japan, designing security technology for new military installations in the Middle East and Central Asia, or planning and constructing possible new bases in West Africa and Eastern Europe--U.S. small businesses have products and services to offer and should have that opportunity.
My amendment gives small businesses access to this expanding market by ensuring that large corporations are subject to the same subcontracting requirements for international contracts, as they are for contracts here at home.
Under current law, large contractors in the U.S. are required to have a plan in place on how they will use small businesses prior to receiving contract awards. In these plans, a contractor must simply identify small business goals and demonstrate that they made every practical effort to offer subcontracts to small companies.
By providing subcontracting opportunities, we ensure that the company that can do the work for the lowest price wins the contract--whether a multinational conglomerate or a small U.S. business.
Small businesses are the backbone of our Nation's economy. They account for 97 percent of all companies, provide three-quarters of all new jobs, and make up half of our GDP. Unlike their corporate counterparts that benefit from cheap foreign labor, we can count on small businesses to create jobs in our communities.
Our small businesses are more than capable of providing services and products in the global market. In fact, 97 percent of U.S. merchandise exporters are small- and medium-sized companies.
Whether domestic projects or overseas work, our Nation's small businesses deserve access to these Federal contracting opportunities. There should be no double standard.
Again, I thank Chairman Lewis and Ranking Member Murtha for agreeing to include this critical provision in the Managers Amendment. I look forward to continuing to work with the Committee to ensure that small businesses have the opportunity to grow and expand our national economy.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. Mr. Chairman, I just want to take a few moments to express one concern I have about this bill. I want to make clear I will vote for the bill on passage.…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to take a few moments to express one concern I have about this bill. I want to make clear I will vote for the bill on passage. But I want to say this before I do: If a Nation is going to be led into war, its leaders owe the public an explanation of our choices and an estimate of the costs of the acts that we are about to incur. We have not been getting that from this administration with respect to Iraq.
The administration's response to every question has been ``Trust us! and Oh, by the way, please get out of the way.'' To wage war, the administration asked first of all that we provide an unfettered lump sum of money. The Congress declined to do that. The administration then provided the Congress with faulty intelligence.
When we asked the administration for an estimate of the cost of the war over the long term, the Secretary of Defense responded by saying, quote, ``that is unknowable,'' despite the fact that the Pentagon has always had their own internal estimates of what long-range costs are supposed to be.
When we asked the military leadership of this country how many troops it would take to pacify Iraq, General Shinseki was honest enough to tell us: ``about 200,000.'' The administration said, ``No, no, no. That is not right.'' And they, in effect, punished the good general for his frankness.
When the State Department prepared long-term plans for post-war Iraq, the DOD brushed aside those plans. They did not know the cost of their own plans but they knew more than everybody else did.
The administration rushed into war with inadequate supplies of body armor, and jammers, they needed for remotely detonated devices, and inadequately armored Humvees. Now there are 800 dead or more. The Army is stretched to the breaking point. We have effectively, for the Guard and Reserve forces who are seeing their tours of duty extended, we have effectively for them reinstituted the draft.
And the country is still wondering where we are going and how we are going to get there.
We spent $150 billion so far on the effort. We now have a $390 billion defense bill before us. At first the administration admitted no need whatsoever for additional funding. Now they are at least ``fessing up'' to the fact that the first quarter costs will be $25 billion. In fact, the Pentagon's internal estimates indicate that it will cost at least $50 billion more than we are being told.
If this bill fessed up to the full year cost of funding this war, we would be
appropriating at least $50 billion more than we are appropriating today. No doubt after the election, the public will be told what the facts are on the installment plan. Then little by little, we will learn what the estimated real costs are.
Now, I understand that the administration cannot give us down to the last jot and tittle what the final cost will be, but they can certainly give us estimates about a range of cost expectations, given their own internal planning. The country has a right to that. And if we were determined to provide the public with full information, that is what we would be doing today. I wish we were but we are not.
Let me simply say I am pleased that the bill does contain language which was accepted by the committee to require the administration to give us their best judgment about what the range of cost will be of this war. Regardless of whether we are for it or against it, regardless of whether the administration was right or wrong, we are there, we need to know what the plans are for dealing with the problem and we need to know what a reasonable expectation of cost is so that we can make realistic judgments about other national priorities, so that we can make realistic judgments about how much in tax cuts the country can afford. Otherwise we are simply going to be adding all of this to the tab and asking our kids to pay it down the line.
So I congratulate the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis) for producing a reasonable bill under the circumstances. But let us not kid ourselves, if the taxpayers want to know what the real cost of this bill will be once the full cost of the war will be factored in, you will have to up it by at least $50 billion. You are going to be looking at a total cost for that war, which is approaching $250 billion, without factoring in what additional costs we will have the next 5 years. It is a huge, huge price to pay for a mistake.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to share my thoughts on this extremely important piece of legislation. H.R. 4613, the Fiscal Year 2005 (FY05) Defense Appropriations Act, provides for our national security…
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to share my thoughts on this extremely important piece of legislation. H.R. 4613, the Fiscal Year 2005 (FY05) Defense Appropriations Act, provides for our national security interests, as well as for the men and women in uniform who are serving overseas and at home to preserve and protect those interests. I commend my distinguished colleagues from California and Pennsylvania, the Chairman and Ranking Member, respectively, of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, for the outstanding focus and effort they have obviously devoted to this bill. I also commend the Chairman and Ranking Member of the full committee for quickly delivering this necessary legislation to the floor.
I would like to call attention to some aspects of the bill that are particularly noteworthy: H.R. 4613 fully funds the budget request for a 3.5 percent military pay raise. As importantly, it would reduce the average out-of-pocket housing expenses for military members from 3.5 percent to 0 (zero) in FY05; The bill provides $2.3 billion for force protection requirements, including Up-Armored HMMWVs (``Humvees''), that are absolutely vital to our men and women serving in Operations IRAQI FREEDOM and ENDURING FREEDOM; H.R. 4613 also fully funds the Administration's request for operational training, such as flying hours, ship steaming days, and ground forces exercises, that are essential for the readiness of our forces; The bill includes funding for personnel costs related to the Army and Marine Corps end strength increase for FY05 found in H.R. 4200, the House version of the National Defense Authorization Act that passed the full House last month; With respect to combat and tactical vehicles used by the Army and Marine Corps, the bill provides $2.2 billion above the budget request. I am pleased that $330 million of this amount would support Guard and Reserve vehicle needs; H.R. 4613 also provides more than a quarter- billion dollars above the budget request for shipbuilding.
I am pleased that the bill fully funds the Administration's request for Virginia-class submarine procurement and CVN-21 aircraft carrier research and development, two programs that must stay on track if our Navy is to maintain its supremacy on and beneath the seas into the 21st Century.
I am also pleased that the bill's support for procurement of an additional Burke-class destroyer (DDG-51) in the FY06-07 window shows the committee's awareness of the perils associated with any production gap between the end of DDG-51 construction and the start of DD(X) construction, which threatens our domestic shipbuilding capability.
I am reassured that the report language confirms the committee's concern with the threat to our national security associated with erosion of our unique shipbuilding skill sets, which are a must-have if we are to ensure that our warships are built at home and not overseas. Furthermore, with respect to the strength of naval force structure, which I hope we all agree is an inimitable part of our national defense today and tomorrow, the observation in the report language that ``operational requirements of the Navy necessitate the construction of at least one more DDG-51'' is a very positive and welcome sign.
However, I must state my serious concern with the $248 million reduction in development of DD(X), the next-generation, multi-mission destroyer. I am concerned that delaying construction by one year will significantly hurt development of this program, which is a vital requirement for the fleet.
The Chief of Naval Operations commented last month on DD(X): ``This program will form the cornerstone of our Nation's future Surface Navy. It provides war fighting capabilities that our Navy needs now, plus it brings important shipbuilding growth and opportunities for our industrial base. . . . I am confident that we are . . . being good stewards of the taxpayer dollar, and producing much needed capabilities that will ensure our Navy/Marine Corps team remains preeminent well into the next century. I ask that you reconsider and fully restore funding for DD(X).''
It is imperative that Congress help the Navy by funding DD(X) sufficiently to keep the program on schedule.
I want to thank the Chairman for his hard work on this bill, and I urge my colleagues to remember the importance of this program to our Navy and to our national security.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 4613, the Defense Appropriations Act of FY 2005. The bill spends $418 billion--including $25 billion for operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Congress…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 4613, the Defense Appropriations Act of FY 2005. The bill spends $418 billion--including $25 billion for operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Congress could spend tens of billions less and still easily protect our nation. And continued funding of military operations in Iraq keeps the US in the long running quagmire.
If the administration's request of more than $447 billion, including military construction and energy spending, is approved, overall defense spending, in real terms, would be about 18 percent higher than the average Cold War budget. Moreover, if current long-term administration plans are realized, defense spending would increase by 23 percent from 2004 to 2009, or about 23 percent above average Cold War levels. None of these figures include additional FY 2005 funding expected for operations in Iraq.
The bill provides $9.7 billion for national missile defense programs (NMD); $632 million, 7 percent, more than the current level. The NMD has not completed its development tests, much less its critical operational tests performed under realistic combat conditions. As a result, there is no way of knowing if the system will be successful. Thomas Christie, director of the Pentagon's Office of Operational Test and Evaluation, confirmed in a March 11 hearing that there is no way to determine if the system will work. In an April 2004 report, the GAO stated: ``As a result of testing shortfalls and the limited time available to test the BMDS [Ballistic Missile Defense System] being fielded, system effectiveness will be largely unproven when the initial capability goes on alert at the end of September 2004.''
NMD provides no defense against the most likely future attacks on U.S., which would not be delivered by missiles. The methods of delivery have already been demonstrated at the World Trade Center in New York, the Federal Building in Oklahoma City, the U.S.S. Cole, the U.S. embassies in Africa, the trains in Madrid and the subway in Tokyo. A nuclear weapon is much more likely to be delivered on a truck than a ballistic missile.
The bill wrongly spends $3.6 billion on the controversial 24 F/A-22 Raptor fighter, the most expensive jet fighter every built. The F-22, continues to be plagued by cost over-runs, technical problems, and questions about whether the Air Force should be directing its resources to expensive aircraft when newer strategies might be more effective and less costly. The aircraft also continues to be plagued by technical problems, including a weak horizontal tail, perpetual overheating and overly complex avionics software that has often failed during testing. The F-22 is now 10 years behind schedule and is over four times more expensive than the F-15 and F-16 it is meant to replace. Shifting to the F-22 means a smaller airforce that is paradoxically more expensive to procure and maintain.
The bill permits the Pentagon to proceed with its wrong-headed plan to lease or buy 100 KC-767A refueling tankers for the Air Force. The plan represents an enormous subsidy for Boeing and delivers planes the Air Force does not need. Last month, a report by the Defense Science Board found no ``compelling material or financial reason'' to buy or lease 100 of the aircraft. The report followed a study released last month by the department's inspector general claiming that alternatives to the current plan should be re-examined.
Among the many other objectionable provisions, the bill funds an increase of 13,000 active-duty Army and Marine Corps personnel. And the measure provides for an average pay hike of 3.5 percent for military personnel, but only 1.5 percent for civilian Defense Department employees.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I am proud to join the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) in offering this amendment. As we have heard, last year, tucked into the…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I am proud to join the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) in offering this amendment. As we have heard, last year, tucked into the 2004 defense authorization bill was a provision that gave the Bush administration, and any other future administration, Republican or Democrat, a virtually blank check to rewrite the rules and protections that govern 700,000 civil servants in the Department of Defense. What that provision did was strip Pentagon civilians of the statutory protections we have had on a bipartisan basis for decades.
We in this Congress, we in this House, have an obligation to ensure that those civilian employees of the Defense Department are treated fairly and treated with respect, and we should not surrender that authority and those obligations to any administration, Republican or Democrat. Yet that is what we did last year in the authorization bill.
While the Committee on Armed Services may have considered this issue, the fact of the matter is the full House has never had an opportunity to consider this issue, because the Committee on Rules did not make in order an amendment on exactly this question. So we did not have an opportunity to debate this last year in the House. This is the first time we now have an opportunity to address this issue straight on.
The testimony we have heard from the administration officials over the years, Republican and Democrat, has been clear, that our national security depends on a strong partnership between the military part of the Pentagon and the civilian civil servants. Taking away the basic protections that our civil servants enjoy with the Department of Defense would damage that partnership, it would hurt morale, and it sends a terrible message to the many men and women who we entrust with important national security work.
Why should we give the executive branch the authority to eliminate rules that protect employees from discrimination based on political affiliation? Do we not want people to exercise independent political judgment and not fear political repercussions? Why should we give the Executive Branch the authority to rewrite and eliminate rules of due process that protect employees in certain situations? Why should we give the executive branch the authority to eliminate the requirement that DOD bargain in good faith with their employees?
Now, last year, many in the administration said, ``don't worry, we are not going to take advantage of those authorities. Trust us. We will not go that far.''
Well, in February we saw the first write of the rules, and the fact of the matter is on both sides of the aisle, many people said, wait a minute. When we signed up for this, we did not think you were going to exercise your authority in this way in terms of taking away certain good faith bargaining rights.
So that is what this amendment is about. As my colleague from Washington said, this does not throw out all the authorities. What we are saying is let us take a year, let us take a time out, and let us adopt the adage that many have shown is good advice, ``trust, but verify.'' Why should we provide a blank check?
Let us give the administration an opportunity now to come before the Congress to show us exactly what rules they want, and we can have an opportunity to take a look at them, rather than giving them a blank check in advance and then being totally at their mercy as to what they put in effect.
So this is a common sense provision. I believe it is a bipartisan decision. Let us let the administration tell us what they plan to do, and, if we think it makes sense, we can move forward on it at that time.
Trust, but verify.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to say we did the best we could do with the amount of money we have available. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr.…
Mr. Chairman, I just want to say we did the best we could do with the amount of money we have available.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman should take full credit. He is the one who asked and the one that recognized it, and we are certainly glad for the Subcommittee on Foreign Operation, Export Financing and Related Programs; but he is the guy that made sure that this got in there.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
I want to assure the gentlewoman from California I agree with her on the point and appreciate her intention in raising this issue, and I want to assure the gentlewoman that as the bill moves forward we will be mindful of this issue and work with her and her staff to do everything we can to help.
Mr. Chairman, there is no one who has worked harder on this issue than the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer). The committee is very aware of it, and we put report language in to make sure to try and go in the direction the gentleman tried to. We made a slight increase in the amount of money available. We know it is a massive problem. This committee has been in the forefront of trying to address this problem. We appreciate the gentleman's concern. He has brought it to our attention over and over again, and we are doing the best we can.
We know some of the things the gentleman pointed out, we put into the language to say we have got to get it straightened out. So we appreciate the gentleman's hard work and dedication in trying to solve this very difficult problem.
Mr. Chairman, we have $409 million in this program. I think it is premature what she asks here. But if the gentlewoman would withdraw her amendment, we will certainly take it into consideration and try to work something out here because there is no question it could be a
problem in the future, and I think what she is addressing is a very important issue. But I think it would be premature, and I hate to see her turned down when we have got $409 million there.
If the gentlewoman would withdraw the amendment, I assure her we will do everything we can to work something out in relation to what she is trying to do, which would be to put $15 million into Iran in case it comes up, or Iraq. I do not anticipate it is going to come up on Iraq, but certainly Iran.
And North Korea, absolutely.
I would just say to the gentleman, we are trying to figure out exactly what he wants to do because no one has been more on the forefront of this particular issue than he has. We want to help him. We understand it. We know how serious it is. We have done this in a number of different places. If this will clear 8 million acres, we certainly want to help.
If the gentleman will withdraw his amendment, we will find a way to take care of his 8 million acres.
I would hope we would be able to work this out. I do not know if we will add to the $204 million, but we certainly can take this $5 million if the gentleman thinks it is this important. He has been involved in this for so long. We will try to work it out. Otherwise, we go to a vote, and whether you win or not, I do not know; but the point is, we will try to work it out.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words, and I yield to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Wait a minute. The gentleman says it is a little project. This is a project you are advocating. This is not a little project. It is a project you are advocating. It is $5 million.
We want to help.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Inslee-Van Hollen amendment. Last year, Congress gave the Department of Defense the authority to design a…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Inslee-Van Hollen amendment. Last year, Congress gave the Department of Defense the authority to design a new civilian personnel system for its employees as part of the defense authorization bill. I opposed that part of the bill because it included a blanket waiver for the new system from all of the worker protections which Congress has wisely enacted through the years. Unfortunately, the House was denied a chance to vote directly on these changes in 2004, I must assume because of fear about how the vote would turn out.
Now the Department of Defense is designing the new system, and the initial proposal published by the Department this spring, as mentioned by others, has confirmed every fear voiced by members of the House, such as myself and the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee) and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen) about the new system. The initial proposal produced by the Department would have trampled worker rights in a wanton and deliberate fashion.
More recently, Navy Secretary Gordon England has been assigned to work this issue for DOD, and he has pledged to work with DOD unions and employee organizations to design a fairer system. I am strongly encouraged by his involvement, but I also believe that DOD must design a new system which is consistent with strong worker protections. This guarantee is all that the Inslee-Van Hollen amendment would add to the bill before us today.
Furthermore, there is an important monetary reason for supporting this amendment which is appropriate on the bill which deals with the defense budget. DOD has proposed creating within the Department of Defense two massive new bureaucracies which would duplicate the work of the existing Federal labor relations authority and the Merit System Protection Board. I believe that it would be irresponsible in the extreme for this committee to divert funding from badly needed warfighting priorities just so that the Department of Defense can duplicate the functions of independent government agencies under the control of the Secretary of Defense.
This harms national security at the same time that it undermines worker rights.
For all these reasons, Mr. Chairman, I ask that my colleagues support the Inslee-Van Hollen amendment and put the new personnel system at DOD back on the right track.
I yield to the gentleman from Maryland, the distinguished Democratic whip.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Yes, I am.
Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, we did have a proposal in our written document that went to the chairman that laid out a proposal, a different approach to this; and it would have just protected the public shipyards, both on the east coast, the west coast, and Hawaii.
And I appreciate the gentleman's willingness to discuss this issue. I know of his concern for government workers, because he has many in his own district; and I know that he will treat them as fairly as he has always treated me.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I just mention this to my friend from Pennsylvania, that the Steel Workers Union of America is strongly in favor of this legislation. They want to see workers protected.
Mr. Chairman, I would just point out one other thing to my distinguished chairman. I had no idea that this amendment would be offered on the floor; but once it was, I felt compelled to speak on behalf of it.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for reserving a point of order. Mr. Chairman, I intend to withdraw this amendment; but, first of all, I would like to take some…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for reserving a point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I intend to withdraw this amendment; but, first of all, I would like to take some moments to speak about it, because I think it is an issue that needs to be brought to the attention of this body.
We all know that during the 1991 Gulf War, Iraq savagely tortured American POWs by inflicting beatings, starvation, electric shock, whippings, mock executions, threatened castration, broken bones, and burst eardrums. These actions were condemned by this Congress on three different resolutions.
In April of 2002, these ex-POWs filed suit against the Iraqi regime under the law that this Congress had passed that allowed torture victims to file suit against terrorist states. If successful in court, these victims are then ensured access to the blocked assets of that terrorist state to obtain payment.
Through their suit, the POWs sought to raise public awareness about POWs, to hold Saddam Hussein and his regime accountable, and to deter the torture of American servicemen and -women in the future, and to obtain compensation for their injuries.
Last year, a Federal judge ruled in favor of the 17 POWs that filed suit. However, the Bush administration has stood in the way of these POWs getting the payments awarded them by claiming that the compensation would hamper the reconstruction of Iraq. The administration even appealed the judgment and spent tax dollars fighting the American POWs in court. Sadly, the administration was recently successful in overturning the judgment that allowed the compensation of these ex-POWs.
Now, at the same time the administration was opposing these American POWs in court, Secretary Rumsfeld testified before the Senate Committee on Armed Services saying, ``I am seeking a way to provide appropriate compensation'' to the Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib prison.
So while compensating Iraqi prisoners may be the right thing to do, we should not do this at the very same time that we are refusing to work with the 17 American POWs who won compensation under a law that many of us voted for.
A newspaper back in Ohio read like this: ``It was the United States of America and Saddam Hussein versus American POWs, and the United States and Saddam Hussein won.''
My amendment, if it was not objected to, would prohibit the Department of Defense from providing compensation to the Iraqi detainees abused at Abu Ghraib until that compensation plan also addressed the injuries suffered by the 17 Americans held as prisoners of war under the regime of Saddam Hussein during the first Gulf War.
Now, over on the Senate side, over on the Senate side they passed by unanimous consent as a part of the Defense authorization bill language identical to the language I have in this amendment. It was offered by Senator Reid, and it was co-sponsored by Senator Warner and Senator Levin.
So, Mr. Chairman, although I am withdrawing this amendment due to the objection, I would hope that this body would recognize the injustice. How can we justify providing compensation to Iraqi POWs and fight the compensation for American POWs who were abused in the same way at the very same prison?
So I look forward to working with my colleagues in the days and weeks to come. I intend to find some vehicle, some mechanism to make sure that this injustice is corrected.
Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this Defense Appropriations bill. This bill is flawed for many reasons. It gives money to programs that don't need more money and advances policies that ought to…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this Defense Appropriations bill. This bill is flawed for many reasons. It gives money to programs that don't need more money and advances policies that ought to be ended. But most egregious of all, it slips in a provision that has nothing to do with Defense Appropriations: raising the Federal government's debt limit.
Why have the Republicans hidden this provision in the bill? Because they're embarrassed--they're embarrassed that their economic policies require such a huge increase in our national debt. And they're afraid. They're afraid that if the American people hear a debate on raising the debt limit, it will expose their failed policies and damage their chances for re-election. How cynical. How embarrassing indeed.
Republicans have so failed in their economic policies that they have to hide a provision like this in a Defense bill, hoping that our debate on defense policy will overshadow their shenanigans. This is one more debacle to add to the Republicans' long list of governing failures.
Just 4 weeks ago, I voted against the Defense Authorization bill because it called for billions in funding for Star Wars, continued the Pentagon's addiction to wasteful and duplicative projects that pad the pockets of big defense contractors, and authorized $25 billion for Iraq without a clear or articulated exit strategy. This bill provides more of the same.
The bill provides $9.7 billion for missile defense on top of the $130 billion American taxpayers have already shelled out since 1983. Wasting more money on this program is absurd. It has proven to be completely inoperable and the idea that it will ever work is the dream of a mad scientist. This bill also calls for nearly $680 million for procurement and upgrades of the Trident II nuclear missile. These Cold War era weapons do not help us defend against terrorists, they only raise the nuclear ante around the world.
The bill provides $3.6 billion for 24 F-22 Raptors, despite GAO reports showing cost overruns and technical problems. In fact, the cost of these fighters has actually increased from $200 to $300 million per plane. Boneheaded marine general would continue to use a plane that doesn't work. This bill also continues to fund the Osprey, a plane so dangerous and which has led to so many American deaths, it is inconceivable that the Pentagon would continue to use them.
Imagine what we could provide our children--the next generation--if we discontinued these programs. Already, the Nation's public schools have been denied $27 billion dollars promised them when Congress passed No Child Left Behind.
Imagine what you could do for working families. In my district in California, low-income families are being evicted because the Federal government has cut funding for housing subsidies. Others throughout Alameda County face the specter of losing their health care coverage.
Mr. Chairman, our Nation certainly needs to spend money on its defense. But defense means more than just guns and planes. It means defending our children from ignorance through education, defending our sick from disease through health care, and defending our elderly from poverty through Social Security. It is time we incorporate our other vital national priorities into our Defense Budget. I cannot in good conscience vote for a bill that wastes money and threatens to waste the future we owe our children.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 683 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
June 22, 2004.
Resolved, That at any time after the adoption of this resolution the Speaker
may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the
bill (H.R. 4613) making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the
fiscal year ending September 30, 2005, and for other purposes. The first reading
of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of order against consideration
of the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall
not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking
minority member of the Committee on Appropriations. After general debate the
bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. The amendment
printed in the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution
shall be considered as adopted in the House and in the Committee of the Whole.
Points of order against provisions in the bill, as amended, for failure to
comply with clause 2 of rule XXI are waived. During consideration of the bill
for further amendment, the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole may accord
priority in recognition on the basis of whether the Member offering an amendment
has caused it to be printed in the portion of the Congressional Record
designated for that purpose in clause 8 of rule XVIII. Amendments so printed
shall be considered as read. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for
amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill, as amended, to the House
with such further amendments as may have been adopted. The previous question
shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final
passage without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
Sec. 2. Upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order, any rule
of the House to the contrary notwithstanding, to consider concurrent resolutions
providing for adjournment of the House and Senate during the month of July.
Attest:
Clerk.