Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 4818) making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2005, and for other purposes.
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Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 15, 2004 • 11:23 AM
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Introduced in House
July 14, 2004
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 108-604, by Mr. Diaz-Balart, L..
July 14, 2004
Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 4818 with 1 hour of general debate. Previous question shall be considered as ordered without intervening motions except motion to recommit with or without instructions. Measure will be read by paragraph. A specified amendment is in order.
July 14, 2004 • 3:54 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 205.
July 14, 2004
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H5797-5801)
July 15, 2004 • 10:46 AM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 715.
July 15, 2004 • 10:47 AM
The previous question was ordered without objection.
July 15, 2004 • 11:23 AM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote.(text: CR H5797)
July 15, 2004 • 11:23 AM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote. (text: CR H5797)
July 15, 2004 • 11:23 AM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 15, 2004 • 11:23 AM
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 715 on the floor
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Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 715 on the floor
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I am pleased to present to the House today the funding recommendations of the Committee on Appropriations for fiscal year 2005 for foreign…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am pleased to present to the House today the funding recommendations of the Committee on Appropriations for fiscal year 2005 for foreign operations, export financing, and related programs. The bill provides important funding for programs designed to support the global war on terrorism, the battle against HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases, and to support the national interests of the United States. In the wake of September 11, 2001, such funding for our critical friends and allies is more important than ever.
The committee recommends a total of $19,385,645,000 in new discretionary budget authority for fiscal year 2005. This represents a reduction of $1.932 billion from the President's budget request. On the other hand, the bill before us is $1.905 billion above the fiscal year 2004 enacted level when we exclude the supplemental appropriations. If supplemental appropriations are included, the recommendation represents a decrease of $19.287 billion over the 2004 level.
Having gotten those numbers out of the way, let me just say it is important that we know that this bill was developed in a bipartisan way, and I want to pay special tribute and give credit to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), my ranking minority member, for the fine work that she has done on this bill and for engaging in a process that resulted in basic agreement on the components of this package, even if funding compromises happen to be found on both sides. Mr. Chairman, I believe this is the way the House of Representatives ought to work, and I think the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and I have worked in a bipartisan fashion.
In preparing this legislation, we have three overriding priorities: first, supporting our allies on the war on terrorism; second, responding to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic; and, third, supporting innovative approaches to foreign assistance through the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
Let me summarize how this recommendation responds to those challenges. First, the President's budget request included important military assistance and counternarcotics increases for our allies in the global war on terrorism. That includes an increase of $350 million to equip the new Afghan National Army; an increase of $90 million for law enforcement and counternarcotics programs in Afghanistan; a new base program of $300 million for military assistance for Pakistan as they assist us in hunting terrorists along the Afghan border; an increase of $46 million for a total of $66 million for Poland, a major ally in Operation Iraqi Freedom; and an increase of $73 million, for a total of $2.22 billion for the State of Israel, which is our closest ally in the Middle East.
The committee recommendation includes full funding for these increases both through new budget authority and, in the case of Pakistan, use of $150 million of transfer authority.
The second priority in the President's budget request is one that we also met with an increase of $593 million to combat HIV/AIDS and related diseases, for a total of $2.2 billion. The committee recommendation fully meets that funding level. It includes a grant of $400 million for the Global Fund to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, subject to conditions that improve the fund's accountability and efficiency. Together with the money that we expect that the House Labor Health and Human Services, Education and Related Agencies Subcommittee will include, that will mean over $2.8 billion will be available for HIV/AIDS programs around the world in fiscal year 2005.
The Global AIDS Initiative is making treatment and care available to a record number of people affected by the disease. In 2003, only 50,000 people in the developing world had access to the drugs that dramatically reduced the impact of AIDS and extend life for years. By next summer, 200,000 people will have access to these drugs; and over the next several years, millions of infected people will be treated through the use of the Nevirapine for pregnant women.
The third priority, of course, in the President's budget was a request for a $1.5 billion increase for the Millennium Challenge Corporation, for a total of $2.5 billion. Mr. Chairman, given our allocation, we could not recommend full funding for this initiative, important though it is and though I am very personally committed to it. However, to demonstrate our commitment to this important foreign assistance reform effort and to respond positively to
the President's proposal, the recommendation does include $1.250 billion for the Millennium Challenge Corporation. That is an increase of $256 million over last year.
As chairman, I have made the MCC a priority in this bill. I believe in the President's vision of a new form of development assistance where a country's commitment to fighting corruption, its commitment to reform, and its commitment to investing in its people is complemented by an assistance package from the United States, negotiated by the country in the form of a signed compact. We included the authorization that created the MCC in last year's appropriation bill, and the President can continue to count on me as a strong supporter.
In preparing this bill, we were also faced with decreases in some areas of the budget, including some key non-HIV/AIDS health programs, and in the development assistance account. We have restored those reductions and, in the case of development assistance, added funds for basic education. I believe our development assistance program is a key component of our national security strategy, and it is critical to a positive U.S. image in foreign countries.
Including funding for HIV/AIDS, this bill makes available $3.079 billion for health programs overall, and that is an increase of $600 million over last year's House-passed bill. Of this total, over $332 million will be made available to fight TB and malaria. These funds help to continue the global fight against malaria, which kills one person every 30 seconds, most of them African children. USAID implements a comprehensive approach against this disease supporting the purchase and distribution of malaria medicines, a search for a vaccine, and strong prevention efforts.
Basic education has become a signature issue for the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey); so I will let her describe the details of our recommendation in that regard. Suffice it to say that I fully support her efforts to provide more educational opportunities to the impoverished youth of the world, especially women and children. This bill recommends $400 million for basic education activities. That is an increase from $326 million in fiscal year 2004. Report language accompanying the bill requires the Secretary of State to articulate an interagency strategy on the use of those funds so that we have a coherent, coordinated effort that can produce meaningful results in reducing illiteracy.
The bill also supports USAID's work to support microenterprise lending. Report language accompanying the bill references the fiscal year 2004 authorization ceiling of $200 million as the program level the committee expects in fiscal year 2005. It is also important that USAID continue to use the traditional providers of microenterprise lending and not rely excessively on contractors for implementing this program.
We continue an emphasis in our bill on helping developing countries build their capacity to participate in the international trading system. We have $517 million in the bill for trade capacity building, and that is the same amount as the House passed version last year.
Fiscal year 2005 is the final year of the President's Water for the Poor Initiative, announced in August, 2002, in Johannesburg, South Africa. In all likelihood, we will exceed the 3-year goal of spending $970 million on water projects. Report language urges the President to direct $50 million to water programs in Africa with $9 million targeted to programs in East Africa.
The committee continues its strong support for women's programs, provides that not less than $15 million in development assistance shall be made available to improve women's leadership capacity in recipient countries. This is an increase from the $11 million that we provided last year. In addition, from our Afghanistan assistance program, we set a goal of $60 million in fiscal year 2005 for programs for women and girls.
The committee recommendation also responds to emerging needs, such as the provision of an additional $50 million for assistance for Haiti. Following up on my amendment to the Defense appropriation bill that included $95 million in supplemental assistance for the victims of the violence in the Darfur region of Sudan, we recommend $311 million in this bill for humanitarian assistance for Sudan and for the refugees affected by that conflict.
Although there are no funds for Iraq in this bill, we continue our oversight responsibilities by mandating the continuation of an independent inspector general to audit the Iraq Reconstruction program. Without new authority, the inspector general will go out of business on December 28 of this year, 6 months after the Coalition Provisional Authority was disbanded. Section 573 of the bill provides for continued operations of the CPA Inspector General's Office operating under the supervision of the Secretary of State and providing that the $75 million previously appropriated for the IG is to be made available only to the IG for his continued audit and investigative work in Iraq.
We also provide the administration the authority they need to reduce Iraq's debt to our government so that the United States can negotiate an international debt reduction for Iraq. The sooner Iraq has financial stability, the sooner the government of Iraq can fund its own security and reconstruction needs. No new funds are provided for this purpose. Any funding for debt relief will come from previously appropriated funds.
The bill fully funds the President's request for export finance agencies to promote U.S. investment overseas and create jobs in United States export sectors. The bill provides $317 million for those agencies, which include the Export-Import Bank, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and the Trade and Development Agency. About $311 million of that $317 million is offset by collections.
Mr. Chairman, the United States leads the international fight against coca and poppy cultivation overseas. The narcotics industry has become a source of funding for terrorists, as well as, of course, a source of drugs worldwide. As part of the war on terror, the committee fully funds the President's request for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative at a level of $731 million for antinarcotics, interdiction, for development programs, and rule-of-law and institution-building programs in Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador.
Under the general anti-narcotics account, the bill fully funds anti- narcotics and law enforcement programs in Afghanistan at a level of $90 million, in Mexico at $40 million, and supports an existing program in Pakistan at $32 million.
To support continuing United States leadership in the world for humanitarian responses to refugee crises, we include $776 million for refugee programs, and that is $26 million more than the President requested.
We have $19 million, $1.5 million more than the request, for the Department of Treasury, to provide technical advisors to developing countries throughout the world.
The committee includes full funding of $20 million for the President's request for debt relief for countries who qualify under the Tropical Forestry Conservation Act and $75 million for multilateral debt relief for the poorest nations that receive assistance from the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries, or the HIPC, trust fund.
The committee supports contributions to the Multilateral Development Bank and includes $1.3 billion for such contributions. While the committee was not able to fund the World Bank incentive fund or all the arrears requested by the budget because of the budgetary restraints I mentioned earlier, we have provided full funding of the regularly scheduled contributions to these banks.
Finally, the committee has provided $323 million for voluntary contributions to international organizations and programs, a level $19 million more than the request. It includes $125 million to the United Nations Childrens Fund, or UNICEF, an increase of $5 million for this important organization.
We also have $107 million for the United Nations Development Program, or UNDP, and $7 million for the Fund for Victims of Torture. A total of $25 million is available through the United Nations Population Fund, or UNFPA, under the same ``Kemp-Kasten'' restrictions as exist in current law.
We have had to reduce this bill by $1.9 billion from the President's request, as I mentioned, Mr. Chairman.
Therefore, we did not or could not provide funding for a number of new and expanded initiatives requested by the President or brought to the committee's attention by committee members, other Members of Congress and outside groups.
The major reductions to the President's budget include, as I have already mentioned, a cut of $1.25 billion to the request for the Millennium Challenge Corporation; a reduction of $224 million for the World Bank Group, including the International Development Association; and a cut of $95 million in debt relief. There are other reductions to the President's request, but we tried to retain the base funding for most of the programs.
I believe this balanced bill provides important support for our most critical national security needs, while substantially increasing funding to respond to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. It enhances our support for overseas development assistance and humanitarian assistance. It meets the high priorities of the President in these areas and accommodates congressional concerns as well.
As I have said, this bill was developed in a very bipartisan manner and should have broad support in the House. I urge a yes vote on this bill.
Before I yield the floor, I want to call the attention of the House to two matters that were inadvertently left out of the committee report. One matter involves the Surgical Implant Generation Network, based in Richland, Washington, which is the only organization in the world that provides, free of charge, an ongoing supply of training and orthopedic materials to surgeons in developing countries who repair fractures of the very poor.
The second matter involves the Vishnevskaya Rostropovich Foundation, a charitable organization based in Washington, D.C., that conducts a mass children's vaccination initiative in the Russian Federation.
I would urge the United States Agency for International Development to give strong consideration to funding proposals for these funding organizations.
Mr. Chairman, I include the following charts for the Record.
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Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), one of the very distinguished members of the subcommittee who has
made some very significant contributions to this bill and has been one of our most valuable members through the years.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the very distinguished vice chairman of the committee, the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker), who has also been a great member of this committee. I have had the opportunity to travel with him on a number of occasions and he has contributed greatly to the drafting of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Crenshaw), another distinguished member of our subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
I thank the gentlewoman for her attention to this important issue. Children that are affected by HIV/AIDS are a group that tugs at the heart strings of all people. I have worked closely with USAID and the Global AIDS coordinator to develop an integrated, comprehensive approach to fighting this disease, and pediatric AIDS is a core component of that approach.
While I applaud the gentlewoman's intentions, I believe that in some circumstances, integrated treatment and care centers where both adults and children can receive attention would be more appropriate. However, I will be happy to work with the gentlewoman, the Global AIDS coordinator, USAID, and other concerned parties to ensure that orphans and vulnerable children receive proper treatment, care and support, as part of a comprehensive approach to fighting this disease.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that debate on this amendment and any amendments thereto be limited to 20 minutes, to be equally divided and controlled by the proponent and myself as the opponent.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the ranking member.
Mr. Chairman, I am the only other speaker I have, if the gentleman is prepared to yield back the balance of his time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
The Sherman amendment is really not about Iran. It is about depriving the poorest countries in the world of development assistance for basic education, for health care, for HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and for environmental protection programs. It is about blocking the path towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. I do not think this Congress wants to be remembered for this.
I know that Iran is a politically sensitive issue, and none of us believe that the World Bank should be making loans in Iran, but the funding contained in the foreign operations bill is for IDA, the concessional lending program of the World Bank which is designed to help the poorest countries of the world, with per capita incomes of $1 to $2 per day.
Mr. Chairman, Iran is not eligible to use the resources of IDA. The projects approved for Iran were funded by the IBRD, which is the market rate lending program of the bank. IBRD does not receive appropriated funds. There is no fungibility between IDA and IBRD resources.
So, Mr. Chairman, restricting the appropriations of funds to IDA will not affect Iran in any way. However, it will cut funding that supports development and health programs in sub-Saharan Africa and the poorest countries of Asia and Latin America. Over half of IDA resources are programmed for sub-Saharan Africa, and many of the programs would be supported on a grant basis, no longer just loans.
Diverting these funds into bilateral programs would deny six times, that is, again, six times, as much funding as the gentleman's cut. For every $1 of U.S. taxpayer money that goes into IDA, other donors and resources provide $6 of support. So if we cut this, we cut out six times as much of the money that goes to sub-Saharan Africa and other of the poorest countries of the world.
Mr. Chairman, I have already made what I think is a difficult decision to cut World Bank funding by $211 million below the request. Another $359 million cut would probably put U.S. leadership at risk at the bank, in addition to putting at risk billions of dollars of assistance for poor countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
To reiterate, Mr. Chairman, Iran is not eligible for IDA finances. IDA funding, which is the subject of this bill, the only source of funding that is in this bill for the World Bank, Iran is not eligible for any of those sources, and Iran would not be affected by a cut in funding to the IDA.
I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. This has been an interesting discussion from the other side. But contrary to what the gentleman from Mississippi may have thought I would do, I…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. This has been an interesting discussion from the other side. But contrary to what the gentleman from Mississippi may have thought I would do, I do, indeed, rise in opposition to this amendment.
First of all, let me begin by saying I do not condone companies relocating overseas for tax purposes, but I will come back to that in a minute.
This is an interesting issue we are dealing with here today. We had this in the full committee not long ago as it related to outsourcing, but here we are talking about supporting U.S. exports and jobs. With this amendment, we are talking about punishing companies that are creating jobs here in the United States. We are going to punish them because they are creating jobs here.
Mr. Chairman, I will not yield. The gentleman from Vermont had 20 minutes. I am not going to use but a fraction of that, so I want to get my thoughts in here and do them all together here.
This is absolutely ridiculous. Why in the world are we talking about punishing companies that are creating high-paying export jobs, and giving that away to foreign competition by eliminating Export-Import Bank financing? But that is exactly what the amendment would do. It hurts workers in this country. It hurts the economy in this country.
And yes, of course, it hurts the shareholders in this country. But most of all it hurts the workers, because this only goes to companies that are exporting. We are talking about companies that are creating jobs here in this country in order to export.
Now, the gentleman named some companies in particular in his argument. Ingersoll-Rand I heard. I think we heard Nabors Industries, Noble Drilling Corporation, Weatherford International. But this amendment would prohibit any Ex-Im Bank loan or guarantee to any U.S. company, any U.S. company that is registered offshore.
Now, I do not have any percentage of how much U.S. Export-Import Bank loans would be affected by this amendment, but characterizing Ex-Im loans as corporate welfare and a giveaway from U.S. taxpayers is certainly not correct. I am not sure why the sponsors of this amendment do not recognize that exports means U.S. jobs. It is the exact opposite of outsourcing.
The fiscal year 2005 funding for the Ex-Im Bank would support U.S. exports valued at $12 billion. For every $1 of taxpayer money invested in Ex-Im's program, there have been historical returns, and this is not just this year, there have been historical returns of $15 in credit support for export transactions. Since Ex-Im Bank supports 85 percent of most transactions, this means that the actual export value is about 15 percent higher, raising the ratio to about $18 in total value of exports supported by every $1 we put into the Ex-Im program.
I do not think this is corporate welfare. The bank has an exceptional, I would say exceptional, repayment record, with losses running at 1.4 percent of disbursements over the 70-year history of the Ex-Im Bank. And while the Ex-Im Bank has done more and more each year for small businesses, even large companies cannot get private bank financing to go to some parts of the world or to compete with aggressive foreign financing.
While businesses may be able to exist without making that extra sale, Ex-Im Bank is here for that very reason, to keep U.S. exports strong, to hopefully grow them, and to help sustain U.S. jobs through exports. Eighty-six percent of the transactions of the Ex-Im Bank directly benefit small businesses, and that is because many small businesses benefit from the larger transactions of the bank.
Let me give a statistic that alone ought to cause Members to give pause about this amendment. Ex-Im Bank's top 13 users have over 35,000 suppliers in this country, most of which are small businesses. The reality is that small businesses benefit directly and indirectly from Ex-Im Bank-financed transactions.
By law, Ex-Im Bank finances only goods and services made here in the United States. Under this bill, if a U.S. company is cut off from using Ex-Im, the company would be confronted with either losing the export sale or being forced to use foreign financing and sourcing. In either case, the impact would be to reduce U.S. exports and jeopardize the jobs that are associated with those sales. Shutting off Ex-Im would remove one of the few government programs to help U.S. exporters and to keep export-related jobs here in the United States.
One more statistic. I have been able to find information on two of the companies that were mentioned.
Ingersoll-Rand has 28,000 employees here in the United States, not overseas. These are employees here in the U.S. Nabors Industries has 14,000 employees here in the United States. This amendment cuts off financing that helps to keep those jobs secure.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which I know is not an organization that perhaps my colleague on the other side would put too much stock in, but I think they made a very important point in the letter that they wrote about this a couple of days ago to the Speaker. They made this statement, and I quote:
Measures such as Representative Sanders' amendment are poor substitutes for needed reforms of the U.S. Tax Code's archaic international provisions which currently put our corporations at a competitive disadvantage internationally and provide great incentive for them to leave this country.
That brings me back to my final point that I said at the beginning. The real issue here is the archaic Tax Code that the United States has. We are not even talking about 20th century. We are talking about 19th century. We have a Tax Code that is so archaic, we are virtually the only country in the world that taxes all income whether or not it has anything to do with being produced here in the United States. So, of course, it encourages companies to go offshore, to locate offshore their corporate headquarters. They are still paying the taxes on everything they make here in the United States, Ingersoll-Rand, Nabors, all of those pay the taxes on all the income that is made here in the United States, but they do not want to pay the taxes on a subsidiary they may have in South Africa or a subsidiary they may have in Japan or elsewhere, and so they locate their corporate headquarters offshore. It is because of the archaic Tax Code that the United States continues to have.
That is what we really need to be doing. That is what we really need to be reforming, is the Tax Code. We are in the 21st century, not the 19th century. That would make us more competitive in the world. Why do we have DaimlerChrysler and not ChryslerDaimler? We have DaimlerChrysler because of the Tax Codes of the United States. In order to avoid paying taxes on production done in Germany, it was necessary for them to become DaimlerChrysler, not ChryslerDaimler. Otherwise, they would have been paying taxes on everything they produced, every car they produced in Germany.
That is why this is so important that we continue to have Ex-Im Bank. It is a crutch, if you will, but it is something that we can do to help U.S. corporations export, and it helps American workers keep their jobs. Ex-Im Bank only goes to corporations for doing business producing here in the United States.
I urge my colleagues, in conclusion, to oppose this amendment. It hurts U.S. workers. It jeopardizes U.S. jobs. Now is not the time to further cut, to eliminate one of the few tools the U.S. Government has to support exports and export-related manufacturing jobs. I urge a ``no'' vote on this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
I certainly thank the gentlewoman from Connecticut for talking about this issue. As the gentlewoman knows, both the gentlewoman from New York and I feel very strongly about the Child Survival and Health Account and the good work that is done by this account in helping save children's lives and families and the poor people around the world. The vaccination programs, the health programs, the clinics, the education programs that are run through this are extraordinarily important.
I quite agree with the gentlewoman from Connecticut. Everything we can do to increase the amount in this account is certainly something that we intend to do. I appreciate her bringing it to our attention. We will do everything that we can to try to increase this account.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I certainly will not take the 10 minutes. Let me just quickly make a couple of comments.
I appreciate the comments that have been made here by the gentleman from Georgia, the other gentleman from Georgia, and the gentleman from Indiana here. I share the outrage that people feel about somebody who is a murderer of a law enforcement officer in this country getting away to a country like Mexico and then being able to escape justice. That should not happen. We have extradition treaties with a number of countries; and almost all of them in many cases, I should say, since most other countries prohibit death penalties, they do prohibit extradition if death is an option as a penalty.
But this is a new wrinkle. This is a new wrinkle that was put in by the supreme court in Mexico, which ruled that if an individual faces life in prison without possibility of parole, that is equivalent, apparently is what the supreme court said, and I have not read the complete ruling. I am a little sympathetic to the government of Mexico, which I do not think anticipated this. They certainly did not suggest to us or to the State Department that they anticipated this ruling by the supreme court, and I think they are willing and trying to work with us to resolve that.
We want to see that all crimes that are committed on our soil are brought to justice. We want to see them brought to justice particularly when it is a law enforcement officer who is the victim of this kind of terrible crime. So I intend to work with the gentleman to encourage the State Department to make every possible effort in these cases.
But before I close, let me just make one other comment, that is, I think there is a danger here of mixing some apples and oranges here when we talk about this punishment of Mexico and then we talk about whether or not they are having any effect in solving the drug problem. I would point out that this bill also contains $731 million for the Andean Counter-Drug Initiative, that is, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador. Those are the countries where most of the raw materials for our drugs that are consumed in this country come from. But I am sure that the three gentlemen that have spoken here would not suggest we would today cut off that money because we have not been effective. That argument has been made by some on this floor, and I do not think it is a good argument. We should do that. The $40 million that we provide to INL, the international narcotics force that we have overseas, goes largely in Mexico to support the helicopter program, that is, to maintain and supply the helicopters that are used both in chasing down drug smugglers, that is, in small planes, and in eradication efforts.
So I think it is money that is probably well spent, and I would suggest it is not money we would really want to cut off here. And with that I appreciate the gentleman's comments.
I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul).
(Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I do.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, let me just say that I agree with the motivations of this amendment, but I absolutely have to oppose the substance of it. The reason I do so is because I think it is going to accomplish exactly the opposite of the intent of this amendment.
Proponents of this amendment are, as the gentleman suggested, upset at opposition the U.S. faced at the United Nations Security Council in getting an extension of a U.S. exemption under the jurisdiction of the ICC. We were successful for some time in getting that, but now it has failed because we have faced a public relations nightmare in the United Nations and elsewhere around the world.
Do we have a right to be angry and upset and outraged that we have not gotten this extension? Yes, I think we should be; and we should continue to press for an extension.
Many times this Chamber has supported the American Servicemembers Protections Act, and I have been among its strongest supporters. I believe it is crucial that the U.S. negotiate Article 98 agreements with as many countries as possible to prevent the possibility that they may be tried in an international criminal court, with little or no political accountability.
However, conditioning ESF assistance and cutting it off to nations that do not sign Article 98 agreements is not, in my opinion, the right response. It is a very, very heavy hand to the problem.
We have conditioned foreign assistance through FMF and IMF accounts to encourage countries to sign Article 98 agreements. The result of this amendment, if it were to pass, would be to cut off all aid to some of these countries: Jordan, at $250 million; Kenya, at $25 million; Lebanon, at $32 million; Ecuador, at $13 million; Cyprus, at $13.5 million.
I believe most of us believe trying to get a Cyprus agreement is very important. I think all of us believe that Jordan is extraordinarily important in our war against terrorism. But it would cut off our ESF assistance and I think it would do extraordinary damage to our relationship with Jordan. How are we going to explain to them what we are really trying to do in getting them to cooperate in the war on terrorism?
At a time when we are fighting the war on terrorism, reducing this tool of diplomatic influence is not a good idea. Nothing would make the opponents of the U.S. in the Security Council and the U.N. General Assembly happier than if we were to do that. They do not like us using foreign assistance to support U.S. strategic interests. So if we were to cut it off, it makes them happy on two accounts: It will have denied the U.S. the exemption in the first instance, and it will have reduced our influence around the world.
So I urge my colleagues to vote no on this amendment. If we accept it, the U.S. will be hamstringing itself, placing a straitjacket on its diplomatic tools, when we have a lot of U.S. national security objectives that must carry the same or equal weight as securing Article 98 agreements. I urge a ``no'' vote on this.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, let me, in conclusion, just say that the majority leader made the point that we should be protecting our servicemen, and he is absolutely correct. And he made the point that we have provisions in the law that says countries cannot get military financing or military support if they do not give us an exemption to Article 98. But he also pointed out that we have an exemption in there. We have an ability that the President can have a waive for those countries.
This takes it, as the majority leader said, another step to economic support, and there is no waiver in there. This
means one of our key allies, and I keep coming back to Jordan, because I think Jordan is absolutely one of our key allies in this fight against terrorism, that we would have to cut off all the economic assistance to Jordan, because, for whatever reason, they have seen it in a different way and they have chosen, at least at this point, not to give us this exemption. I do not see how that helps us in the war against terrorism.
I hope we will defeat the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise reluctantly in opposition to this amendment, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I will not take the 5 minutes. Let me just say that the substance of the amendment really does not accomplish, as I think the gentlewoman knows, does not accomplish what she would hope to do, because if we read the amendment, it adds money in one spot and takes it out of the other spot. So it really has no impact at all on the amount of funding that would go to sub-Saharan Africa.
The gentlewoman wants to increase the amount of money from development assistance for sub-Saharan Africa. I think by and large we do very well in this bill on sub-Saharan Africa. It is a balanced bill. I think we have some very good increases there. Many of the things that the gentlewoman talks about that I fully subscribe to about the need for greater water resources, for helping farming in those areas, those are the things that we support and that are done in our legislation.
But I think that this would not be the right amendment, since it simply does not do what the gentlewoman would try to accomplish. So I would hope that she would withdraw her amendment; if not, I hope that we will defeat this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, there is no doubt that this must be the most popular appropriations subcommittee, because so many of us have come to the chairman and the ranking member on many of our issues. Really,…
Mr. Chairman, there is no doubt that this must be the most popular appropriations subcommittee, because so many of us have come to the chairman and the ranking member on many of our issues. Really, it deals with world harmony and world peace and the United States largesse or generosity to the world.
It also has its criticisms; and I might say that, along with my appreciation for the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe), I do want to acknowledge some concerns as I give applause.
First of all, I want to acknowledge the strong statement that was made as it regards to Sudan. So many of us have lent our voices to this issue. I
know many have traveled, and many will travel, to Sudan to look at the heinous and horrific acts occurring in Darfur, where Muslim is killing Muslim, where Arab Muslim is killing black Muslim, where women are being pillaged and killed. And we know for sure that there needs to be definitive peacekeeping.
We also know that the governor of Khartoum needs to act, and I would hope when we finish this bill we will have strong, pointed language that the killing must stop and that we will not allow this to be another Rwanda.
I also hope that we will strengthen the peace effort in Haiti, recognize that some of us are still concerned about the deposing of a democratically elected leader, but we want most of all for Haiti to be able to rebuild itself, and we look for those resources in this legislation.
I add my voice to the concern of the Dominican Republic and Haiti in terms of dollars to help reconstruct.
I also support amendments that are adding to the HIV/AIDS killer. As we know, the efforts in Thailand suggest that HIV/AIDS is still killing around the world, but I offer an amendment as well to recognize that it is important to provide U.S. aid to the starving countries around the world.
But, Mr. Chairman, I want to add, if you will, something to sustainable development, to provide resources so that farmers can be shown how to work in droughts in Arab communities so that they can provide for themselves around the world. This is an important step.
And lastly, Mr. Chairman, I hope that we will not underfund Pakistan when they are helping us in the war on terror. We should not vote against any amendment that cuts the resources for Pakistan.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment that was to be offered by Congressman Ron Paul, which seeks to strip Pakistan of necessary resources.
H.R. 4818, without the Paul amendment, allocates up to $200,000,000 to Pakistan in the form of direct loans and guarantees; enables unused funds (up to $150,000,000) appropriated under the ``Economic Support Fund'' and ``Foreign Military Financing Program'' to provide assistance for Pakistan; makes funds appropriated in title I and II of this bill available to Pakistan, as well as victims of war, displaced children and victims of trafficking; and finally, it allows funds allocated to Department of Defense to be expanded for crafting, packing, handling and transportation of excess defense articles to various countries, including Pakistan.
The funding provided in the bill, without the Paul amendment, will act as a tool in the global war against terrorism, as Pakistan has been
our partner in this effort. This assistance will create programs combating the spread of disease such as HIV/AIDS, and will continue to foster a much needed trusted relationship in that region of the world. Finally, our assistance will help educate the children of Pakistan, who will be the leaders of tomorrow. As chair of the Congressional Children's Caucus, I have witnessed how often we forget to provide for our children, who lose international attention and priority during times of active military engagement.
With our assistance, we have been able to witness Pakistan's economic trade and investment improvements, health care improvement, the promotion of democracy and human rights, increased education provision, and the further development of science and technology in Pakistan. By continuing to assist this nation, we will continue a true partnership that promotes world peace and security, and uncaps Pakistan's vast untapped economic potential to the benefit of both Pakistan and the United States.
The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with the government and people of Pakistan since the founding of the modern state in 1947, and Pakistan has proven to be an indispensable ally during both the Cold War and the War on Terror.
Pakistan's strategically important location and unwavering support have played a decisive role helping to remove the Taliban regime from Afghanistan and the capture of hundreds of wanted al-Qaeda terrorists. Pakistan has suffered thousands of casualties and has been a victim of numerous terrorist acts on their own soil because of their steadfastness with our nation in the War on Terror.
Stripping assistance from Pakistan sends out the wrong message; such an act is disrespectful and most importantly it is dangerous. By choosing to single out and exclude Pakistan from access to our financial assistance, we show them how unappreciative we are for their efforts to aid us in the War against terrorism. Pakistan has been committed to assisting us in the effort to stomp out terrorism, and has proven this commitment by capturing hundreds of terrorists found in Afghanistan and all over the world.
Congressman Paul asserts that, ample evidence exists proving that Osama bin Laden is a current free resident of Pakistan, and highlights the ineffectiveness of their aid thus far. I ask you to question the validity of this intelligence. Is this the same intelligence used, which caused our nation to believe that Sadam Hussein was harboring weapons of mass destruction? I ask that you also reflect upon our own nation as to how effective we have been in capturing Osama bin Laden ourselves. Playing the blame game has no place here, and only acts to alienate and ostracize a valued ally in the War on Terrorism. Congressman Paul's amendment suggests that because Osama bin Laden may be currently at-large in Pakistan, we should strip our funding from a nation that has provided us with enormous amounts of aid in our effort to stomp out terrorism.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to urge my colleagues to remember the fact that we called upon the help of Pakistan during both the Cold War and the War on Terrorism, and in both instances they helped us. Without the knowledge of the future, it would be very unwise to cut off a country that we may need yet another time in the future. There is absolutely no reason to strain our ties with Pakistan by denying them the assistance needed.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to support the current bill and to applaud Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey for their hard work and leadership in crafting an effective piece of legislation. However, in making appropriations for the entire nation, it is virtually impossible to have a complete assessment or to profess a complete breadth of knowledge of the regions that need the most assistance--because this is an ever-changing issue.
Thus, I have offered an amendment. I support H.R. 4818, but I also urge that not less than $5 million be appropriated for agricultural development in sub-Saharan Africa. This money would not only provide assistance to needy farmers and villages, but it would also strengthen infrastructure and encourage sustainable agriculture growth.
Providing small farmers and villages within the assistance and the resources necessary to plant, harvest, and distribute food crops is an essential component of development in Africa. In my amendment I propose doing much more than just giving small farmers money to buy farming products such as shovels, seeds, and livestock. I propose that we also improve infrastructure such as roads, irrigation canals, wells, and storage facilities. From this small investment, rural farmers will be able to reap profits for seasons and years to come. This is essence of sustainable development.
Mr. Chairman, without such measures toward systemic change, populations all over the world will continue to be faced food shortages. It is estimated that there are already 842 million undernourished people in the world, 798 million of which lived in developing countries and 34 million of which live in developing countries. It is clear that this is an issue that affects both poor and rich countries.
The African continent, however, is undeniably the hardest hit. The continent claims 24 of the 34 countries experiencing food emergencies. The sub-Saharan African region is feeling the brunt of this crisis with some 207 million people in 1999-2001 facing and experiencing food shortages. That amounts to nearly 26 percent of the sub-Saharan population facing inadequate access to nutritious food supplies.
Such widespread hunger plays a crucial role in sub-Saharan African societies. There are implications for education. When a child does not have the proper nourishment in his breakfast, it is impossible to expect him to perform well in school. There are implications for public health. When a mother's body is ravaged by the effects of HIV/AIDS, it is impossible to expect that anti-retroviral drugs will ameliorate her situation when food is a requirement for taking such powerful drugs. There are implications for peace and security. When a young man's meager wages are not enough to help provide for his family, it is implausible to expect that he will not go to whatever lengths necessary to secure some sort of food for his family. Mr. Chairman, the United States is invested in improving the state of education, health, and peace in sub-Saharan countries. This will not be possible without providing for improvements in rural agriculture by providing assistance to small farmers.
Those living in poor, rural areas are the most vulnerable. They comprise 70 percent of the continent's population and are the most in need of agricultural development because their livelihoods are dependent on agriculture.
Small farmers produce the food that feeds the men, women, babies, and the elders living in the small villages scattered across the arid landscape of Africa. If we neglect Africa's rural population, we neglect Africa's backbone. If we provide these farmers with the necessary resources to shore up inefficient and antiquated infrastructure we open the door to alleviating a host of other problems that plague almost 70 percent of Africa's rural population that depend on agriculture.
My proposal would allow for the development of small-scale irrigation, water and drainage, post-harvest storage, crop intensification, crop and livestock diversification, and rural infrastructure. Such improvements to infrastructure would encourage sustainable development and lead to a decrease in food shortage in the short and long run.
The Special Programme for Food Security of the Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations (FAO) along with other international NGOs is already making headway in Africa and other continents to reduce the food shortage crisis. We must acknowledge the benefits of agricultural improvement and its subsequent benefits for other areas of life for those living in rural communities and villages.
Mr. Chairman, for the reasons stated above, I support H.R. 4818 with the principles set forth in the amendment that I offer.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, as I start, I want to acknowledge the very hard work and I believe a commitment of the…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, as I start, I want to acknowledge the very hard work and I believe a commitment of the chairman of this committee to the point that I am about to make, as well as the historic commitment of the ranking member, because I have worked with her over the years on this question of sustainable development, the opportunity for many who are undernourished and struck by famine to sustain themselves.
Many of my colleagues are aware of the relationship of my congressional district to Congressman Mickey Leland. Many of my colleagues knew of his passion and commitment to Ethiopia and the famines that occurred in the 1980s. In fact, Mickey Leland lost his life in 1989 when he died on the side of an Ethiopian mountain trying to carry food resources to the famine-stricken individuals in Ethiopia. Ethiopia, along with other sub-Saharan nations in Africa, have suffered famine now for many, many cycles since his tragic death.
What we see here is an example of a farmer in sub-Saharan Africa trying to survive. He is not asking for food; but as we look at this arid background, he is working with a sickle, if you will, dealing with lack of irrigation, all representing the crisis of famine in sub- Saharan Africa.
So each time we have a cycle of a drought, lack of water, what we will find is teams and teams of teeming groups of Ethiopians and others going to feeding stations simply to survive.
In my most recent visit to Ethiopia, the cycle of drought and famine were again very present. We went into many parts of the country and visited enormous, large sites of families who had left their farming sites because they could not farm, there was no water, there were no tools, and they were not able to survive. They simply were in sickness- infested feeding camps with volunteers and USAID workers and others doing the very best that they could; but they kept coming, because we have not been able to provide the necessary resources for sustainable development.
This amendment is small in nature, but it is $5 million being put into the development assistance to help those in sub-Saharan Africa. It is to help them with small-scale irrigation, water and drainage, postharvest storage, crop intensification, crop and livestock diversification, and rural infrastructure such as in the special program for food security of the food and agriculture organization of the United States.
It is shameful that we have not authorized the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 since 1987. So these dollars will simply help put life, water in the ground, irrigation resources, so that we can follow that old admonition that if we give a person a fish, they eat for a day; if we give them a rod, a fishing rod, they eat for a very long time.
We realize that through the FAO our distinguished colleague, Eva Clayton, has been working with the FAO now, and we realize that part of the problem is a lack of infrastructure. Constraints to agricultural development in Africa, says the President, and the continent's poor agriculture performance is water. Africa uses only 4 percent of its renewable water reserve for irrigation as compared to 17 percent in Asia. Only 7 percent of Africa's arable land is irrigated, against 37 percent in Asia. We need to have USAID have a separate and enhanced resource for food security. It is important to note that we can make a difference, and this amendment simply attempts to do so.
So I would ask my colleagues to take a hard look at this farmer in this picture. He represents and is symbolic of many others throughout the various countries in sub-Saharan Africa. My colleagues will find out that famine goes hand in hand with the drastic conditions of drought. Drought comes in a very frequent time frame in this area.
In speaking with the President of Ethiopia, speaking with USAID, they declared that Ethiopia, for example, only had $4 million set aside to help a farmer farm better, to get more enhanced farming skills and tools, to irrigate the water. So I believe that this mere attempt to respond to FAO, the works of Tony Hill, the chairman and president, and our colleague, Eva Clayton, and in the memory of Mickey Leland to realize that sustaining the farmers will help to stamp out hunger.
I would hope that we would be prepared to support such an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, let me conclude by simply saying Ethiopia's famine threat continues to increase. I simply hope that we will find in our hearts the ability to support this amendment in order to save lives.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to support the current bill and to applaud Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey for their hard work and leadership in crafting an effective piece of legislation. However, in making appropriations for the entire Nation, it is virtually impossible to have a complete assessment or to profess a complete breadth of knowledge of the regions that need the most assistance--because this is an ever-changing issue.
I have an amendment at the desk. Again, I rise to support the current bill and offer an amendment that speaks to the problems of sustainable development and subsistence farming in Africa and other needy regions. I urge that $5 million be appropriated for agricultural development in sub-Saharan Africa and taken from the Economic Support Fund found in Title II.
Funds requested in this amendment to be administered by USAID are clearly authorized under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
This money would not only provide assistance to needy farmers and villages, but it would also strengthen infrastructure and encourage sustainable growth.
Mr. Chairman, developing and developed countries around the world are experiencing food shortages. There are an estimated 842 million undernourished persons, 798 million of which live in developing countries, 34 million of which live in countries in transition and 10 million of which live in industrialized countries.
Africa is undeniably the hardest hit of all continents, which claims 24 of the 34 countries experiencing food emergencies. The sub-Saharan African region, though, is facing the brunt of this crisis with some 207 million people in 1999-2001. That amounts to nearly 26 percent of the population facing inadequate access to nutritious food supplies.
Those living in poor, rural areas are the most vulnerable. They comprise 70 percent of the continent's population and are the most in need of agricultural development because their livelihoods are depending on agriculture.
Small farmers produce the food that feeds the men, women, babies, and the elders living in the small villages scattered across the arid landscape of Africa. If we neglect Africa's rural population, we neglect Africa's backbone. If we provide these farmers with the necessary resources to shore up inefficient and antiquated infrastructure we open the door to alleviating a host of other problems that plague almost \3/4\ of Africa's population.
My proposal would allow for the development of small-scale irrigation, water and drainage, post-harvest storage, crop intensification,
crop and livestock diversification, and rural infrastructure. Such improvements to infrastructure would encourage sustainable development and lead to a decrease in food shortage in the short and long run.
Right now, only 7 percent of arable land is irrigated, and groups like FAO is working with governments and U.N. and NGO partners to protect and restore agriculture-based livelihoods in crisis countries through the supply of essential inputs, including improved seeds, tools, fertilizer, veterinary medicines and vaccines, livestock feeds and irrigation, fishing and agro-processing equipment, as well as through crop and livestock pest and disease control campaigns, the immediate rehabilitation of essential agricultural infrastructure, and putting in place natural disaster prevention mechanisms.
In addition, members of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Africa have recognized the importance of the issues to be addressed by this proposal.
We must help these people whose lives depend on the fruits of subsistence farming. Furthermore, these farmers are severely under- trained and lack proper irrigation technologies and other resources to create more arable land options. Therefore, Mr. Chairman, for the reasons stated above, I ask that my colleagues support the Jackson-Lee Amendment.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I would like to add the following for the Record:
background on ethiopia
Over 80 percent of Ethiopia's 57 million people live in
rural areas, where most of them are engaged in subsistence
farming or pastoralism. Altitudes in Ethiopia vary greatly.
The lowlands are characterized by dry, sometimes drought-
stricken, areas occupied mainly by nomadic or semi-nomadic
pastoralists. In the mid-altitude areas such crops as maize,
cotton, sorghum and legumes grow. The high-altitude areas are
most suited to wheat, barley and coffee cultivation. The
staple cereal crop in Ethiopia--teff--grows in mid- to high-
altitude areas as does chat which is grown for commercial as
well as domestic use. Ethiopia has the highest cattle
population in Africa, with large herds providing status to
their owners.
Since the 1970s, Ethiopia has been periodically struck by
drought, and many areas consistently suffer from erratic and
unpredictable rainfall. Pressure on the land is very high,
with an average landholding per household in mid- to high-
altitude areas of only about 0.2 to 0.6 hectares. Households
are typically large with an average of seven members. The use
of family planning is not yet widespread in the country, and
in rural areas, especially in Muslim communities, early
marriage is very common. Girls are often married or committed
to marriage at between eight and 12 years of age. Health
facilities are limited and sparse and many people die of
preventable diseases such as malaria, cholera and typhoid as
well as malnutrition.
Mr. Chairman, I concede the point of order. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order. Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to make my point of order unless the gentlewoman wishes to speak further. Mr.…
Mr. Chairman, I concede the point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to make my point of order unless the gentlewoman wishes to speak further.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment; and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I count myself among the Fund's strongest supporters. Last year, I worked with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to increase the U.S. contributions to the Fund from the President's request of $200 million to $550 million.
Not including funds in the bill under discussion, the United States has made available nearly $1.2 billion of the Fund's $3.4 billion in pledges and contributions through 2004.
However, this is a global disease, and we must have the commitment of many partners to fight it. That's why Congress requires that other donors match the U.S. funds, at a 2:1 ratio. Unfortunately, other countries have not contributed enough this year for the entire U.S. contribution to be released--we have nearly $190 million waiting for other donors to step up to the plate. The Committee took this fact into account in making its recommendation.
I must note that it is more than unfortunate that some in the AIDS community continue to scold the United States for not giving more to the Global Fund. Their time would be better spent encouraging other donors to contribute and to improving the Fund's operations.
Of the more than $3 billion that the Fund has approved in grants, only $428 million has even made it out of the Global Fund's account. That means nearly $2.6 billion in committed funding is simply sitting in the Global Fund's account.
The Committee has recommended provisions in this year's bill to help the Fund improve its disbursements. I can only ask that others begin to take a hard look at the Fund's operations, rather than blindly call for more money, more money. We need the Fund around for the long-term, and improving its operations is the only way to maintain public confidence in it.
If other countries step up to the plate, and provide sufficient contributions to allow more from the U.S. than Congress appropriates, and if the Fund improves its operations, then we will take these developments into account for future years.
Mr. Chairman, I make a point of order against the amendment because it proposes to change existing law and constitutes legislation on an appropriation bill and, therefore, violates clause 2 of rule XXI.
The rule states, in pertinent part, ``an amendment to a general appropriation bill shall not be in order if changing existing law.'' The amendment includes an emergency designation under section 251 of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 and as such constitutes legislation in violation of clause 2 of rule XXI.
I ask for a ruling from the Chair.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), distinguished ranking member of the full committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), ranking member of the subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Berman).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Issa).
(Mr. ISSA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell).
(Mr. DINGELL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of the time.
Mr. Chairman, I want to say at the outset that I have the greatest respect for the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the sponsor of this amendment; but I believe that adoption of the amendment would be a serious mistake and it will undermine our relations with one of our major allies in the Middle East.
This amendment is being proposed at the very time when the governments of Egypt and Israel are coordinating plans for Israel to withdraw from Gaza. In order for a withdrawal to be successful, both countries must cooperate on security and intelligence matters; and Egypt must be prepared to help ensure that terrorist organizations do not gain power in Gaza. Discussions, cooperation, and coordination on these matters are already occurring at the highest level of both governments.
I cannot imagine that at the very time that Israel and Egypt, after years of an admittedly cold, frosty peace, are finally engaged in serious discussions on military and on intelligence cooperation, that this Congress would choose this moment to disrupt this cooperation by cutting military assistance for Egypt.
As has already been indicated, the administration does strongly oppose this amendment, and part of the letter from Secretary Powell has been quoted in opposition to this amendment. I will include the entire letter in the Record at this point, but let me quote from one section of that letter.
In it the Secretary says: ``In Egypt we have an ally that can help us in war and in peace. Our credibility in this relationship depends to a great degree
upon being a reliable provider of assistance to the Egyptian military.
``A transfer of funds from the military assistance account to the economic account will damage the credibility of our bilateral relations at a very sensitive moment in the region, one that has witnessed Egyptian engagement in and support of our regional objectives.''
I include the full text of the letter for the Record.
The Secretary of State,
Washington, DC, July 14, 2004.
Hon. Jim Kolbe,
Chairman, Foreign Operations, Export Financing and Related
Programs, Committee on Appropriations, House of
Representatives.
Dear Mr. Chairman: I ask for your support on the subject of
a possible amendment to the Fiscal Year 2005 Foreign
Operations Appropriation bill that proposes to reduce our
annual military assistance to Egypt by 25 percent and to
reprogram it for economic assistance. We understand that the
House may consider this amendment July 15. This matter is of
urgent concern, as I believe that any changes to the Egypt
military assistance account would seriously undermine the
strong U.S.-Egypt partnership that has been built since the
1979 Camp David Accords and that continues to be one of the
foundations for achieving U.S. foreign policy goals in the
Middle East.
As you know, U.S. military aid to Egypt is a cornerstone of
the Camp David Accords. The Administration is opposed to any
amendment that would modify our commitment to the parties as
contained in that agreement. This commitment is the
foundation of our efforts to promote peace in the region, to
combat terrorism, and to advance interoperability with the
Egyptian military. In addition, a $325 million reduction in
military assistance, as proposed, could lead to the
cancellation of approximately $2.2 billion in total contract
value; these contracts all go towards the purchase of U.S.
products.
Our military assistance to Egypt has contributed to
regional stability in an area that had previously been the
scene of military conflict against Israel. This calming of
tensions has enabled us to develop a strategic partnership
with Egypt that has contributed to a broad range of U.S.
objectives in the region, including the Global War on
Terrorism, the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq, and
more recently, efforts to stop the humanitarian crisis in
Darfur, Sudan. Egypt has also undertaken a critical
initiative to work with Israel to support the Israeli
withdrawal from the Gaza Strip through the reorganization
and training of the Palestinian security services.
On a bilateral military-to-military level, our assistance
has helped to modernize the Egyptian military, thereby
creating a defensive force that is interoperable with, and
capable of supporting, U.S. security goals in the region. We
also continue to train Egyptian military officers through the
International Military Education and Training Program and to
conduct joint training exercises, thereby ensuring that our
militaries both understand and support each other at critical
moments. This Egyptian capacity has enabled the Egyptian
military to participate in international peacekeeping
operations, to help us successfully prosecute Operations
Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom, to enable our craft to
safely transit the Suez Canal, to enable our planes to
traverse Egyptian airspace, and to provide our tankers with
invaluable access to Egyptian facilities.
In Egypt we have an ally that can help us in war and peace.
Our credibility in this relationship depends to a great
degree upon being a reliable provider of assistance to the
Egyptian military. A transfer of funds from the military
assistance account to the economic account will damage the
credibility of our bilateral relations at a very sensitive
moment in the region, one that has witnessed Egyptian
engagement in and support of our regional objectives. I hope
you will oppose this amendment.
Sincerely,
Colin L. Powell.
Again, I have great respect for the author of the amendment. However, this is not the time to make a cut of more than 40 percent of military assistance. Even if we were so inclined, now is not the time to take that kind of action that would disrupt our ongoing efforts to facilitate the withdrawal of Israel from Gaza. I urge the House to reject this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
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Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlewoman from California for her important leadership on this issue. I know that she recently returned from the HIV/AIDS conference in Bangkok. I know that in…
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlewoman from California for her important leadership on this issue. I know that she recently returned from the HIV/AIDS conference in Bangkok. I know that in this very busy place we never have adequate time to really listen and learn, but she has truly been a leader, and I hope that we all have the opportunity to share her experiences with her. I thank her.
Mr. Chairman, while the bill before us already contains $2.2 billion for HIV/AIDS programs, which is the requested level, it only contains $400 million for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria. The Global Fund has made clear to us that a $400 million U.S. contribution for fiscal year 2005 will endanger completion of multiyear grant agreements it has already signed and will totally shut down the Fund's ability to make new grants. The Fund has appealed to us for a total U.S. contribution of $1.2 billion this year, which is its estimate of the funds needed to meet anticipated demands for the next round of grant awards.
I want to point out that the committee has not been totally satisfied with the management performance of the Fund, and there are a number of reforms mandated in the bill to improve its performance. But, despite these concerns, the demand for increased funds for meeting the needs for HIV treatment, prevention, and awareness are vast and growing. One need only cite the daunting statistics of the most recent U.N. reports on the spread of HIV to understand the need for more funds. Based on this alone, I would support the gentlewoman's amendment.
I do, however, have another compelling reason to support the amendment,
and that is because I am convinced that the Global Fund is doing a better job at scaling up HIV treatment programs than our bilateral program currently is. As many of the Members know, the administration recently announced that the Food and Drug Administration would institute new policies that would dramatically speed up the process of approving generic drugs for HIV treatment. Unfortunately, this announcement was completely misleading.
As documented in a recent letter to HHS Secretary Thompson from our colleague from California (Mr. Waxman), ranking member on the House Committee on Government Reform, the administration's announcement in May that the FDA would be able to review these drugs in ``2 to 6 weeks'' raised the expectation of their imminent purchase and distribution. After close review, however, of FDA plans, it becomes clear that the expedited review starts only after companies have submitted a complete application to FDA. In order to have a complete application, these companies may have to repeat clinical studies, undergo a raw materials review, and submit to detailed inspections. The bottom line is that this presubmission process could add months, if not years, to the approval process.
The Bush administration has made treatment of those living with HIV its highest priority, stating that 200,000 people will be in treatment within 1 year and 2 million by 2007. As the cost for generic ``one pill combinations'' continues to decline to less than $150 per year, the United States is still purchasing brand-name drugs at four to five times that price. Without a viable regime in place to certify safe and effective generic drugs to treat HIV, our ability to meet the goals set out by the President will diminish. WHO has standards in place and in use today, but they are not currently recognized by the United States.
I believe that either the administration should implement a realistic plan for rapid approval of safe and effective combination therapies by expediting the FDA approval process, or we should participate in the WHO approval process.
I do not believe Congress should have to get involved in this issue. It is best left to medical experts to determine what is safe and effective in treating HIV. However, I also believe that the President should not mislead Congress and the American people. We should not continue indefinitely to purchase expensive brand-name drugs with no clear plan in place by the FDA to expedite its review of cheaper generics. Unfortunately, that is where we find ourselves today.
I intend, along with Chairman Kolbe, to follow up with Global AIDS Coordinator Tobias and Secretary Thompson. In the meantime, providing more funds to the Global Fund will speed progress toward reaching the treatment and prevention goals we all share.
I urge support of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in reluctant opposition to this amendment. For the last several years I have joined many of my colleagues, including this amendment's sponsor, in expressing concern about the composition of the United States aid package to Egypt. Why at a time when Egypt has no major enemies should we be providing over $1 billion each year in military assistance? Why, when economic conditions in Egypt are so dire, should we be maintaining such a high level of military aid even as economic assistance levels drop?
I share the concerns many of my colleagues have expressed about Egypt's record. Egypt's media is rife with anti-Israel and anti-Semitic images and language, including constant comparisons between Israel and the Nazis in television shows that perpetuate anti-Semitism. Egyptian officials have called Israel a ``terrorist organization'' by taking self-defensive actions against terrorists in the West Bank and Gaza. Egypt's move towards political reform has been slow and bumpy, with little support from that country's top leaders for adopting measures to make Egyptian society more democratic and inclusive.
As for Egypt's record on security and peace process issues, I have other serious concerns. The Egyptians have dragged their feet in stemming the flow of smuggled weapons through tunnels under the Egypt- Gaza border. The Egyptian leadership has not historically been helpful in pressing the Palestinians to comply with agreements they have already made and to negotiate with Israel on matters of grave importance to regional stability and security. Egypt has failed to return its ambassador to Israel since it recalled him nearly 4 years ago.
All these examples point to one conclusion: Egypt has not acted the way we should expect one of the largest recipients of United States foreign aid to act. Its policies have at times been in outright opposition to the best interests of United States national security. For these reasons, I agree with the message of the gentleman's amendment.
However, as much as I agree with my good friend's message, I am troubled by the timing. In the wake of Israeli Prime Minister Sharon's decision to pursue a unilateral Israel withdrawal from Gaza, which I strongly support, Egypt has signaled a new readiness to play a constructive role in making the region secure. Egyptian intelligence chief Omar Suleiman has become the point man in discussions with the Palestinians, delivering the message of the United States and the Quartet that the Palestinians must consolidate and reform their security forces and empower their prime minister rather than Chairman Arafat.
Egypt is taking actions right now that are supportive of what Israel has determined is in its best security interests. So at a time when Egypt is preparing to take on the Herculean task of consolidating and training the Palestinian security services, a task that will require steely resolve and sustained pressure on Arafat to achieve, I am concerned about the unintended consequences this amendment may have.
In a July 2 op-ed in The Washington Post, former Middle East envoy Dennis Ross, who has served both administrations and is probably one of the foremost experts in this region of the world, warned that the Egyptians are unlikely to succeed at the long list of goals they have, goals shared by both the United States and Israel without active United States support. I agree with Ambassador Ross, and I believe that this amendment could have the effect of chilling these efforts at a time when they could be most helpful for bolstering security in the region.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Lee amendment, and I want to talk about what this issue really means. The issue of whether or not we give the money for AIDS to the Global Fund or to the…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Lee amendment, and I want to talk about what this issue really means. The issue of whether or not we give the money for AIDS to the Global Fund or to the President's Millennium Account is a big decision. The Millennium Account is limited to 15 countries. The Global Fund deals the world over, including China, India and Russia, where the rates are going up at the fastest rates in the world.
So the question, first of all, is, do we want to reach the whole world or do we not? The President actually, unfortunately, I think, says good things but then in his allocations moves backward. He says he wants to reach the whole world but reduces the amount we are giving to the Global Fund.
Mr. Chairman, I include for printing in the Congressional Record two articles, one on the 14th of July and one on the 15th of July, because these issues talk about a second problem. It is really related to this country's policies of using only brand-name drugs and making it difficult to use generics. The first thing is, they say, ``Well, they're not safe.'' One of these articles is about the Doctors Without Borders experiments. They have dealt with 12,000 patients worldwide. The multiple drug dose generic works. There is no question about it. So all this business about running all the drugs through the FDA to see if they work is simply a stall. There is no question about what they are doing.
Why is the stall there? If one company owns one drug and another company owns another drug, you can put them together in a pill and give the patient one pill, and it is a lot easier to monitor when a patient is taking one pill that has two or three components in it. But the problem of the patents get in the way of Pfizer and Merck getting together, or Ayerst or whatever company it is, they cannot work out how they can put their two drugs together in one. Who gets the money? Or what is the price?
The generics that the Indians and the Brazilians are making are much less expensive. We could get much more bang for our buck if we would use generics, because we would not only be getting less costly drugs but we would be able to get it down to single pills. If you care about this, you want to give the money to the Global Fund because they can use generics. They do not have to run it through the complicated process of the United States.
[From the New York Times, July 15, 2004]
Fixed-Dose Mixtures of Generic AIDS Drugs Prove Effective
(By Lawrence K. Altman)
Bangkok, July 14.--The first large-scale study of AIDS
patients receiving fixed-dose combinations of generic
antiretroviral drugs in poor countries documented their
effectiveness, scientists reported at the 15th International
AIDS Conference here on Wednesday.
The combinations consist of three antiretroviral drugs
formulated into one pill that is taken twice a day. The aim
is to simplify therapy because experience has shown that the
fewer the pills a patient needs to take, the better the
compliance.
Doctors Without Borders, the group that carried out the
study in 21 countries, bought the pills from two
manufacturers in India, Cipla and Ranbaxy Laboratories Ltd.
Fixed-dose generic drug combinations have been
controversial. Critics contend that they may be less
effective than patented versions and not as safe.
This study expands on a much smaller study with similar
results published in the Lancet early this month.
The findings from Doctors Without Borders should assure
patients, donors, health workers, governments and others,
said Dr. Alexandra Calmy, an AIDS adviser to Doctors Without
Borders in Geneva.
When Doctors Without Borders began prescribing the fixed-
dose combinations in 2002, ``we were convinced they would
work or we would not have done it,'' said Dr. Calmy, who
specializes in infectious diseases. ``It was common sense.''
But to make certain, her group undertook the study reported
Wednesday.
``We found a very robust outcome, and the findings are
important for the Global Fund and other groups that are
recommending'' use of generic fixed dose combinations of
antiretroviral drugs, Dr. Calmy said in an interview.
The combination that Doctors Without Borders uses for
first-line therapy is the same one recommended by the World
Health Organization, drugs known as stavudine, lamivudine,
3TC and nevirapine.
Of the 12,058 adults that Doctors Without Borders has
treated with antiretroviral drugs in 21 countries in Africa,
Central America and Asia since 2002, 6,861 received fixed-
dose combinations. Since March, 80 percent of the group's new
AIDS patients have received fixed-dose combinations.
Among the fixed-dose combination recipients, the
probability of survival after one year was calculated as 82.4
percent, Dr. Calmy reported. About 60 percent of the
deaths occurred in the first three months of therapy. The
deaths occurred largely among patients who were so ill
that they began the antiretroviral therapy too late to
protect them from the infections that often kill patients
as a complication of AIDS.
Among the 6,861 fixed-dose combination recipients, there
was a significant increase in the number of immune cells,
known as CD-4 cells, that are destroyed by H.I.V., the virus
that causes AIDS. The CD-4 count rose by an average of 137
cells in a year, in about half the patients.
Because of logistical difficulties in treating patients in
slums and rural areas in countries like Malawi with poor
roads and transportation, Doctors Without Borders does not
routinely monitor each patient with the tests that measure
the amount of virus in the blood. Doctors in developed
countries
routinely use such tests, known as viral loads, to determine
the effectiveness of therapy.
However, a viral load test in a subset of patients showed
that fixed-dose combinations failed in 12 percent of the 477
tested, which is comparable to findings in developed
countries, Dr. Calmy said.
Among the 6,861 patients who had been on treatment for one
year or longer, 51 had to switch to other drugs because they
had suffered side effects to one or more of the drugs in the
fixed-dose combination. For those who had taken a new
regimen, the number of pills was 13 or more a day.
Nevirapine was the most common cause of the unwanted
effects. Of the 51 who suffered reactions such as rashes and
liver damage, 23 changed to other regimens. An additional
nine patients switched to other drugs because they suffered
nerve damage and disfiguring accumulations of fat on the
neck, back and abdomen.
The frequency of adverse reactions was comparable to that
observed among recipients of patented drugs in developed
countries, Dr. Calmy said.
In a separate part of the study conducted in Malawi, Dr.
Arno Jeannin's Doctors Without Borders team randomly tested
the amount of H.I.V. in the blood of 477 patients who had
received fixed-dose combinations there for six months or
longer. Of these, H.I.V. could not be detected in 85 percent,
showing the overall effectiveness of the fixed-dose
combinations.
The annual cost of the fixed-dose combinations was $389 or
less.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 715 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 715 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost), the ranking member of the Committee on Rules, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 715 is an open rule that provides for the consideration of H.R. 4818, the Fiscal Year 2005 Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations bill. The rule provides 1 hour of general debate, evenly divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations. The rule also provides one motion to recommit, with or without instructions.
I would like to take a moment to reiterate that we bring this rule forward in totally open fashion. Historically, appropriations legislation has come to the House governed by an open rule, and we continue to do so in order to allow each and every Member of this House the opportunity to submit amendments for consideration, obviously as long as they are germane under the rules of the House.
This legislation before us appropriates over $19 billion for operations across the globe. This bill is fiscally sound, while at the same time compassionate and responsive to needs of millions of people plagued by disease, famine and disaster.
H.R. 4818 bolsters the President's Millennium Challenge Corporation to $1.25 billion, nearly a quarter of a billion dollars more than in fiscal year 2004. This expansion of foreign assistance is meant to help bring economic security, basic tenets of democracy and the rule of law to some of the world's poorest.
In May of this year, the Corporation began the first round of funding assistance by extending aid to 16 developing countries chosen from a total of 63 eligible nations. Each country that will receive this new funding is obligated to meet benchmarks for political, economic and social development, especially in transparency and anti-corruption efforts. Never before has the United States concentrated aid grants to countries that have the capability for reform in this fashion. This program is really, I think, the future of U.S. foreign assistance and a most effective means to responsibly disseminate U.S. taxpayer money in the foreign area.
The underlying legislation provides $2.2 billion to combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. Combined with anticipated funding in the Labor-HHS bill, Congress will commit to fulfill President Bush's commitment to 14 countries on the African continent and the Caribbean by appropriating $2.8 billion. This continues the important mission to provide the training and technical assistance to private and voluntary organizations that work to eradicate that nightmarish disease.
The United States already has a proven record on HIV/AIDS assistance, but this year's funding will go far beyond previous obligations. In a speech given yesterday, U.S. AIDS Coordinator Randall Tobias remarked on the $2.4 billion that this Congress provided in fiscal year 2004. He said, ``This year, America is spending nearly twice as much to fight global AIDS as the rest of the world's donor governments combined.''
Our resolve to help all those across the globe who fight this disease is strong and serious. In addition to funding, the Federal Government enlists the expertise of various agencies, including the Food and Drug Administration, which assures that the medicines we send to Africa and the Caribbean are safe and effective to help those with HIV/AIDS.
Mr. Speaker, the underlying legislation also provides $2.2 billion for military and economic assistance to Israel. I think we have to continue to ensure that our friends and allies remain secure. A strong Israel is necessary, not only for the region, but obviously we are committed to do everything we can to see that Israel is safe and secure within its boundaries.
I would like to thank the gentleman from Florida (Chairman Young) and the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) for their leadership on this important issue. I urge all of my colleagues to support both this rule and the underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, before yielding to the distinguished chairman of the subcommittee, I yield myself such time as I may consume to say that with regard to the issue of the displaced people in Colombia, it is an extraordinary human tragedy, and the reason that there are displaced people in Colombia is because of the terrorists. What this bill is trying to do, and it does in a very important way, is to help the democratically elected government of Colombia fight the terrorists.
Also, there is aid for refugees in this legislation. I know the people of Colombia are very grateful for it. I had the privilege of visiting them some months back. But obviously, it is not only in the interest of Colombia, but of the United States, to defeat the terrorists, the cause of the displacement of hundreds of thousands of innocent people in Colombia; and we do not lose sight of that. Neither does, obviously, the government of Colombia, because the people there are suffering at the hands of those brutal murderers that are being fought day in and day out by the Colombian people; and, obviously, the American people, through this Congress, are helping the Colombian people fight those terrorists.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the chairman of the subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the chairman of the Committee on Rules.
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank all of our colleagues who have come to the floor to debate this important rule. This measure before us that we bring to the floor is extraordinarily important and should be supported by the overwhelming majority of our colleagues today.
I particularly am proud of the leadership that the President has provided and really the congressional leadership has also joined in to create an unprecedented assistance program to fight HIV/AIDS in the world. I think we all have to be very proud of that, and it is a very significant part of the legislation that we bring forward with this rule today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I request to be heard on the point of order. Mr. Chairman, my amendment is sponsored by a distinguished list of Republicans and Democrats. It does…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I request to be heard on the point of order.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment is sponsored by a distinguished list of Republicans and Democrats. It does not change by one penny the amount of aid that Egypt will receive. It merely shifts the ratio from military to economic aid, which is clearly in the interest of the Egyptian people since Egypt faces no military threat but its economic conditions are dire. The amendment does not alter the appropriations for Egypt.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment is a very simple amendment. It shifts $325 million from Egypt's economic aid that we provide and increases Egypt's economic aid that we provide by that exact amount.
The logic of the amendment is clear. Egypt is facing no military threat. Few states on the face of this planet inhabit a strategic environment more secure than Egypt. Egypt shares land borders with three states, and it is at peace with all of them. Recently, Egypt's security environment has improved dramatically as Libya divested itself of its weapons of mass destruction.
Despite this enviable security environment, Egypt has embarked on a major military buildup of a sort one would expect from a nation under dire and imminent threat. This buildup is not only puzzling but, in my view, it is a policy choice with seriously damaging implications for Egyptian society. As a matter of fact, Mr. Chairman, the civilian leaders of Egyptian society are welcoming my amendment because this would enable them to deal with the dire economic conditions of that country in the field of education, health and other areas.
Per capita income in Egypt is less than $1,000. The majority of women over 15 are illiterate. Yet we are pouring our aid money into cutting- edge military equipment rather than into desperately needed economic and social programs. What do we get for this lavish support of the Egyptian military, over $30 billion in recent years? When we needed Egypt's support, the powerful Egyptian military on the whole has been AWOL. Just imagine how politically and militarily useful would have been Egyptian police presence in Afghanistan. It still would be. The Egyptian government said, ``Sorry, it's not our fight.''
And that is on its best days when it is not viciously criticizing our policies. If Egypt is not going to support us militarily, we can nevertheless serve the interests of the Egyptian people and our own national interest by supporting health, education, and economic development programs that contribute to the stability of Egypt. We can do this by correcting our own mistaken priorities in Egyptian foreign aid. That is exactly what we intend to do.
The amendment which the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor) and others support, would transfer the funds from military to economic assistance. This clearly is in the interests of the Egyptian people, and it is in the long-term interests of diminishing the military confrontation in the Middle East. Our amendment would not force the cancellation of any existing military contracts, contrary to a phony letter designed by the Department of State and distributed in this body.
One would have thought that the Department of State would learn the difference between fiction and fact because the Department of State sent out the Secretary of State to the United Nations on a globally televised program where he peddled fiction and was presenting it as fact. We do not want the Department of State to be equally embarrassed again by peddling fiction instead of dealing with facts.
The framework of the Egyptian-Israeli peace process is now 25 years old. We should no longer have to pay the Egyptian military political protection money to keep it in place. The biggest threat to Egyptian stability is its bloated military budget, which undermines economic and educational development and democratization. In fact, if we enhance our support for economic and social projects in Egypt, our credibility with the Egyptian people will soar.
I strongly urge my colleagues to support this reasonable, logical amendment, which is in the interests of the Egyptian people, which is in the interests of strengthening the forces of peace in the Middle East, and which clearly is in our own national interests.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
Mr. Chairman, first I want to thank my good friend for eloquently and powerfully making the case for my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 2 minutes to my friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to remind the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Appropriations that, if my amendment is approved, Egypt will still receive vast military assistance from the United States. At the present time, the bulk of our aid is military aid, and my amendment merely shifts the balance a bit.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the distinguished gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), the Chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia of the Committee on International Relations.
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 1\2/3\ minutes to our distinguished colleague and my good friend the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted and proud to yield 1 minute to my dear friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 1 minute and 50 seconds to my good friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to my good friend, the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations.
How much time do we have, Mr. Chairman?
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 1 minute and 45 seconds to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the remainder of the time.
Mr. Chairman, if my colleagues think that Egypt needs more high-tech military equipment, vote against our amendment. If my colleagues believe that the Egyptian people, with a per capita income of less than $1,000 and a social system which is a shambles, need more economic aid, then vote for the Lantos amendment. I urge my colleagues to do so.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, the author of the amendment, and I am a coauthor of it, mentioned that it has a broad spectrum of individuals supporting it. He mentioned progressives and liberals and conservatives and…
Mr. Chairman, the author of the amendment, and I am a coauthor of it, mentioned that it has a broad spectrum of individuals supporting it. He mentioned progressives and liberals and conservatives and moderates, but he forgot the libertarians.
Libertarians support this as well and for a precise reason. A free market libertarian does not believe in welfare for anybody, let alone the rich, and it is particularly gnawing to see the subsidies go to the very wealthy.
I am in strong support of this amendment, but, like the gentleman from California, I do not support this for the purpose of collecting more taxes, but I do think it is a message to us here that if we do not revise our tax system and our regulatory system we will prompt more and more business to leave this country.
So there are two issues here, but corporate welfare and subsidies should have no part in this. There is no room for it. It is wrong.
Also, the beneficiaries outside the corporations we should not forget either, because the biggest country that benefits from this is China. Why do we subsidize China? People who receive the goods get a benefit as well as the people who get to sell the goods get a benefit? China is on the books right now currently with $5.9 billion in outstanding loans. They receive more than anybody else. So there is something wrong with a system like that.
There are two economic points that I want to make on this. When we do this and we allow tax credit and special deals for some corporations, we assume, and we will hear this in the defense of the Ex-Im Bank, and say look at the good that we do. But what they fail to ask is, where did it come from, who was denied the credit? The fact that we do not finance it does not mean it would not happen. It would happen.
What it does is it distorts the market and causes people to do the wrong thing, and some individuals do not get the credit is obviously the case, but what we need to do is to have a much more oriented free market. When we direct it this way, even those companies may do more than they ordinarily would, and that participates in the economic bubble that occurs, of course, for other reasons as well. Then there has to be corrections. But if one is in a powerful position in a place where they can qualify, and 80 percent of this goes to the very, very large companies, although there are a lot of companies that receive the big bucks, and big countries like China.
This is corporate welfare. It should be defeated; and, ultimately, if we believe in liberty and freedom, we ought to get rid of the Export- Import Bank.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
I appreciate the opportunity to spend 5 minutes on an issue that I wanted to bring up in the form of an amendment, and that deals with the $300 million that will be going to Pakistan. And I call this to attention because I think it is a very unwise expenditure. But I want to make my case for this in the context of overall foreign policy.
Essentially for 100 years, we have accepted the foreign policy of Woodrow Wilson. It is a flawed idealism that we should, and it is our responsibility to, make the world safe for democracy. That did not just exist for World War I, which led to a peace treaty which caused a lot of problems leading up to World War II; but those notions are well engrained in the current neoconservative approach to foreign policy and the policy that this administration follows. But I do not think it is in the best interests of our country to follow this.
The advice of the Founders was that we should be more balanced in our approach and not favoring special nations, not giving money or weapons or getting involved in any alliances with the different nations of the world and we would all be better off for it.
I believe that this policy is a failure and has been very costly. If we think about the last 100 years how many lives were lost, how much blood has been spilled, how many dollars have been spent in this effort to make the world safe for democracy, the world is probably as unsafe now as it has ever been. And here we are. We are proposing that we send $300 million under this policy to Pakistan.
We are in Iraq to promote democracy, but here we send money to a military dictator who overthrew an elected government. And there just seems to be a tremendous inconsistency here. There was a military coup in 1999. There is the strong possibility that Osama bin Laden may well be in Pakistan. And to actually send money there, we are prohibited from really
going in there and looking for Osama bin Laden; so we give the government of Pakistan money in the hopes that they will be helpful to us.
There is quite a bit of difference between the foreign policy of neutrality and friendship with everyone versus giving money and support to everyone. And if we look at our history, it has not worked very well. We have in the past given money to both sides of a lot of wars, and right now we try to be friends and we give money in support to both India and Pakistan. I do not bring this amendment up here to be pro either one or anti either one. I want to have a pro-American foreign policy and not say, well, I want to punish Pakistan and help India or vice versa.
We have helped people who have been arch enemies for years. Take Greece and Turkey. We helped both sides. But not only do we help both sides of a lot of these fights that have been going on for a long time, we literally help our enemies. Just think of the support we gave Osama bin Laden when he was fighting the Russians in Afghanistan and just think of our alliance with Saddam Hussein in the 1980s when we did provide him with a lot of destructive weapons. That type of policy does not add up. It does not make a lot of sense. It is not in our best interests, and my suggestion here is hopefully somewhere along the way, we will take a serious look at this and redirect our foreign policy.
But, specifically, is it a wise expenditure to put $300 million into the government of Pakistan with the pretense that we are promoting democracy by supporting a military dictator at the same time our young men are dying in Iraq promoting democracy? It does not add up, and it suggests that there are other motives for some of these expenditures and some of our motivations around the world.
In the past we have been arch enemies of Libya, but now we have decided they will be our friends. And I am not against that in particular, but I am against giving them subsidies and helping them out.
There is such a difference between neutrality and friendship and that of giving weapons and arms and promoting antagonisms.
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Nethercutt
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this bill. I want to begin by thanking the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) for the close…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this bill. I want to begin by thanking the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) for the close working relationship we enjoy. The bill we consider today is the result of our close collaboration and represents the bipartisan commitment of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations to bring a bill to the House floor that accurately reflects United States foreign policy priorities.
As in the past, the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) has been a gracious colleague, and I am proud of the product of our cooperation. I believe this bill successfully maintains our commitment to ensure that foreign aid remains one of the three pillars of the United States national security policy, along with defense and diplomacy.
The bill provides nearly $19.4 billion in new discretionary budget authority, which is over $1.9 billion below the President's request. It contains substantial funding for pressing needs in support of the war on terror, such as the reconstruction of Afghanistan, and significantly increases funding for HIV/AIDS programs and the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
The bill fully funds and even slightly increases the President's request for the Emergency HIV/AIDS Initiative. Since the very beginning of our effort to fight HIV, the subcommittee has led the charge to increase funding for this key priority. While I would have preferred to have included even more funding, our limited 302(b) allocation precluded us from doing so. However, within the context of our allocation, the bill does provide $400 million for the Global AIDS Fund, the same as last year's bill, and $300 million above the President's request. It also provides $30 million for microbicides research and development and a similar amount for HIV vaccine research and will allow for substantial program increases for all countries where the United States now conducts HIV programs, even those not among the 15 ``focus'' countries of the President's Emergency AIDS Initiative.
I am particularly pleased that we were able to preserve funding for other vital child survival programs, instead of cutting these as the President requested.
As we continue to ramp up funding for HIV programs and respond to the many administration initiatives requested, most notably the Millennium Challenge Account, we cannot retreat from our child and maternal health commitments in the developing world. The progress we have made on the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS will be lost if the United States does not maintain its leadership role in meeting the basic health needs of women and children in poor countries.
The bill provides $400 million for basic education, which is an increase of $75 million over last year. Increasing this commitment to basic education has been one of my top priorities as ranking member of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, and I am proud that funding for basic education has increased from $98 million in fiscal year 2000 to a total of $400 million for fiscal year 2005. For the first time, we have included funding specifically to address the issue of school fees in a comprehensive manner in the form of a pilot project to be undertaken by
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), an outstanding, effective member of the committee.
Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), our distinguished colleague who happens to have his daughter in the audience with her really distinguished road show for the show ``Oliver.'' So we are very happy to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner), a distinguished New Yorker who happens to represent my former district in Queens.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman), a good friend and distinguished, effective member of the committee.
(Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes and 10 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Providence, Rhode Island (Mr. Kennedy).
Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?
Mr. Chairman, I yield 15 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition reluctantly to this amendment.
While I have absolutely no sympathy for the government of Iran and would strongly prefer that the World Bank not approve loans to that country, I oppose this amendment because its passage will not in any way affect lending to Iran.
What the amendment would do is cut $359 million from the International Development Association, which is almost half of the proposed fiscal year 2005 U.S. contribution. IDA funds loans to the poorest countries in the world, mostly African countries, at low rates of interest and on a long-term repayment schedule.
IDA is the source of much of the capital that poor countries use to rebuild vital infrastructure and deal with the chronic problems of poor health and education systems. The World Bank, through the IDA loan window, has spent over $1 billion to combat HIV/AIDS to date. The bank is also the center for the ``Education for All'' initiative, which aims to provide a free, primary education to the 110 million children around the world who currently do not attend school.
Because the subcommittee's 302(b) allocation was $1.9 billion below the President's request, we had to make some tough choices. In that context, the funding currently in the bill for IDA represents a $200 million cut from the President's request. I am certainly not totally satisfied with the quality of the World Bank's lending programs and will be monitoring closely the result of the new Performance Evaluation Scheme. The cuts the committee made were in that context, but cutting further would be a mistake and would only serve to reduce the bank's overall lending capacity without in any way affecting Iran.
I urge opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, let me just say that today I rise, having just returned yesterday afternoon, from the 15th…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, let me just say that today I rise, having just returned yesterday afternoon, from the 15th International AIDS Conference in Bangkok, Thailand, as the only Member of this body in attendance. This was the third International AIDS Conference which I have had the privilege to participate in: several years ago, Durban, South Africa; following that Barcelona, Spain; and now Bangkok, Thailand.
My experiences at these conferences, especially very recently in Bangkok, confirmed the vital need for this amendment, which designates $800 million in emergency funding for the Global Fund to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Together with the $400 million which the base bill provides for the fund, my amendment would increase the total United States contribution to the fund to $1.2 billion this coming fiscal year.
Based on its projection of need, the fund estimates that it will require approximately $3.6 billion in fiscal year 2005. By bringing the total United States contribution to the fund to $1.2 billion, this amendment would provide one-third of that figure as laid out in the Global AIDS legislation. The funding will help treat an additional 2 million people for tuberculosis and an additional half million people for AIDS.
Having spent this week, well, the last few days, actually, among the international leaders on the global pandemic, and also with people living with the virus, I can tell my colleagues that the international community is quite disappointed, to put it mildly, about the United States' failure to deliver on promised funding to date; and this amendment would help restore what many see as really the lack of United States leadership and credibility on the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
This point was reinforced by Secretary of Health Tommy Thompson's decision to allow a delegation of only approximately 50 people to attend the World AIDS conference this year, down by 236 the year before in Barcelona. It is shameful, I believe, that this administration has prevented many of our best and our brightest scientists at the Centers for Disease Control and the National Institutes of Health from gaining new insights from their colleagues in the international community and from sharing the research they have conducted on this pandemic with their colleagues in the global community.
It is tragic that this administration's unilateralist and ideological tendencies have now spread, unfortunately, to the fight on HIV and AIDS. It is morally wrong to allow right-wing ideology to trump science when it comes to the administration's HIV/AIDS prevention policies. Their policies set aside 33 percent of all funding for abstinence only. That denies access to lifesaving technology, including condoms. Simply put, this is irresponsible, unethical, and inhumane. Emphasis should be science based, not ideological.
It is unethical, I believe, that the antiretroviral treatment policies are focused more on protecting patents and big pharmaceutical companies than on the urgent need to get fixed-dose combination into the hands of those who need them. Emphasis really should be put on saving lives.
And I think it is pretty disingenuous that the administration has proposed cutting our support for the Global Fund, given all these enormous problems that we have, to a measly contribution of about $200 million, rather than the $1.2 billion, which is desperately needed.
I must thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and our ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for their unwavering commitment to helping to increase this funding and actually doubling the funding for this Global Fund twice as much as what the initial bill provided for. But, Mr. Chairman, I think we must go further in providing the resources.
We have a battle before us to get this devastating and deadly pandemic under control. And why the fund? This fund is the best way to get the money out into the hands of the NGOs immediately. It is a multilateral approach. For example, $1 billion could leverage up to $9 billion to $10 billion from the private sector, from additional donor countries, and from foundations. We are the wealthiest country in the world. We should be leading the charge. This Global Fund is the best vehicle to show that type of cooperation to provide for the quick release of this money.
I met with too many people, Mr. Chairman, who are living and dying with this disease. For example, I participated in one meeting with women leaders. There were maybe 50 to 75 women in the room. Over half of them were living with the virus. One woman happened to share a story with us, and she indicated that she had recently gotten married. She did not know that her husband was HIV infected. Four months later, after her marriage, lo and behold she has the virus.
I could go on and on with stories about orphans and vulnerable children; stories about women who cannot negotiate abstention; stories about women who are subjected to violence; stories about women and children that need help in terms of antiretroviral treatment. The quickest way for us to address this pandemic is to get the money out, and to get it out quickly.
The fund is headed by Secretary Tommy Thompson. It is directed by Dr. Feachem, based in Geneva, Switzerland. They know what they are doing in terms of establishing the criteria, and they know how to get the money out quickly. I would say the bureaucracy is not as stringent as it is through the bilateral programs. So, quite naturally, the money can get to where the people are more quickly and in a way that is more effective.
So I would just ask for consideration of this very modest amendment. It is only $800 million more, and it will save millions and millions of lives.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), ranking member on the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs. I want to acknowledge her very stellar work and her commitment to addressing this pandemic in a very real way.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott) who has been sounding the alarm about this pandemic for many, many years. I thank him for his leadership.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, this is an amendment that provides as follows: that none of the funds made available in this…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, this is an amendment that provides as follows: that none of the funds made available in this act may be used to provide assistance to the government of any country with which the United States has an extradition treaty and which has failed to permit the extradition to the United States for trial or sentencing in the United States of individuals accused of committing criminal offenses for which the maximum penalty is life imprisonment without the possibility of parole or a lesser term of imprisonment.
This is foreign operations appropriations. Normally, most of the discussions that we have relate to activities that occur in other countries and the amount of money that we are going to send from taxpayers in this country to another country. The heart of this amendment, however, relates to things that are happening here in our own country.
The classic example that I would cite to this body to illustrate the magnitude of this problem occurred a little over 2 years ago when Los Angeles County Sheriff's Deputy David March pulled over a Mexican national named Armando Garcia, a twice-deported illegal alien who had been convicted of drug activities and who had currently two outstanding warrants for attempted murder. Garcia knew that if he were arrested, he would probably be deported for a third time and perhaps go to prison. As Officer March approached the automobile, Garcia pulled a handgun and shot Officer March; and as he lay on the ground, Garcia exited his vehicle and shot Officer March again to make sure that he was dead. Garcia then immediately fled to Mexico where he apparently remains free today.
Several months after this incident occurred, the Supreme Court of Mexico ruled that they would not allow extradition for anyone who faced imprisonment of life without the possibility of parole. Most extradition treaties that we have around the world already exclude the extradition of individuals who would face capital punishment. In the State of California in this case, the mandatory or optional sentence would be life without parole or the death penalty for the killing of a police officer in the line of duty. So what we have is a police officer who has been executed by a foreign national in our country who has now fled back to his home country, who cannot be brought back to trial in this country for that murder and who will not be tried in his own country for that murder.
That is an outrage. It is an outrage for this Congress to continue to send the tax dollars of Deputy David March's widow to a country that refuses to bring her husband's murderer to justice. This is an example that has occurred in our relationship with Mexico, but there are numerous similar examples with other countries around the world.
I think it is time that this Congress faced up to this ever-growing problem, because I am told that there are hundreds of other families in this country
whose loved ones have been murdered and who likewise cannot have those murderers brought to justice.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
In response to the gentleman's inquiry, I think it is certainly an appropriate inquiry. I would suggest that if we really want to stop the flow of drugs from Mexico, rather than sending that $40 million there, we could use it on our border to beef up our DEA, our Customs and others to try to stop it here.
The real irony of the argument that we cannot deal with the lack of extradition is that, first of all, if we really want to deal with Mexican drug problems, under the current status of affairs if a Mexican drug dealer comes to our country and in the process of his illegal activity of selling drugs in our country he kills either an officer or a private citizen and then returns back to his own country, a drug dealer cannot be brought to justice because Mexico will not allow it.
That to me is the greatest irony of all. I would suggest that if we really want to do something about the Mexican drug traffic, I understand their cartels are the leading distributors and manufacturers of drugs in our own country. So I would suggest that we can use the money better here at home.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman would continue to yield, I am sure there are arguments that can be made that it does some good, but Mexico continues to be the main source of illegal drugs into this country. And if we are doing something, it has not been as effective as it should have been.
Mr. Chairman, may I inquire how much time is left on my side.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Souder).
(Mr. SOUDER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
I will tell the chairman I am prepared to withdraw the amendment. I will, however, say that even though I do support our efforts to interdict drugs overseas, that until those governments recognize that when someone comes into our country either legally or illegally, kills a law enforcement officer or any other citizen, or engages in major drug trafficking in our own country that under the provisions of their own laws or constitutions it prohibits them from being prosecuted for it that they have to understand if they want to be a partner in these efforts, that is the first step they should begin to take to show their good faith.
I would suggest if they want to show good faith, they should allow the murderer of Officer March to be brought to justice in the United States.
I do thank the gentleman for his indulgence. I would urge him to press this issue forward as we go forward with further funding issues. And I, quite frankly, would urge our administration to reexamine the extradition treaty not only with Mexico but with any other country that throws up these impediments. It is a double insult to the American public to have someone come into our country, kill our law enforcement officers or our citizens, and then be able to escape back to their own country and not be brought to justice.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
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Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes. I introduced this amendment on behalf of myself and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen). The gentlewoman is the…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes.
I introduced this amendment on behalf of myself and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen). The gentlewoman is the chairwoman of the subcommittee that deals with the Middle East on the Committee on International Relations. I am the ranking member of that subcommittee of that committee that deals with terrorism and nuclear proliferation.
We are both concerned that the World Bank has decided to make loans of $359 million to the government of Iran. We are also both concerned that we have an opportunity here to help the Child Survival Account, to save perhaps millions of children's lives simply by providing it more funding than this bill provides, to those programs that provide immunization, those that treat diarrhea and other easily curable diseases. So we see an opportunity both to deal with the World Bank's decision and to increase child survival.
Mr. Chairman, just a couple of months ago, the World Bank, over American objections, approved $359 million for Iran. They did so at the same time that the IAEA was deliberating not whether Iran was developing nuclear weapons, we all know that they are, but the degree to which they should be sanctioned for their clear violation of nuclear proliferation control agreements.
Now, the government of Iran spends the minimum necessary on domestic projects in order to stay in power. This $359 million allows them to fund those minimal domestic projects. Then the government of Iran uses what is left over to develop nuclear weapons and to support terror. It is the number one state sponsor of terror as identified by the United States State Department.
So this bill as presently written puts money in the World Bank. One quarter of the World Bank's assets and funds, roughly, are those of the American taxpayer, and then $359 million is going from the World Bank to Iran.
We need to make it clear that Members do not have to go back to their districts and defend sending American tax dollars to Tehran at a time when they are developing nuclear weapons.
We also need to help the child survival accounts. I would have wanted to cut $359 million from the World Bank and add a full $359 million to child survival. As a result of the outlay rules and timing of outlays, this amendment was in order only if we increased child survival by $290 million. So if my colleagues are fiscal conservatives, this amendment saves the government $69 million, but, more importantly, it funds some of the very best U.S. AID programs. It provides additional money for child survival and maternal health. It provides for those very effective treatments for easily curable and preventable diseases.
This amendment enhances the bill.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
First, let me deal with this view that somehow the World Bank is not the World Bank, it is separate agencies. It is true the World Bank has five different departments, but as the World Bank's own Web site says in referring to the two departments in question now, the IBRD and the IDA are run on the same lines. They share the same staff and headquarters, report to the same president and evaluate projects with the same standards. They go on to say the IDA simply takes the money out of a different drawer. So, if we are funding the World Bank, we funding the World Bank.
This vote on this amendment is our only chance this year to vote to put economic pressure on the government of Iran that is developing nuclear weapons. It is the only chance we have this year to respond to the World Bank and to show how we feel when they send our money to a government that our State Department has identified as the number one state sponsor of terrorism. It is our only chance to respond to the investigation of Senator Lugar, who has shown that many experts estimate that between 5 percent and 25 percent of the money we send to the World Bank is misused; and it is our best opportunity to vote to increase child survival and to save children's lives, whether they are dying from diarrhea or dying from diseases for which immunization is possible.
This is our chance to speak as a caucus and to say that time for business as usual is over. We can walk out of here saying, well, we disagree with the World Bank, but there is nothing we can do about it. But then we have to go back to our districts, when a nuclear mushroom cloud explodes first in a test in Iran and then, God forbid, in a hostile use by the Iranian government, and defend our votes to support a bill, part of the money of which ended up in Tehran.
I see the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kennedy) here, and I do not know whether he wishes time. I commend the gentleman for his efforts to make sure that we deal with the World Bank, and I appreciate his support for this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding me the time. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to express my appreciation to the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) and the ranking member, the…
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding me the time.
Mr. Speaker, I would first like to express my appreciation to the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) and the ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for crafting a foreign aid bill that attempts to balance competing priorities for economic development and security funding. In particular, I would like to express my support for the $400 million provided for basic education.
Over the past 3 years, increased funding levels for basic education has made it possible for USAID to expand its education programs from 20 to 43 countries. These increases have also had positive effects on other U.S. development priorities, such as preventing HIV/AIDS and promoting agricultural development and maternal and child health. It is my hope that over the next couple of years Congress will increase funding for basic education to $1 billion annually. I believe this is the kind of leadership and funding America must demonstrate to achieve universal education by the year 2015. I look forward to working with the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) and the ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), in achieving this goal.
I would also like to touch upon one other priority in this bill that continues to trouble me deeply, U.S. policy and aid for Columbia. Yesterday, a
representative from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees described the dire situation of the internally displaced inside Colombia and the increasing number of Colombian refugees fleeing to neighboring Ecuador, Venezuela and Panama.
I have traveled to Colombia on three occasions over the past 4 years, and each time I have visited communities of the displaced. By most estimates, there are around 3 million internally displaced Colombians, mainly women, children and elderly. This bill makes $5 million available to help displaced Colombians, or approximately $1.66 for each displaced person. This hardly seems adequate to me.
Mr. Speaker, I have traveled to nearly every region in Colombia, and everywhere I go, Colombians of all political viewpoints, including mayors and governors, plead for funds to support community-based programs to generate income, provide basic healthcare, education and nutrition, and to bring some measure of economic stability and security to their towns and villages.
Now, I do not mean to imply that none of these funds in this bill will serve these purposes, but we all know that precious little of U.S. aid is allocated for these types of programs in Colombia, especially when weighed against the need. The simple fact remains that the majority of U.S. funding for Colombia is military and security assistance for counterinsurgency and counternarcotics programs.
Over the past 3 years, along with my distinguished colleague, the ranking member of the Committee on Armed Services, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), I have offered amendments to cut military aid for Colombia, but the Committee on Rules refuses to consider amendments on their merit and grant some waivers for amendments to appropriations bills so that key foreign policy issues can be more fully explored and debated.
For example, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) and I have never been able to offer an amendment to the foreign operations bill that reflects what many of my House colleagues believe would be a better set of priorities for the hundreds of millions of dollars we send down to Colombia each year; or an amendment that would condition U.S. funding for Colombia's agreement with the paramilitaries to an assurance that paramilitaries with outstanding U.S. extradition warrants will serve prison time in the U.S. or Colombia.
I cannot offer an amendment conditioning U.S. funding to ensure that the land paramilitaries took by violence be restored to the original inhabitants, who are now destitute and desperate displaced people or refugees.
So I sympathize with my colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), each of whom went before the Committee on Rules the other evening and were denied waivers to debate their important amendments.
We all know that foreign aid authorizing bills come out very rarely and, frankly, the aid for Colombia has never been authorized. It has always been presented to Congress in supplemental spending bills and the Foreign Operations and Defense appropriations bills and hardly ever has a designated line item in the bill. Over $3 billion has gone to Colombia since Plan Colombia was launched, all with very little debate and, in some instances, no debate.
Mr. Speaker, in the future, I hope that the leadership of this House will allow Members to have a more comprehensive debate on whether and how to shape our new and different priorities for the military, security, and economic assistance we are sending to Colombia. I, for one, look forward to that day.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that Mexico is making very tiny progress, but a little progress. But there are not very many ways to address this. And the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Deal), both as vice…
Mr. Chairman, I believe that Mexico is making very tiny progress, but a little progress. But there are not very many ways to address this. And the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Deal), both as vice chairman of the Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human Resources Subcommittee and in general, has been very active in bringing awareness to this subject.
We held a hearing, and we need to understand that it was not just Deputy Sheriff March who was killed. The Los Angeles County District Attorney told us at that hearing over 200 murder suspects in Los Angeles County alone have fled to Mexico.
We have to address this question. It is tough enough with the death penalty; but if we cannot even do life imprisonment, how in the world are we going to enforce our law in the United States, and how can we not have a double standard, actually a triple standard, on our citizens? They can get the death penalty. They can get life in prison. But if they can get across the border, there will be no penalty. It is a travesty, and we have to figure out some way to make this stick.
And I appreciate the gentleman's leadership. We need to continue to work at this and make sure that the government of Mexico understands this cannot stand. This has to change, or we will be out of control on our borders as we see murderers flee across and we cannot get them back.
I rise in support of the Deal Amendment. On October 1 of last year, the Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources addressed the status of the extradition process, an area of growing concern for lawmakers and law enforcement officials throughout the U.S.
The most significant problem with the extradition process today is the conditions imposed by foreign nations on extradition. This problem is not new. For many decades now, certain nations that ban the death penalty within their own borders have refused to extradite any criminal who could face the death penalty in the U.S. Other countries refuse to extradite any fugitive who was convicted in absentia. Prosecutors in the U.S. have generally dealt with this problem by agreeing to seek life imprisonment instead of the death penalty, or by agreeing to hold a retrial.
In October 2001, however, the Mexican Supreme Court issued a decision banning the extradition of anyone facing life imprisonment without the possibility of parole, on the grounds that the Mexican constitution gives all criminals the right to be rehabilitated and reintegrated into society. Thus, no matter how heinous the crime or how dangerous the criminal, Mexico will refuse to extradite anyone facing life imprisonment--which in most of our states is the minimum punishment for first degree murder. If Mexican authorities officially refuse an extradition request, they will then proceed to prosecute the fugitive under their own law--which often results in much lesser penalties. American prosecutors thus face a
dilemma. They must either agree to charge a murderer with manslaughter or another lesser offense that does not match the seriousness of the crime; or they must trust to the Mexican justice system. Many prosecutors have simply refused to request extradition under such conditions preferring to hope that the fugitive will sneak back into the U.S. and be apprehended.
The case of Deputy Sheriff David March illustrates this problem. Deputy March, a seven-year veteran of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, was murdered while making a routine traffic stop in April 2002. His suspected killer, Armando Garcia, a Mexican national and violent drug dealer who had been deported three times from the U.S., immediately fled to Mexico. Mexican authorities have refused to extradite Garcia, on the grounds that he faces, at a minimum, life imprisonment.
This is indeed not an isolated case; the Los Angeles district attorney's office estimates that over 200 murder suspects in Los Angeles County alone have fled to Mexico. In response, several Members of Congress have offered legislation calling for changes to the existing extradition treaty.
Other issues surrounding the extradition process must also be examined by Congress. For example, in March 2002 the Justice Department's Inspector General released a report criticizing the Criminal Division's Office of International Affairs, the main Justice Department agency responsible for extradition matters, for its management of extradition cases. Questions have also been raised about how vigorously other federal agencies with potential influence are pursuing extradition cases.
It is important the concerns Mr. Deal raises be addressed at the highest level of the government. We need to send a signal to the Government of Mexico and other nations that cop-killing drug dealers must be extradited to the United States for prosecution.
Mr. Chairman, I am proud to join with this diverse group of Members who may not always agree on many things, but we do agree that taxpayer dollars should never be used to subsidize companies who have…
Mr. Chairman, I am proud to join with this diverse group of Members who may not always agree on many things, but we do agree that taxpayer dollars should never be used to subsidize companies who have incorporated on paper overseas in order to avoid living up to their responsibilities to the United States of America.
Corporate expatriates cost our country $5 billion in lost tax revenue. Any reasonable person might assume that
they would not also continue to benefit from government largess. But they are wrong, because these companies continue to receive billions of dollars in government contracts. I am pleased that the House finally passed, as part of the Homeland Security appropriation bill, my amendment to prevent that Department from contracting with corporate expatriates, one small step in an effort that is far from over.
Today's amendment is another important step in that effort. It will prohibit the Export-Import Bank from approving subsidized loans and loan guarantees to corporate expatriates. Unbelievably, five of the largest recipients of Export-Import Bank assistance since 2003 are corporate expatriates. In 2002, Ingersoll-Rand saved up to $60 million in U.S. taxes by reincorporating in Bermuda. Since that time, they have received over $370 million in subsidized loans, loan guarantees, and other financial assistance from the Export-Import Bank.
Ask any American, whether they be a Democrat, a Republican, an Independent or a Libertarian, they will tell you the same thing. This is an outrage. How can we explain this to the American people? How can we explain it to our constituents? Corporate expatriates put good corporate citizens, who stay in America and pay their taxes, at a permanent competitive disadvantage. In the end, that hurts American companies who do pay their taxes and who employ citizens all across this Nation.
We cannot afford to reward companies who shun their responsibilities of American citizenship at the expense of loyal American businesses and contractors. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. Stop government subsidies of corporate expatriates. They have a choice. They can leave this country, and they cannot pay their taxes. We have a choice. We should set the standard, we should set the tone, we should set the obligation that if they are going to do that and not pay taxes in this country, then, in fact, they cannot feed at the public trough and get government contracts.
I thank the gentlewoman from New York for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to engage in a colloquy with the chairman and ranking member. I appreciate their work in crafting this bill. It is a good bill, and I will support it. I understand that the bill is a delicate balance, negotiated down to the last dollar. It is a good example of bipartisanship and what we can accomplish when Members of both parties work together.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to add my voice to those who support increased funding for the Child Survival and Maternal Health programs. Currently, 30,000 children under the age of 5 die every day, more than 10 million per year, from easily preventable or treatable diseases each year. Millions of children die in their first month or even year of life from malnutrition, diarrhea, pneumonia, malaria, and other common childhood diseases. Such high rates of child mortality have a devastating impact on families and communities in countries around the world.
These 10 million deaths are not inevitable. The health conditions that often prove fatal for young children can be treated and prevented with inexpensive interventions that have proven to be effective. Millions of children today are already benefiting from these interventions, many as a result of programs implemented by USAID or the United Nations Children's Fund, using the resources provided by the Child Survival and Maternal Health Fund.
In 2000, the United States joined 188 other member nations of the United Nations pledging to reduce child deaths worldwide by two-thirds and maternal deaths by three-fourths before 2015. An increase in the Child Survival Account will help us get there.
As the chairman and ranking member know, I had considered offering an amendment that would have raised funding for this account. At the request of the gentleman from Arizona and the gentlewoman from New York, I did not offer it, but I want to say that the child survival programs are critical to our Nation's leadership on global health issues, and I would urge them to support the highest possible allocation for child health programs as this bill moves through the rest of the legislative process.
I thank them for the opportunity to engage in this colloquy.
I thank the gentleman.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Deal of Georgia
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I also want to say congratulations to the chairman of the subcommittee. He has done a fine…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I also want to say congratulations to the chairman of the subcommittee. He has done a fine job and has worked very hard to get this bill through. As a Member of the Committee on Appropriations, I will support this bill.
I do want to have a discussion about this amendment, because, 2 years ago, we enacted the Armed Service Members Protection Act as part of the fiscal year 2002 Supplemental Appropriations Act. ASPA was a response to the International Criminal Court entering into force, creating the very real possibility of unconstitutional, extraterritorial and politically motivated prosecutions against military service members. The U.S. is not a party to the ICC, but our troops could face prosecution under the treaty.
As a result, the administration has understandably been very concerned about committing troops to support U.N. peacekeeping operations around the world without some assurance that our troops would not face ICC prosecution. For the last 2 years, we have operated under Security Council resolutions blocking ICC prosecutions.
Unfortunately, 3 weeks ago, lacking the support of the Security Council, the U.S. was forced to drop its request for a third extension of this waiver, meaning that our troops are now subject to ICC jurisdiction. At the end of June, the administration pulled out of two small peacekeeping missions because of this concern.
ASPA created a powerful tool for protecting our troops by prohibiting military assistance to countries that had not signed bilateral Article 98 agreements with the United States, agreeing not to surrender U.S. nationals to the ICC. The Act also included all of the necessary waivers to protect the President's foreign policy prerogatives.
My amendment today would simply give the President an additional tool to protect our troops by prohibiting Economic Support Funding as well as military assistance to the government of countries that are both parties to the ICC and have not signed Article 98 agreements.
This distinction is important because traditional development assistance through ESF typically is administered by a USAID contract to an NGO. Such assistance would not be restricted. Similarly, funding for the international Fund for Ireland and the Walsh Visa Program could continue, as funding goes to non-governmental entities.
I want to see the U.S. engaged around the world supporting international efforts to keep the peace. That is our responsibility and obligation as a superpower. But we should not have to risk the unconstitutional prosecution of our troops in the process.
A vote for my amendment is a vote for continued U.S. engagement and the continued protection of our personnel deployed around the world in support of multilateral peacekeeping efforts.
Signing an Article 98 agreement, as 90 other nations have done, is not too much to expect from nations receiving millions of dollars in U.S. assistance. We have an obligation to protect our Armed Forces from unconstitutional extraterritorial prosecution.
Moreover, this amendment sends a powerful message to the world community that when we commit U.S. troops overseas we will insist that they be protected by Article 98 agreements, if the Security Council will not do its part.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds just to point out that ASPA exempts Jordan, and my argument to the chairman would be that we can exempt Jordan in conference. If this amendment passes, we can exempt Jordan in conference, as I would agree we should.
Mr. Chairman, I am happy to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I listened to the arguments on both sides. I think the most compelling argument is that if these countries want to receive money from the United States, it is simple: Sign an Article 98 agreement, and then you can receive the money.
But in these very dangerous times in which we find ourselves, I think the bottom line is we have to protect our American servicemen and women overseas on peacekeeping missions.
It worked in one case. I am informed Eritrea has agreed to sign an Article 98 agreement as we decided to remove our peacekeeping force from that country. So it works, and this is a logical and appropriate conclusion for us to take as a country.
I urge adoption of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the customary…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, the United States has always fought for a peaceful, democratic and stable world, and now, more than ever, such a world is in our highest national interest. While the United States and her allies are making progress in the war on terror, Congress must remain committed to the ideals of peace and democracy and must do whatever it takes to maintain security here at home and elsewhere.
That is why today, Mr. Speaker, I have come to the floor in support of H.R. 4818, the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act. Along with defense and diplomacy, foreign assistance remains one of the strongest tools we have to ensure that the world is safe for peace and democracy.
The bill before us today helps ensure that the United States is successful in this mission by providing $19.4 billion for our foreign policy priorities. Among its major provisions, the bill contains significant funding for pressing needs in the war on terror, such as the reconstruction of Afghanistan, and significantly increases funding for HIV/AIDS programs in the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
The bill also provides significant aid to Israel. Specifically, the bill provides Israel with $360 million in economic assistance and $2.2 billion in military assistance. Israel has always been a good friend and strong ally of the United States. She shares our common values of peace and democracy, and she continues to struggle to win the war against terror for the protection of her own people, as we do. America's friendship with Israel has never been more important, and I am pleased we can provide our friend and ally with this aid as we continue the joint struggle to achieve peace and freedom in the Middle East.
Today we will consider the foreign operations bill under an open rule, which I support. However, four Members came to the Committee on Rules yesterday with important amendments that required waivers in order to be considered today and which I believe deserve serious consideration by this House. Unfortunately, not one of these four amendments was granted waivers. Each was defeated on a party line vote.
The gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney) brought important amendments dealing with women's health; the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) brought an amendment designating an additional $800 million in emergency aid for the global fund to fight AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria; and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) brought an amendment to help secure peace in the Middle East by transferring $325 million in aid for the Egyptian military into economic assistance that will improve the quality of life for the Egyptian people. The Lantos amendment, which we attempted to protect from a point of order, was not given an order.
In recent months, Egypt has embarked on a major military buildup that may disrupt our efforts to bring peace to the region. It is my understanding that the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) may offer a modified version of his amendment which will not need a waiver today during debate on the bill.
Although I am disappointed that four amendments were not protected, I am pleased that this bill is being considered under an open rule, and I plan on voting in its favor, as I do the bill. I urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), a member of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
Mr. Speaker, I would advise the gentleman from Florida that we have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time and urge adoption of the rule.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to commend Chairman Jim Kolbe, Ranking Member Nita Lowey, the other members of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee and the majority and minority staffs for the…
Mr. Chairman, I rise to commend Chairman Jim Kolbe, Ranking Member Nita Lowey, the other members of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee and the majority and minority staffs for the bipartisan, collegial spirit during our oversight hearings and the subcommittee and full committee markups.
I feel privileged to have worked with such a fine group of people. We all know this is a difficult appropriations year, and I am grateful to Chairman Kolbe and the subcommittee staff for their even-handed approach to drafting the FY 2005 Foreign Operations bill.
I support this bill, despite the lack of resources. The Chairman and the subcommittee staff incorporated most of my requests that significantly improve funding for health and development programs for those suffering in the developing world--especially in Africa. I thank them for that.
During my tenure on this subcommittee, I have always fought for more funds for sub-Saharan Africa. When the President submitted his budget for the Foreign Operations bill earlier this year, he proposed several cuts in Development Assistance and Child Survival funds to scores of specific African countries. Development Assistance funds are crucial to the long-term, sustainable development of these countries because they fund agriculture, education, environment, democracy, and governance programs. Child Survival funds are important because they combat infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis.
Moreover, during our oversight hearings, administration witnesses did not put forward a coherent or credible plan when it came to solving the long-term health and development problems of sub-Saharan Africa.
After working with the Chairman and the Ranking Member, we restored these cuts and improved the bill.
Let me be the first to say that this bill is not perfect. Overall, it is almost $2 billion below the President's request. Our commitment to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria is severely underfunded by possibly hundreds of millions of dollars, and although funding for the Peace Corps has been increased from last year relative to FY 2004, it is $70 million below the President's FY 2005 request.
Moreover, this bill is $95 million below the President's request for Debt Restructuring and $13 million below our commitment for the Global Environment Facility.
One of the more troubling aspects of this bill is that the Rules Committee did not make in order a very thoughtful amendment by my Ranking Member, Representative Lowey.
Representative Lowey's amendment would have provided much needed health care resources through UNFPA programs in only 6 countries of strategic and national security importance to the U.S.: Iraq, Afghanistan, Jordan, Pakistan, Kenya and Tazania and would continue to prohibit funding for any individual UNFPA country that has been cited for violating Kemp-Kasten.
Despite these omissions, I plan to support this bill. The House should not let the perfect be the enemy of the good.
Although I think this bill underfunds the Global Fund, it is $300 million above the President's request. This bill is $228 million above the President's request for Child Survival and Health Programs. It is $100 million above the President's request for Development Assistance, and $27 million above the President's request for Migration and Refugee Assistance.
Also, this bill includes $12 million for conflict resolution and a $17 million increase for International Organizations and Programs.
All of the cuts requested in the Child Survival and Health Programs were restored, and $6 million has been included for obstetric fistula prevention and repair. All of the cuts requested for sub-Saharan African countries in Child Survival and Development Assistance accounts have been restored and there is a $15 million African school fee reduction incentive fund.
The Chairman and the Ranking Member have produced a solid piece of legislation despite the lack of resources they were provided. I cannot stress enough how much I have enjoyed my work this year on the Foreign Operations Subcommittee as we addressed the problems and concerns of the developing world. I encourage my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from New York for yielding me the time. Allow me, Mr. Chairman, to first thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Wicker) for all of his cooperation and that of his…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from New York for yielding me the time.
Allow me, Mr. Chairman, to first thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Wicker) for all of his cooperation and that of his staff in taking into consideration all of our concerns, including those in the minority. It is greatly appreciated, and the spirit of bipartisan that you bring to the committee is very welcome and I believe has produced a very fine bill overall.
Of course, my ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), has done a magnificent job in leading us in so many ways to improve the condition of peoples around the world.
A lot of Americans wonder why we spend any money on foreign aid at all. Well, it is really very simple. Of course, we have a humanitarian interest in making sure that people do not suffer, and we help our neighbors, not just those next door but across the border.
But if one were to look at it purely selfishly, in America's national interest, we do not want people to go hungry. We do not want them to be brutalized by dictatorships. We do not want them to become resentful and frustrated and angry, and we do not want them to lash out at all of the powers in the world who live in a democracy and live in freedom, which is what we are facing now, people who have been deprived or who feel deprived, who have nothing to lose by giving up their lives, so they think, to destroy a world order that has ignored them.
Mr. Chairman, I am so delighted that this bill provides money, for example, for microloan projects, where $100 literally given to a small village in Africa or in Latin America or even in Eastern Europe can change the whole town's economy. Buy a sewing machine and create garments, sell those garments and buy another sewing machine.
Along with our aid to our allies such as the state of Israel, to Jordan in the Middle East, our assistance to Egypt, which hopefully will continue to help the situation in Gaza, number one, by preventing smuggling of arms from Egypt to the Palestinians that are being used against Israeli civilians but also to help train a security force in Gaza so that when Israel pulls out of Gaza, as they have announced their intention to do, there will be a civil order in Gaza and the Palestinians can control Gaza themselves and hopefully develop a moderate leadership that is interested in living in peace next to its neighbor, our number one ally and friend for 55 years, the state of Israel.
I am also delighted that we have provided sufficient money for Armenia and Azerbaijan, money for Cyprus for bicommunal activities, because these are ways that areas, countries where there was traditionally tension between the two countries or the two entities within one country can find common ground, get over their historical differences and work together. Hopefully, that is an example for the whole world.
Of course, in Haiti and the Sudan there is much to do. There is so much suffering in Haiti, and that is why I am proud that $75 million in humanitarian aid for Haiti's recovery is in the bill, and that $310 million is in the bill for the Sudan, where there have been and are presently ongoing horrors, murders and rapes and slavery, literally slavery of men, women and children in that region. So that $310 million will be very well spent.
Again, this foreign aid bill not only is in our humanitarian interest to do to make the world a better place and to help our neighbors live a better life, we want to make sure that the people of the world are well fed, have a job, have a chance to be free, have a chance to take care of their families.
This is so important and especially now when, regardless of the cause, and we can debate the cause, I think it is fair to say, and most Americans believe, that many people in the world wonder about America's character. They wonder about that great Nation, shining Nation on a Hill, if we still have the kind of values that they thought we had.
Well, this foreign aid bill should let them know that the people of the United States of America are as generous as always and interested in their well-being.
Mr. Chairman, I ask for the support of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I thank Mr. Kolbe for those words. I want to begin by agreeing with the gentlewoman from Michigan who just spoke about the bipartisan nature of this subcommittee and the product that we…
Mr. Chairman, I thank Mr. Kolbe for those words. I want to begin by agreeing with the gentlewoman from Michigan who just spoke about the bipartisan nature of this subcommittee and the product that we have come up with. Sometimes we are accused of partisan bickering on the House floor, and from time to time it is necessary to air our differences and raise our voices to bring attention to those differences in philosophy. But I just wish that the American people had an opportunity to watch my distinguished chairman and my distinguished ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), and the way they work together on this very important aspect of our national security program. I want to commend them both and the full committee for the bipartisan nature of the bill.
A couple of things that I would mention about it. This bill addresses the AIDS pandemic by providing a total of $2.2 billion in global assistance to combat HIV/AIDS, as well as other very serious diseases. I think President Bush deserves to be commended for his world leadership in fighting HIV and AIDS.
Mr. Chairman, in the year 2000, Mr. Bush ran as a compassionate conservative, and some people smiled about that and doubted that. I think President Bush has shown his leadership and strength in the things that he has done with regard to Afghanistan and Iraq. But when it comes to HIV and AIDS, President George W. Bush has shown the world the level of his compassion in bringing people from the conservative side of the spectrum to support his worldwide effort to combat HIV and AIDS. This is the highest level of AIDS
funding in the history of our Republic, and so I want to commend the subcommittee, but also the President of the United States for his compassionate leadership in this matter.
The bill provides an increase in foreign assistance for Israel. As we move toward a peaceful resolution to the Middle East issue, it is important for us in America to remember that Israel is our steadfast friend and ally, that they are one of the few democracies in the region, and that they are surrounded by sworn enemies. So as we try to bring the Palestinians in and we try to make everyone a little more friendly in that area, we do not need to forget the fact that Israel is our faithful ally.
The chairman mentioned that he and I have traveled together, and sometimes we do not like to talk about travel when we go back to our constituents. But I have had an opportunity as vice chairman of this committee to visit in Asia and Iraq and in Afghanistan, and, with the ranking member, in some of the poorest areas of Africa; and it is heartening, Mr. Chairman, to see the level of involvement of so many Americans. Certainly we are proud of our troops. It just takes your breath away to see the young men and women of America who volunteer to support our country in uniform. But also, when you go to Africa and you see the Peace Corps volunteers, highly educated graduates of universities who are willing to serve for very, very little pay; when you see the personnel of the USAID agency and realize the fact that they are willing to go in harm's way, though not in a military capacity, but to risk their lives in very, very hostile environments to advance the cause of the United States, and also to do some good in an altruistic way, it is absolutely astonishing. It renews my faith in the American people and in our spirit of volunteerism.
This is a balanced bill. I commend both the ranking member and the subcommittee chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 15 seconds to respond to the previous speakers on behalf of the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe). Between now and conference the gentleman from Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) will work with USAID to determine the needs of the government of the Dominican Republic with regard to this issue and to ensure the U.S. is being as responsive as possible.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk), a valuable member of our subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak out against H.R. 4818, this year's Foreign Operations Appropriation Bill. I want to state my apprehension about what has been this Nation's philosophy toward…
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak out against H.R. 4818, this year's Foreign Operations Appropriation Bill. I want to state my apprehension about what has been this Nation's philosophy toward international aid. Perhaps I should say, I rise today to restate my concerns, as much of what troubles me about our foreign aid philosophy is unchanged from year to year. In fact, Mr. Speaker, none of my worries have been reconciled. In some cases, my fear has grown.
A year ago I found myself in exactly the same position. I expressed grave reservations regarding the way the American taxpayers' money was squandered abroad. I had reservations about sending so much of our money away when we have dire needs and deficits here at home. I had serious reluctance about giving money to the UN, an institution that is grossly inefficient, fosters anti-American sentiment, attacks our values and, I believe, furthers anti-Semitism. I had grave reservations that our money was spent to prop up regimes that oppose the war on terror and, in some cases, even help terrorists.
It is often said that the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again, expecting a different result. After voicing my concerns, I waited and have yet to see a significant change. I am someone who is accustomed to results. Because I haven't seen any, I am going to change my vote. Last year, I voted for the Foreign Operations Appropriation Bill. This year I am voting against.
I am voting against the Foreign Operations Appropriation because I do not believe America should be sending money to nations that have turned their backs on our efforts in fighting the War on Terror when our young men and women are sacrificing on foreign soil. I do not believe we should be sending money to the UN until we can be sure that it was not propping up Saddam's regime through the oil for food program. We should not send money to the World Bank when so many of its loans have been failures; and I do not believe we should be sending money to fight AIDS in Africa when we have Americans who need healthcare here at home.
While I am voting against the Foreign Operations Appropriation Bill, I know there are worthwhile causes in the bill. I am torn about my vote. I have always been such a strong and staunch supporter of Israel. As the only established democracy in the Middle East, I have always wholeheartedly supported aid for Israel. As one of our strongest and unflagging allies in the region, Israel indeed deserves our support. Israel has been on the frontlines in the war on terror. The Israeli people understand America's need to take the battle to our enemies, unless we want to be fighting it on the streets of New York. Our support for this nation is fully justified and I just wish there was more we could do.
I would like to point out that there is hope. We have learned some of the lessons of our foreign aid insanity. I have much admiration for the President's Millennium Challenge Accounts. The Millennium Challenge Corporation changes the direction of our foreign aid. This assistance is based on criteria that reflects our values. In order to receive aid through Millennium Challenge Accounts countries must sign compacts that they pledge to govern justly, invest in their people, promote economic freedom and fight corruption. In addition to acknowledging to these principles in advance, these countries also agree to be monitored and will forfeit future aid if they don't make regular progress towards meeting these goals. There are 16 criteria by which countries agree to be judged and I am hopeful this results based approach will promote greater responsibility in our foreign aid programs.
Mr. Chairman, I am voting against the foreign aid bill because too much of our taxpayer's dollars are wasted on misguided and misdirected programs. It is my hope that in the future we will hold international institutions to higher standards of accountability and promoting freedom.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this rule. It is, as the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations stated, an open rule, which allows for any germane amendment to be…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this rule. It is, as the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations stated, an open rule, which allows for any germane amendment to be considered.
I see my friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) here, and I would like to say that he knows very well that we tried very much to work with him to accommodate his desire to have an amendment as it relates to our policy towards Egypt; and I know that under this open amendment process, he is going to be able to offer an amendment that is different than the one he had intended to offer. But, as has traditionally been the case, we have provided protection for the bill as it has been reported out of the Committee on Appropriations, and then provided for an open amendment process not moving into this extra area of providing waivers for the amendments that the distinguished ranking minority member of the subcommittee mentioned.
So I believe that the opportunity for a very fair and open and rigorous, and I know it will be a somewhat lengthy, debate, to the consternation of a few of my colleagues here, it will take place; and I think it is very important.
Mr. Speaker, I remember very vividly when the President of the United States stood in his State of the Union message and talked about the need for us to ensure very important support for a number of initiatives. HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis, malaria, all very important programs that are funded in this appropriations bill.
I had the privilege of going last year to Africa and I met with leaders in west and north Africa; and the Millennium Challenge Account is a very important thing, providing an incentive for those nations as they move and take bolder steps towards political pluralism and the rule of law and free and fair elections, and all of the structures that follow that. And the Millennium Challenge Account, I believe, is a very important tool as we continue to encourage that kind of development and growth on the very important continent of Africa.
I also want to say that as we focus on HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria and the issue of the Millennium Challenge Account, to me, Mr. Speaker, there is nothing more important in this bill than the important items that focus on the global war on terror.
There are many people who are often hypercritical of the foreign assistance packages that come out of the United States Congress. We all know that it is a fraction of the overall Federal expenditures. But now it is, in many ways, even more important for us to focus on important foreign assistance. Why? Because since September 11 of 2001, we all know that our world here as Americans changed. The rest of the world dealt with terrorist attacks on a regular basis, but we know that September 11 clearly changed our world here. And that is why I believe it very important that we do everything that we possibly can to continue to provide strong assistance to our allies and those who are standing up to the global war on terror. And we know that there are many people who are part of that, many nations are part of that, the coalition is strong and growing; and I believe that this legislation that we are going to consider will go a long way towards building that very important support.
So I congratulate both the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for the hard work that they have put into this important legislation; and I thank my colleague, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart) who, as a Cuban American, understands how important it is for us as a Nation to do what we can to encourage political pluralism, democratization, free and fair elections, the rule of law, and all of those institutions which we all hope one day the people of Cuba will be able to enjoy.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 715 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
July 15, 2004.
Resolved, That at any time after the adoption of this resolution the Speaker
may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the
bill (H.R. 4818) making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing,
and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2005, and for
other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. General debate
shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Appropriations. After general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the five-minute rule. Points of order against provisions in the bill for
failure to comply with clause 2 of rule XXI are waived except: beginning with
the semicolon in section 565(a)(2) through ``501)'' in section 565(a)(3). Where
points of order are waived against part of a section, points of order against a
provision in another part of such section may be made only against such
provision and not against the entire section. During consideration of the bill
for amendment, the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole may accord priority in
recognition on the basis of whether the Member offering an amendment has caused
it to be printed in the portion of the Congressional Record designated for that
purpose in clause 8 of rule XVIII. Amendments so printed shall be considered as
read. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee
shall rise and report the bill to the House with such amendments as may have
been adopted. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill
and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except one
motion to recommit with or without instructions.
Attest:
Clerk.