District of Columbia Personal Protection Act
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Committee on Governmental Affairs referred to Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal Workforce, and the District of Columbia.
July 24, 2003
View full timeline
Introduced in Senate
July 15, 2003
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S9425-9426)
July 15, 2003
Read twice and referred to the Committee on Governmental Affairs. (text of measure as introduced: CR S9426)
July 15, 2003
Committee on Governmental Affairs referred to Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal Workforce, and the District of Columbia.
July 24, 2003
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about S. 1414 on the floor
MES
DF
EHN
JFK
LMS+18
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about S. 1414 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 803, I call up the bill (H.R. 3193) to restore second amendment rights in the District of Columbia, and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, I…
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 803, I call up the bill (H.R. 3193) to restore second amendment rights in the District of Columbia, and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 3193, and to include extraneous material thereon.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Today, we will be debating a bill that will go a long way in protecting the constitutional rights of the residents of the District of Columbia.
As all may know, currently in Washington, D.C., citizens are prevented from owning any handgun at all. I am bringing before you today a bill that would restore the second amendment rights of D.C. citizens. I think it is important to note that my bill would not repeal any provision of D.C. law that bans gun possession by criminals, or that punishes violent crime.
In 1976, 2 years after Congress had granted the District of Columbia home rule, the D.C. City Council passed a bill which repealed the handgun ban in the District. The handgun ban actually arrested progress. In the 5 years before 1976, when the handgun ban was put into effect, the murder rate in the District of Columbia had fallen to 27 per 100,000 from 37 per 100,000, according to researchers at the American Enterprise Institute. Five years after the ban, the murders had climbed back to 35 for every 100,000 residents. From that point, it became worse.
In the 13 years between 1987 and 2000, D.C. earned the dubious distinction as the murder capital of the United States. In 2002, it once again had the highest murder rate per 100,000 residents, making it the murder capital of the United States 14 of the last 15 years.
There have been a lot of misunderstandings and miscommunication about what this bill does and does not do. So I will address the bill's provisions in the order in which they appear in the bill.
First, the bill prohibits the District from prohibiting residents from possessing a firearm that is legal for them to possess under Federal law, while still maintaining the Federal ban on private possession of any firearm regulated by the National Firearms Act.
Second, the bill would bring the District's definition of a machine gun into conformity with Federal law and the laws of the States. Currently, the District defines the term machine gun to include firearms that fire only one shot when the trigger is pulled. That is not what a machine gun is, of course. A machine gun fires repeatedly when the trigger is pulled and held back. The District's definition is simply factually incorrect, and this bill will perform the necessary correction.
Third, the bill eliminates the District's firearms registration requirement and, logically, eliminates the penalty for the possession of an unregistered firearm. This does not, however, in any way change the Federal requirement that firearm dealers maintain records of firearm sales. Dealers will still be required to maintain Federal forms which identify the purchasers of firearms by name, address, date and place of birth, and other factors.
Fourth, the bill eliminates the District's ban on private possession of handguns and handgun ammunition.
Fifth, the bill eliminates the District's ban on the use of firearms for protection at home. Currently, the District prohibits a person from having even a lawfully owned firearm at home, loaded and assembled, and unlocked.
While some States have laws designed to have people keep firearms secured in a similar fashion when they are unattended, the District's law requires people to keep firearms unloaded and disassembled or locked even if a violent criminal is attacking them in their homes.
The U.S. Constitution, the constitutions of 44 States, Federal law, and the laws of all 50 States, and the vast majority of Americans recognize the right to use firearms for personal protection. Only the District of Columbia prohibits a person from having a firearm assembled and loaded at home for the purpose of self-defense.
That is why 229 Members of this body are not supporters of the bill, they are cosponsors of this bill. Forty-four of the cosponsors are Democrats. This is truly bipartisan legislation that has come up from the demands of the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, facts are stubborn things, and the fact is that today D.C.'s murder rate is still 8 times higher than the national average.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp).
Mr. Speaker, it would be illegal to shoot such a weapon now, and it would continue to be illegal to shoot such a weapon at an armored truck or anybody else under my legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hostettler).
(Mr. HOSTETTLER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn), a distinguished member of the Subcommittee on Criminal Justice of the Committee on Government Reform.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
One would think that the District of Columbia has a good record rather than eight times the national average, leading the Nation 14 of the past 15 years in the murder rate. As a former mayor said, ``Other than the killings, their crime rate is not too bad.'' ``Other than the killings'' is a relevant thing here. We are trying to make sure honest citizens can protect themselves, not just the criminals.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter), a member of the Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human Resources Subcommittee, and a former judge.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Shuster).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from the State of Florida (Ms. Ginny Brown-Waite).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross), the lead Democratic cosponsor of this bill. We have 44 Democratic cosponsors, and I very much appreciate his leadership and help on this issue.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Graves).
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record a series of stories of individuals who were terrified but defended themselves and could have been prosecuted under the D.C. law.
I will also include for the Record, what would the District of Columbia's gun laws look like after this law passes?
What Would the District of Columbia's Gun Laws Look Like After H.R.
3193?
Even if H.R. 3193 were signed into law in its present form,
it would leave in place an extensive set of laws governing
possession, sale and use of guns. District laws would still
be far more restrictive than the laws of most states:
It would still be illegal to carry firearms outside one's
own property, either openly or concealed. Violations would
still be punishable by a fine of up to $1000 or imprisonment
for not moire than one year for a first offense, and up to
$10,000 and 10 years' imprisonment, or both, for a second
offense or for any violation by a convicted felon. All
penalties are doubled for illegal carry in a ``gun free
zone'' within 1000 feet of a school, day care center,
college, or various youth recreation facilities such as
swimming pools and video arcades.
Possession or use of a firearm while committing a crime of
violence would remain punishable by up to 30 years in prison,
with a minimum of 5 years served before parole or probation.
Handgun possession would remain illegal for drug addicts,
convicted felons, and persons convicted of various public
order offenses such as vagrancy.
It would still be illegal to possess machineguns, sawed-off
shotguns or short-barreled rifles. The definition of ``sawed-
off shotgun'' is more restrictive than federal law.
It would still be illegal to manufacture firearms or
ammunition in the District.
Vehicles used to illegally transport firearms would still
be subject to seizure and forfeiture.
All these provisions are in addition to federal laws that
extensively regulate commerce in firearms, and which provide
strict penalties for gun possession by convicted felons and
other ``prohibited persons'' and for use of firearms in
violent crimes.
H.R. 3193 focuses entirely on restoring fundamental self-
defense rights to honest citizens, by repealing the handgun
ban, gun registration laws, and laws on carry and storage in
the home that prevent people from exercising those rights.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Wyoming (Mrs. Cubin).
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the right to close.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
In closing, I would just like to say that the citizens of D.C. have a right to defend themselves, a constitutional right to defend themselves. This has
been the murder capital of the United States for 14 of the last 15 years, currently is eight times the national average. American citizens have a right to defend themselves.
The only people who have a right to guns right now are criminals. They will still be punished. Anybody who violates the law will still be punished. Anybody who uses the type of weapons we have heard described away from their property are still going to be punished.
The question is, can law-abiding citizens defend themselves in their homes and in their businesses?
Mr. Speaker, I will insert for the Record at this time a list of the 229 cosponsors of this bill, including 44 Democratic sponsors.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Office State Staff contact First contact R or D Govt. reform -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Tim Johnson.......................... IL...................... Erik Woehrmann.............. 3-Sep.................. R Jim DeMint........................... SC...................... Kara Borie.................. 3-Sep.................. R Joe Wilson........................... SC...................... Laurin Groover.............. 3-Sep.................. R Jo Ann Davis......................... VA...................... Jonathan Kidwell............ 4-Sep.................. R X Ed Schrock........................... VA...................... Cheryl Clark................ 4-Sep.................. R X Dan Burton........................... IN...................... Mary Valentino.............. 4-Sep.................. R X Pete Sessions........................ TX...................... Tucker Anderson............. 5-Sep.................. R Jeb Hensarling....................... TX...................... Derek Baker................. 5-Sep.................. R John Carter.......................... TX...................... Ryan Henery................. 5-Sep.................. R X Kevin Brady.......................... TX...................... Gene Irisari................ 5-Sep.................. R Sam Johnson.......................... TX...................... Spencer Ritchie............. 9-Sep.................. R Michael Burgess...................... TX...................... Stacey DeFino............... 9-Sep.................. R Dennis Rehberg....................... MT...................... Jay Martin.................. 9-Sep.................. R Lamar Smith.......................... TX...................... Allison Beach............... 9-Sep.................. R Randy Neugebauer..................... TX...................... Peter Andres................ 9-Sep.................. R David Vitter......................... LA...................... Greg Facchiano.............. 9-Sep.................. R Ron Paul............................. TX...................... Anamarie Pratt.............. 10-Sep................. R Terry Everett........................ AL...................... Jeff Rabren................. 10-Sep................. R Chris Cannon......................... UT...................... Trevor Kolego............... 10-Sep................. R X Butch Otter.......................... ID...................... Brandon Heiner.............. 10-Sep................. R Adam Putnam.......................... FL...................... Casey Welch................. 11-Sep................. R X Todd Platts.......................... PA...................... Nate Sloan.................. 11-Sep................. R X Joe Barton........................... TX...................... Joby Fortson................ 11-Sep................. R Candice Miller....................... MI...................... David Hemenway.............. 12-Sep................. R X Virgil Goode......................... VA...................... Ward Anderson............... 12-Sep................. R Phil Gingrey......................... GA...................... Jonathan Osborne............ 16-Sep................. R Barbara Cubin........................ WY...................... Brandi Ladd................. 16-Sep................. R Ron Lewis............................ KY...................... Josh Nacey.................. 17-Sep................. R X John Sullivan........................ OK...................... John Rainbolt............... 17-Sep................. R X Spencer Bachus....................... AL...................... Johanna Cole................ 22-Sep................. R Marsha Blackburn..................... TN...................... Mike Platt.................. 23-Sep................. R X John Duncan.......................... TN...................... Patra Stephen............... 23-Sep................. R X Bill Janklow......................... SD...................... Marshall Damgard............ 24-Sep................. R X Bob Ney.............................. OH...................... Greg Mesack................. 24-Sep................. R Nathan Deal.......................... GA...................... Todd Smith.................. 24-Sep................. R X Ernest Istook........................ OK...................... John Albaugh................ 24-Sep................. R John Mica............................ FL...................... Gary Burns.................. 24-Sep................. R X Pat Toomey........................... PA...................... Brain Wild.................. 25-Sep................. R Bob Goodlatte........................ VA...................... Branden Ritchie............. 25-Sep................. R John Doolittle....................... CA...................... Kara Dougherty.............. 26-Sep................. R Roscoe Bartlett...................... MD...................... Chris Tontz................. 26-Sep................. R Mac Collins.......................... GA...................... Shawn Friesen............... 26-Sep................. R Mike Rogers.......................... AL...................... Amy Albro................... 26-Sep................. R Jeb Bradley.......................... NH...................... Brien Miller................ 29-Sep................. R Wally Herger......................... CA...................... Dan MacLean................. 29-Sep................. R Thaddeus McCotter.................... MI...................... Patrick Rothwell............ 29-Sep................. R Steve King........................... IA...................... Brenna Findley.............. 29-Sep................. R Cass Ballenger....................... NC...................... Tim Linker.................. 29-Sep................. R Roger Wicker......................... MS...................... Susan Sweat................. 29-Sep................. R Duke Cunningham...................... CA...................... Katie Hanvey................ 29-Sep................. R Marilyn Musgrave..................... CO...................... Jacob Leis.................. 29-Sep................. R Ginny Brown-Waite.................... FL...................... Bob Honold.................. 30-Sep................. R Robin Hayes.......................... NC...................... Jon Causey.................. 30-Sep................. R Sam Graves........................... MO...................... Paul Sass................... 30-Sep................. R Trent Franks......................... AZ...................... John Graves................. 30-Sep................. R Tom Feeney........................... FL...................... Ryan Visco.................. 30-Sep................. R Jim Gibbons.......................... NV...................... Dan Waters.................. 30-Sep................. R Chip Pickering....................... MS...................... Mike Hurst.................. 30-Sep................. R Chris Chocola........................ IN...................... Rich Dunn................... 30-Sep................. R Steve Pearce......................... NM...................... Matt Meagher................ 30-Sep................. R Gresham Barrett...................... SC...................... Greg Thomas................. 30-Sep................. R Eric Cantor.......................... VA...................... Bill Doblow................. 30-Sep................. R Jeff Miller.......................... FL...................... Steve Holton................ 30-Sep................. R John Hostettler...................... IN...................... Erin Berry.................. 1-Oct.................. R Duncan Hunter........................ CA...................... Lorissa Bounds.............. 1-Oct.................. R Todd Akin............................ MO...................... Franz Kohler................ 1-Oct.................. R Jo Bonner............................ AL...................... ............................ 1-Oct.................. R Henry Brown.......................... SC...................... Joe Gleboki................. 2-Oct.................. R John Boozman......................... AR...................... Brian Bullard............... 2-Oct.................. R John Culberson....................... TX...................... Ellie Essalih............... 3-Oct.................. R Roy Blunt............................ MO...................... Amy Field................... 3-Oct.................. R Johnny Isakson....................... GA...................... Tucker Shumack.............. 6-Oct.................. R John Kline........................... MN...................... Jim McGuire................. 6-Oct.................. R Mike Simpson......................... ID...................... John Revier................. 7-Oct.................. R Rick Renzi........................... AZ...................... Joanne Keene................ 7-Oct.................. R Don Young............................ AK...................... Justin Sprinzen............. 7-Oct.................. R Todd Tiahrt.......................... KS...................... AmyClair Brusch............. 8-Oct.................. R Bill Shuster......................... PA...................... Alex Mistri................. 8-Oct.................. R Mike Pence........................... IN...................... Trip Radtke................. 8-Oct.................. R Jack Kingston........................ GA...................... Stephen Anderson............ 9-Oct.................. R Donald Manzullo...................... IL...................... Conor Brown................. 9-Oct.................. R Philip Crane......................... IL...................... Andrew Wankum............... 9-Oct.................. R Charlie Norwood...................... GA...................... Jason Paluskiewiz........... 10-Oct................. R Jim Ryun............................. KA...................... Marcus Friesen.............. 10-Oct................. R Rob Bishop........................... UT...................... Miriam Harmer............... 14-Oct................. R Richard Baker........................ LA...................... Scott Kirkpatrick........... 14-Oct................. R Joseph Pitts......................... PA...................... Cindy Diggs................. 15-Oct................. R Lee Terry............................ NE...................... Robert Stein................ 15-Oct................. R Mike Rogers.......................... MI...................... Mike Ward................... 15-Oct................. R Zach Wamp............................ TN...................... Alex Richard................ 17-Oct................. R Robert Aderholt...................... AL...................... Brian Johnston.............. 20-Oct................. R Jerry Weller......................... IL...................... Troy Babson................. 20-Oct................. R Jim McCrery.......................... LA...................... Bob Brooks.................. 20-Oct................. R Bob Beauprez......................... CO...................... Bruce Miller................ 21-Oct................. R Randy Forbes......................... VA...................... Andy Halataei............... 21-Oct................. R Henry Bonilla........................ TX...................... Patrick Anderson............ 21-Oct................. R Thomas Petri......................... WI...................... Elizabeth Foy............... 21-Oct................. R Melissa Hart......................... PA...................... William Rys................. 23-Oct................. R Billy Tauzin......................... LA...................... James White................. 27-Oct................. R Steve Buyer.......................... IN...................... Myrna Dugan................. 28-Oct................. R Deborah Pryce........................ OH...................... Peter Freeman............... 29-Oct................. R Fred Upton........................... MI...................... Charles Yessiaian........... 29-Oct................. R Thomas Reynolds...................... NY...................... Tina Mufford................ 30-Oct................. R
William Jenkins...................... TN...................... Megan Caldwell.............. 30-Oct................. R Steve Chabot......................... OH...................... Kevin Fitzpatrick........... 31-Oct................. R Wiliam Thornberry.................... TX...................... Trey Bahm................... 3-Nov.................. R Cliff Stearns........................ FL...................... Alan Hill................... 3-Nov.................. R Scott Garrett........................ NJ...................... Jay Fahrer.................. 5-Nov.................. R Ken Calvert.......................... CA...................... Deena Contreras............. 7-Nov.................. R Phil English......................... PA...................... Christine Rogala............ 12-Nov................. R Devin Nunes.......................... CA...................... Kedrin Simms................ 18-Nov................. R Max Burns............................ GA...................... Zach Procter................ 19-Nov................. R Tom Tancredo......................... CO...................... Mac Zimmerman............... 21-Nov................. R Jim Nussle........................... IA...................... Luke........................ 24-Nov................. R Tom Cole............................. OK...................... Chris Arnold................ 1-Dec.................. R Rick Keller.......................... FL...................... Mike Shutley................ 9-Jan.................. R Scott McInnis........................ CO...................... Jack Allen.................. 22-Jan................. R Walter Jones......................... NC...................... Anne Cassity................ 26-Jan................. R Sue Myrick........................... NC...................... Matt Priest................. 28-Jan................. R John Peterson........................ PA...................... Angela Ambrose.............. 29-Jan................. R Dana Rohrabacher..................... CA...................... Meredith Curcio............. 29-Jan................. R Mario Diaz-Balart.................... FL...................... Charles Cooper.............. 29-Jan................. R Paul Ryan............................ WI...................... Ryan........................ 4-Feb.................. R Joel Hefley.......................... CO...................... Larry Hoja.................. 9-Feb.................. R Nick Smith........................... MI...................... Alan Knapp.................. 26-Feb................. R Frank Lucas.......................... OK...................... Marna Harris................ 26-Feb................. R Darrell Issa......................... CA...................... Josh Brown.................. 9-Mar.................. R Gary G. Miller....................... CA...................... Sandra...................... 11-Mar................. R Jeff Flake........................... AZ...................... Margaret Klessig............ 12-Mar................. R Tom Latham........................... IA...................... Kevin Berents............... 22-Mar................. R Kenny Hulshof........................ MO...................... Shaun Duignan............... 25-Mar................. R Nicholas Lampson..................... TX...................... Aaron Schmidt............... 31-Mar................. R Gary Miller.......................... CA...................... John Rothrock............... 1-Apr.................. R Curt Weldon.......................... PA...................... Mary........................ 5-Apr.................. R George Radanovich.................... CA...................... Emma........................ 23-Apr................. R Sherwood Boehlert.................... NY...................... Sam......................... 23-Apr................. R Charles Taylor....................... NC...................... Adam Shepard................ 26-Apr................. R Dave Weldon.......................... FL...................... Eric........................ 26-Apr................. R Jo Ann Emerson....................... MO...................... Tony Eberhard............... 28-Apr................. R Greg Walden.......................... OR...................... Dallas...................... 28-Apr................. R Shelley M. Capito.................... WV...................... Adam........................ 4-May.................. R Richard Pombo........................ CA...................... Josh Rolph.................. 5-May.................. R Harold Rogers........................ KY...................... Ben......................... 12-May................. R Katherine Harris..................... FL...................... Stuart Mallory.............. 17-May................. R X Dave Camp............................ MI...................... Chris Wenk.................. 17-May................. R Jim Gerlach.......................... PA...................... William Tighe............... 19-May................. R Gil Gutknecht........................ MN...................... Ryan McLaughlin............. 19-May................. R Mark Kennedy......................... MN...................... Tim Morrison................ 1-Jun.................. R Steven LaTourette.................... OH...................... Ryan........................ 2-Jun.................. R X Anne Northup......................... KY...................... Brooken Smith............... 4-Jun.................. R Richard Burr......................... NC...................... Ricky Welborn............... 4-Jun.................. R John Shimkus......................... IL...................... Bill........................ 9-Jun.................. R Howard McKeon........................ CA...................... Brandi...................... 9-Jun.................. R George Nethercutt.................... WA...................... Rob......................... 9-Jun.................. R Don Sherwood......................... PA...................... John Ormasa................. 9-Jun.................. R Doc Hastings......................... WA...................... Jenny Gorski................ 9-Jun.................. R John McHugh.......................... NY...................... Melanie Turpin.............. 9-Jun.................. R X Jerry Moran.......................... KS...................... Jenny Guttery............... 14-Jun................. R Ed Whitfield......................... KY...................... Benjamin Beaton............. 15-Jun................. R Charles Bass......................... NH...................... Jennifer Warren............. 16-Jun................. R Tom DeLay............................ TX...................... Elliot Burke................ 16-Jun................. R John Linder.......................... GA...................... Mike Swansburg.............. 16-Jun................. R John Boehner......................... OH...................... Gary........................ 17-Jun................. R John Sweeney......................... NY...................... Jim Christopolous........... 17-Jun................. R Kay Granger.......................... TX...................... Darin....................... 17-Jun................. R Patrick Tiberi....................... OH...................... Adam (LD)................... 17-Jun................. R X Ed Royce............................. CA...................... Darin Schrader.............. 17-Jun................. R Ander Crenshaw....................... FL...................... Francis..................... 17-Jun................. R Paul Gillmor......................... OH...................... Andrew Beck................. 18-Jun................. R Joseph Knollenberg................... MI...................... Kelly Haskin................ 20-Jun................. R Michael Bilirakis.................... FL...................... Jerry White................. 20-Jun................. R Jerry Lewis.......................... CA...................... Arlene...................... 20-Jun................. R Lincoln Diaz-Balart.................. FL...................... Ceaser Gonzo................ 22-Jun................. R John Shadegg......................... AZ...................... Stephen Prather............. 22-Jun................. R Elton Gallegly....................... CA...................... Michelle M.................. 22-Jun................. R Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.................. FL...................... ............................ 6-Jul.................. R X Howard Coble......................... NC...................... Anna Sagley................. 15-Jul................. R Jim Kolbe............................ AZ...................... ............................ ....................... R Judy Biggert......................... IL...................... ............................ ....................... R Micheal Turner....................... OH...................... ............................ 8-Jul.................. R X Michael Oxley........................ OH...................... ............................ 21-Jul................. R Peter Hoekstra....................... MI...................... ............................ 21-Jul................. R Rob Portman.......................... OH...................... ............................ ....................... R Ralph Regula......................... OH...................... ............................ ....................... R --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the ``Rebuild America Act of 2003,'' a bill to improve our national transportation and water infrastructure and to stimulate economic growth. This bill promises to…
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the ``Rebuild
America Act of 2003,'' a bill to improve our national transportation
and water infrastructure and to stimulate economic growth.
This bill promises to do what the latest tax cut will not: provide an
immediate economic stimulus without increasing the Federal budget
deficit. Whereas the President's economic advisors have said that the
latest tax cut will create 1.4 million jobs by the end of 2004, at a
cost of $350 billion, this bill will create as many as 2 million jobs
at a tenth the cost.
These jobs could be created in as little as three months, as the bill
is specifically designed to fund transportation and water
infrastructure projects which are ready to go within 90 days.
Not only would those jobs bring some of the 9 million Americans who
are unemployed and seeking jobs back into the workforce, it would
generate long-term economic benefits from the increased productivity of
our transportation infrastructure.
This bill will do more to stimulate the economy at less cost than the
tax cut because it is directed squarely at our most urgent needs.
Unlike the recent tax cut, which largely benefits high income taxpayers
who are likely to save any windfall they receive, infrastructure
spending is necessarily injected into the economy.
According to the Department of Transportation, each $1 billion in new
infrastructure investment creates 47,500 new jobs: 26,500 direct jobs
for construction workers, engineers, contractors, and other on-site
employees, and 21,000 indirect jobs resulting from the spending
associated with the investment.
These are jobs our economy desperately needs, particularly in the
transportation and nonresidential construction sectors, which have been
hit hard by the recent downturn. While new home construction has
sustained the homebuilding trades, there are now 715,000 unemployed
private construction workers, most of whom were laid off due to a
downturn in nonresidential building. That represents an 80 percent
increase from three years ago.
As anyone who has taken a hard look at our transportation needs can
attest, federal funding for highways, transit, aviation, high-speed
rail, and ports, among other areas, remains inadequate.
Without those funds, we are on the verge of falling behind the rest
of the developed world in the quality of our infrastructure. I recently
visited the port of Hong Kong and was amazed by the automated
technology used to process thousands of containers each day with fewer
employees than would be required to move an equivalent amount of cargo
at even our most advanced ports.
And while many countries around the world, including France, China,
Germany, and Japan, now have operating MAGLEV train systems, the United
States does not have a single demonstration MAGLEV line operating
anywhere in the country.
Increasingly, global industry demands a level of efficiency and
reliability which requires substantial upgrades to existing
infrastructure. In California, where computer and electronic products
account for 51 percent of the State's manufacturing exports, the trend
is toward lighter, higher value shipments. Nationwide, shipments of
below 1,000 lbs accounted for 18 percent of total value in 1977, and 32
percent of value in 1997, a dramatic increase.
Those changes put a premium on speed and reliability, without which
``just-in-time'' manufacturing and lean inventory controls are
impossible. A company such as Hewlett Packard, which uses Intel
processors made in California in servers which it assembles in Texas,
must be able to ship processors without risk of even a 24-hour delay.
This bill takes a big step toward ensuring that level of speed and
reliability by dedicating $50 billion to infrastructure upgrades. And I
must stress the huge incremental value of that spending in the context
of reauthorization of the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st
Century, TEA-21, which is expected this year.
Reauthorization of TEA-21 will dedicate more than $250 billion toward
transportation projects over the next six years, but even that level of
funding will only allow us to tread water. Maintenance of existing
infrastructure will consume much of that spending.
To take one example, the Department of Transportation estimates that
$20.6 billion is needed annually to maintain and improve performance of
public transit systems alone.
The $50 billion provided by the ``Rebuild America Act'' will go
beyond current maintenance and actually improve overall productivity by
allowing substantial upgrades to go forward. Specifically, the bill
provides:
$5 billion in additional authority for Federal-aid highway
capital investments, drawn from the $19 billion surplus in
the Highway Trust Fund.
$3 billion in transit capital and operating grants, drawn
from the surplus in the Highway Trust Fund.
$3 billion in airport development projects, including $2
billion in airport improvement program grants to enhance
airport safety, efficiency, and capacity.
$14 billion of tax-credit high-speed rail bonds for
infrastructure construction and the acquisition of rolling
stock.
$7.5 billion for capital investment in passenger and
freight rail, including $2.5 billion for Amtrak.
$2.5 billion for port security grants to ports and marine
facility operators.
$11.5 billion for wastewater and drinking water
infrastructure, to be administered
through the existing Clean Water State Revolving Fund and
Safe Drinking Water State Revolving Fund.
$1.5 billion to fund investment in currently authorized
water resources infrastructure projects.
$1.5 billion in grants to economically distressed
communities for economic development.
$500 million for the repair and alteration of Federal
buildings.
In my home State of California, the infrastructure needs that could
be addressed by this bill are particularly great. Although the just-
completed BART link to San Francisco International Airport is a major
achievement, we still remain a long way off from the long-term goal of
ringing the Bay Area with BART stations.
And despite the recent economic downturn, California's economy
remains the engine of much of the country's economic growth, and
California's population continues to grow. That puts tremendous demands
on our roads, airports, and transit systems, and is one reason why Los
Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area are consistently ranked as the
top two urban areas in the U.S. with the longest annual delays per
rush-hour driver.
This bill will provide a total of $1.8 billion in new funds for
California transportation and safe drinking water infrastructure, and
more than $1.5 billion more for high speed and passenger and freight
rail. All told, the bill will create well over 100,000 new jobs in
California.
That could bring us farther toward fulfilling one of California's
most urgent needs, a high speed rail link from the Bay Area all the way
south to San Diego. Without high speed rail there is little hope of
taking some of the pressure off of California's over-burdened highways
and airports.
In addition to the transportation improvements contemplated by the
bill, I would like to say a few words about the need for additional
funds for port security and clean drinking water.
Since the attacks of September 11 it has become clear that our ports
should be one of the first lines of defense against attempts to bring
weapons of mass destruction into this country. And yet the funds we
have dedicated to securing our ports have been woefully inadequate.
Last year I introduced comprehensive legislation to improve security
at our ports, and to inspect more of the 16 million containers which
come through those ports each year. Currently, only one to two percent
of those containers are inspected, and the possibility of a dirty bomb
or nuclear device being shipped in via container remains alarmingly
real.
This bill provides an additional $2.5 billion for port security,
which would go some of the way toward meeting the $6 billion in
expenses the Coast Guard anticipates over the next 10 years for ports
to comply with security standards imposed under the Maritime
Transportation Security Act.
With respect to clean drinking water, a very different, but equally
important, priority, this bill provides $11.5 billion for wastewater
and drinking water infrastructure investment. That funding is important
because the Administration continues to insist on funding cuts for the
Clean Water and Safe Drinking Water State Revolving Funds.
Even level funding will not allow us to upgrade existing water
treatment facilities, many of which were built in the 1970s, when the
federal government first began to take a major role in the construction
of drinking water infrastructure. Many of those facilities will require
substantial improvements and overhauls over the next two decades as
pipes and equipment fall into disrepair.
In the West, the magnitude of water supply contamination by
perchlorate, a chemical used in rocket fuel, has only recently become
apparent. The costs of cleaning up perchlorate in California alone will
likely stretch into the billions of dollars, and some of those funds
must come from the Safe Drinking Water State Revolving Fund, which
would receive $1.5 billion under this bill.
With the Federal budget deficit certain to top $400 billion this
year, and with the gross federal debt projected to increase by over $5
trillion by 2013, there is a real question as to where these funds will
come from.
I am glad to say, therefore, that this bill is fully offset and would
not add at all to our deficit. The bill uses three offsets to recoup
the $34 billion cost of the bill, two of which are designed to limit
corporate fraud, and the last of which extends customs user fees.
The bulk of the funds used to offset the bill are generated by
limiting the ability of large corporations to shelter income from
taxation. A recent report by the Joint Economic Committee on corporate
fraud at the Enron Corporation speaks to the magnitude of this problem.
For several years Enron reported huge profits to its shareholders,
while reporting little or no taxable income to the IRS. We now know
that Enron executives treated their tax division as a for-profit entity
within the company and set annual revenue targets for the division.
Between 1996 and 1999, Enron reported aggregate profits of $2.1
billion on its income statement, while claiming aggregate losses, for
tax purposes, of $3 billion. Some of that gap can be explained by the
massive tax deductions Enron took for employee stock deductions, and
the rest stemmed from the closely guarded tax-shelter transactions
designed for the company by banks, accountants, and legal firms.
This bill closes those Enron-specific loopholes, but also strengthens
a very simple provision which will have a big impact on shutting down
future loopholes.
The so-called ``Economic Substance Doctrine'' imposed by the bill
states that any transaction which has no material economic impact on
the business of the company, but which is purely designed for the
purpose of tax avoidance, shall be disallowed for tax purposes.
That will allow enhance the ability of tax courts to crack down on
companies that engage in off balance sheet transactions, artificial
income shifting, uneconomic financing transactions, and other tax
avoidance schemes which are not designed to provide any profit to the
company beyond a tax savings.
In the same vein, the bill puts an end to the practice of setting up
corporate headquarters offshore in order to avoid corporate taxes at
home. This practice is not only blatantly unpatriotic, but also creates
an imbalanced playing field for companies that abide by the spirit of
the law but are forced to compete with firms that don't.
This bill will require such corporate expatriates to continue to pay
U.S. taxes even if they move abroad. All told, these provisions fully
offset the cost of the infrastructure improvements included in the
bill.
Just about any American you talk to will tell you that our economy is
not in good shape. A quick look at the front page of newspapers shows
that our stock markets remain well below their 2000 high, that more
people face long-term unemployment than at any time in the past two
decades, and that businesses are not making new investments.
The tax cut which was recently signed into law is the wrong medicine
for our economy, and will do little to reverse our current course. In
fact, it may well increase uncertainty and act as a long-term drag on
the economy by increasing the federal debt and putting pressure on
long-term interest rates.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill as a much better means of
stimulating economic growth, and one which will pay long-term dividends
in terms of improved roads, railways, and water treatment facilities.
Rather than simply hand down a burden of debt to our children and
grand-children, this bill would create a lasting legacy of modern
infrastructure for their benefit.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I am compelled to begin by noting the ludicrous logic on which this debate has already begun. The gentleman from Indiana (Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I am compelled to begin by noting the ludicrous logic on which this debate has already begun. The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Souder), the prime sponsor, has just argued that gun safety laws cause murders by arguing the fallacious notion of causation. I am embarrassed for the statement.
Mr. Speaker, in my nearly 14 years in Congress, I have come to regard Members not only as colleagues but as friends. At the same time, I have seen various Members of Congress try to do some low-down, dirty, mean things to the people of the District of Columbia, all to promote their own political agendas against the will of the people who live here.
This bill to repeal the city's gun safety laws, when child gun killings have sharply increased, scrapes the bottom of the lowest level yet. As citizens, we in the District of Columbia do not take attacks on our all-American right to self-government lying down. I am grateful that these attacks occur less frequently today, and am particularly grateful to the appropriators who have
discouraged the use of the D.C. appropriation for such attacks.
Congress has seen that we are prepared to fight and fight hard, with D.C. appropriation fights in the past sometimes lasting 8 to 10 hours, with vetoes of our appropriation that we encourage to compel changes. And Congress has seen that we are always prepared to take the fight to the home district of a Member to let his own constituents know that their Member is taking time from their concerns to mettle in the local business of a local jurisdiction far from home.
Notwithstanding prior fights on D.C. matters, the attempt to repeal our gun safety laws is a brand new low for this body. That we are here discussing this matter is yet a new low. Repeal shows special contempt for the people who live here because the city has sharply reduced its homicide rate, now at a 20-year low, down almost 25 percent this year alone, and down 55 percent since the assault weapon ban and the Brady bill were passed in 1994. At the same time, the city is heartbroken that 16 children have been killed by gunfire, more than in any recent year.
Repeal advocates claim they want guns here to help people protect themselves. Can repeal help the children killed by guns in increasing numbers here in the Nation's Capital to protect themselves?
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record the 16 names of the children killed by gunfire this year, and an article on Chelsea Cromartie, the youngest of these children.
More Guns Mean More Children Dying
Robert Adams, 16; Chelsea Cromartie, 8; Devaun Drayton, 17;
Javon Gaskins, 16; Timothy Hamilton, 15; Jahkema Hansen, 14;
Antoine Holroyd, 16; Myesha Lowe, 15; David McMorris, 16;
James Richardson, 17; Michael Simms, 17; Franklin Smith, 17;
Wardell Smith, 17; Michael Swann, 13; Roderick Valentine, 16
and Ashley Walker, 16.
D.C. Homicides Down 24% this year but, more children slain
by guns in the first 5 months of this year than in all of
last year and more than in any recent years.
Save Our Children.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman), the ranking member of the full committee with jurisdiction over this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I take the gentleman's suggestion that we can scare criminals away by yelling ``gun'' but not that we have guns in our own homes fully assembled, loaded and ready to go.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Harman).
Mr. Speaker, for the information of the gentlewoman, 100,000 guns are registered in the District of Columbia. We encourage people to use rifles for sports.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\3/4\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Indiana (Ms. Carson).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), chairman of the Committee on Government Reform.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
My law-abiding citizens in the southeast and everywhere else in the District of Columbia have not elected this Member but only the Member before him. So I would appreciate the courtesy of his not telling me what the law-abiding citizens of the southeast want or need. They will get rid of me if I am doing the wrong thing today. They cannot touch him, unfortunately, if he does the wrong thing.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. McCarthy).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Clay).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, in all deference to the gentleman from Arkansas, handguns in homes in this town are not used by people. Those guns, according to the police chief, quickly make their way to the streets and do not stay at home. At home, however, they are overwhelmingly used for domestic violence.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record an article on al Qaeda seeking ties to local gangs that appeared in the Washington Times.
[From the Washington Times, Sept. 28, 2004]
Al Qaeda Seeks Tie to Local Gangs
(By Jerry Seper)
A top al Qaeda lieutenant has met with leaders of a violent
Salvadoran criminal gang with roots in Mexico and the United
States--including a stronghold in the Washington area--in an
effort by the terrorist network to seek help infiltrating the
U.S.-Mexico border, law enforcement authorities said.
Adnan G. El Shukrijumah, a key al Qaeda cell leader for
whom the U.S. government has offered a $5 million reward, was
spotted in July in Honduras meeting with leaders of El
Salvador's notorious Mara Salvatrucha gang, which immigration
officials said has smuggled hundreds of Central and South
Americans--mostly gang members--into the United States.
Although they are actively involved in alien, drug and
weapons smuggling, Mara Salvatrucha members in America also
have been tied to numerous killings, robberies, burglaries,
carjackings, extortions, rapes and aggravated assaults--
including at least seven killings in Virginia and a machete
attack on a 16-year-old in Alexandria that severely mutilated
his hands.
The Salvadoran gang, known to law enforcement authorities
as MS-13 because many members identify themselves with
tattoos of the number 13, is thought to have established a
major smuggling center in Matamoros, Mexico, just south of
Brownsville, Texas, from where it has arranged to bring
illegal aliens from countries other than Mexico into the
United States.
Authorities said al Qaeda terrorists hope to take advantage
of a lack of detention space within the Department of
Homeland Security that has forced immigration officials to
release non-Mexican illegal aliens back into the United
States, rather than return them to their home countries.
Less than 15 percent of those released appear for
immigration hearings. Nearly 60,000 illegal aliens designated
as other-than-Mexican, or OTMs, were detained last year along
the U.S.-Mexico border.
El Shukrijumah, born in Saudi Arabia but thought to be a
Yemen national, was spotted in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, in
July, having crossed the border illegally from Nicaragua
after a stay in Panama. U.S. authorities said al Qaeda
operatives have been in Tegucigalpa planning attacks against
British, Spanish and U.S. embassies.
Known to carry passports from Saudi Arabia, Trinidad,
Guyana and Canada, El Shukrijumah had sought meetings with
the Mara Salvatrucha gang leaders who control alien-smuggling
routes through Mexico and into the United States.
El Shukrijumah, 29, who authorities said was in Canada last
year looking for nuclear material for a so-called ``dirty
bomb'' and reportedly has family members in Guyana, was named
in a March 2003 material-witness arrest warrant by federal
prosecutors in Northern Virginia, where U.S. Attorney Paul J.
McNulty said he is sought in connection with potential
terrorist threats against the United States.
A former southern Florida resident and pilot thought to
have helped plan the September 11 attacks, El Shukrijumah was
among seven suspected al Qaeda operatives identified in May
by Attorney General John Ashcroft as being involved in plans
to strike new targets in the United States.
Citing ``credible intelligence from multiple sources,'' Mr.
Ashcroft said at the time that El Shukrijumah posed ``a clear
and present danger to America.'' In August, an FBI alert
described him as ``armed and dangerous'' and a major threat
to homeland security.
Earlier this month, Mr. Ashcroft confirmed that U.S. border
agents and inspectors had ramped up efforts to find El
Shukrijumah amid reports that the al Qaeda leader was thought
to be seeking entry routes into the United States along the
U.S.-Mexico border.
Mr. Ashcroft noted that increased enforcement efforts were
under way in the wake of a rise of arrests of border jumpers
from Afghanistan, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Pakistan,
the Philippines, Saudi Arabia and Syria.
Authorities said Mara Salvatrucha gang members moved into
the Los Angeles area in the 1980s and developed a reputation
for being organized and extremely violent. The gang since has
expanded into the Washington area, including Virginia and
Maryland, and into Oregon, Alaska, Texas, Nevada, Utah,
Oklahoma, Illinois, Michigan, New York, Georgia and Florida.
More than 3,000 Mara Salvatrucha gang members are thought
to be in the Washington area, with a major operation in
Northern Virginia. Other gang centers, authorities said,
include Montgomery and Prince George's counties and the
Hispanic neighborhoods of Washington.
Mr. McNulty, whose office has prosecuted Mara Salvatrucha
gang members, has described the organization as the ``gang of
greatest interest'' to law enforcement authorities. He said
gang members are recruited predominantly from Hispanic
communities and typically among juveniles, some as young as
13. Recruits are ``jumped'' into the gang by being beaten by
members while others count to 13, he said.
Gang rules, he said, are indoctrinated into new recruits
and ruthlessly enforced. Those who cooperate with law
enforcement are given the ``green light,'' he said, meaning
that the gang had approved their killing.
In March, the Los Angeles City Attorney's Office filed an
injunction against Mara Salvatrucha, charging that the gang's
criminal activity constituted a ``public nuisance'' based on
the number of killings, robberies and drug crimes. The
injunction requires gang members, under public nuisance
statutes, to follow curfew rules and regulations and
prohibits them from associating, driving or appearing
together in designated areas of the city.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), a member of the full committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).
(Ms. WOOLSEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
In closing, I would just like to give the Members a sense of what this bill would do. If it passes, it would allow someone to carry a 50- caliber sniper rifle in one hand, armor-piercing ammunition, and incendiary combination ammunition in the other, and go into our Metro, so long as he, and let me read this to my colleagues, Mr. Speaker, as long as he was on his way to an informal target practice or a dog obedience training class.
Mr. Speaker, this is sheer lunacy. Save yourself from embarrassment. Save our children. Save our Nation. Save this Congress from looking like idiots and fools in the middle of an orange alert by bringing more guns into the Nation's capital. Vote ``no'' on H.R. 3193.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. President, our Nation is facing an affordable housing crisis. Recent changes in the housing market have limited the availability of affordable rental housing across the country and have…
Mr. President, our Nation is facing an affordable housing
crisis. Recent changes in the housing market have limited the
availability of affordable rental housing across the country and have
dramatically increased the cost of those that remain. More families are
forced to pay more than 50 percent of their income for housing at a
time when Federal spending on housing programs are under attack. That
is why, along with Senator Chafee, I am again proposing to address the
severe shortage of affordable housing by introducing legislation that
will establish a National Affordable Housing Trust Fund and begin a
rental housing production program.
The Affordable Housing Trust Fund that is established in this
legislation would create a production program that will ensure 1.5
million new rental units are built over the next 10 years for extremely
low-income families and working families. The goal is to create long-
term affordable, mixed-income developments in areas with the greatest
opportunities for low-income families. Seventy-five percent of Trust
Fund assistance will be awarded, based on need, through matching grants
to States and local jurisdictions. The States and local jurisdictions
will allocate funds on a competitive basis to projects that meet
Federal requirements, such as mixed-income projects and long-term
affordability, and that address local needs. The remainder of the
funding will be competitively awarded by the Department of Housing and
Urban Development, HUD, to intermediaries, such as the Enterprise
Foundation, which will be required to leverage private funds. A portion
of the Trust Fund will be used to promote home ownership activities for
low-income Americans.
The Trust Fund would be paid for out of surplus revenue generated by
the Federal Housing Administration and Government National Mortgage
Administration after ensuring their fiscal safety and soundness. These
Federal housing programs generate billions of dollars in excess income,
which currently goes to the general Treasury for use on other Federal
priorities. It is time to stop taking housing money out of housing
programs. These excess funds should be used to help alleviate the
current housing crisis. According to current projections, approximately
$28 billion will be available for the Trust Fund between now and 2008.
The need for affordable housing is severe. Many working families have
been unable to keep up with the increase in housing costs. Today, for
many low-income families and their children, the cost of privately
owned rental housing is simply out of reach. According to the National
Housing Conference, more than 14 million families spent over half of
their income on housing in 2001. Today, working families in this
country increasingly find themselves unable to afford housing. A person
trying to live in Boston would have to make more than $35,000 annually,
just to afford a two-bedroom apartment. This means teachers, janitors,
social workers, police officers and other full-time workers may have
trouble affording even a modest two-bedroom apartment.
The cost of rental housing keeps going up. According to the Consumer
Price Index, CPI, contract rents began to rise above the rate of
inflation in 1997 and have continued every year since. Rental costs
have outpaced renter income gains for households across the board. Low
wage workers have been hardest hit by the increase in cost of rental
housing.
Because of the lack of affordable housing, too many families are
forced to live in substandard living conditions putting their children
at risk. Children living in substandard housing are more likely to
experience violence, hunger, lead poisoning and to suffer from
infectious diseases such as asthma. They are more likely to have
difficulties learning and more likely to fall behind in school. Our
Nation's children depend upon access to affordable rental housing.
At the same time the cost of rental housing has been increasing,
there has been a significant decrease in affordable rental housing
units. More than 1.8 million affordable housing units have been
demolished over the past decade. Making matters worse, many current
affordable housing providers are deciding to opt-out of their Section 8
contracts or are prepaying their HUD-insured mortgages. These decisions
have further limited the availability of affordable housing across the
country. Many more providers will be able to opt-out of their Section 8
contracts in the next few years, further limiting the availability of
affordable housing in our nation. The current decline has already
forced many working families eligible for Section 8 vouchers in Boston
to live outside the city because there are no available rental housing
units which accept vouchers.
The loss of affordable housing has exacerbated the housing crisis in
this country, and the Federal Government must take action. We have the
resources, yet we are not devoting these resources to fix the problem.
Despite the fact that more families are unable to afford housing and
there are fewer affordable rental housing units, we have decreased
Federal spending on critical housing programs. Between 1978 and 1995,
the number of households receiving Federal housing assistance was
increased by almost 3 million. From 1978 through 1984, an additional
230,000 families received Federal housing assistance each year. This
number dropped significantly to 126,000 additional households each year
from 1985 through 1995.
In 1996, this nation's housing policy went all the way back to square
one-- not only was there no increase in families receiving housing
assistance, but the number of assisted units actually decreased. From
1996 to 1998, the number of HUD assisted households dropped by 51,000.
During this time of rising rents, increased housing costs, and the
loss of affordable housing units, it is incomprehensible that we are
not doing more to increase the amount of housing assistance available
to working families. Yet in the face of these critical housing problems
and the effect it has on our children, the Bush Administration is
working to dismantle many federal programs that help Americans find
affordable housing. The Bush Administration has proposed to block grant
the Section 8 Voucher program, which I believe will reduce the number
of families with children eligible for Federal housing assistance and
increase housing costs for those families who remain. A recent Center
on Budget and Policy Priorities study that shows President Bush's
fiscal year 2004 budget request is inadequate to fund all Section 8
housing vouchers needed in fiscal year 2004. Specifically, the lack of
funding in the voucher program request means that approximately 184,000
vouchers now in use serving low-income families will not be funded. In
Massachusetts, this would mean a reduction of more than 6,000 vouchers
or nearly ten percent of the vouchers projected to be in use in October
2003. If the President's request is enacted into law, the Center on
Budget and Policy Priorities believes that it is likely that some
families that now rely on vouchers to help pay their rent will lose
assistance, placing these families at high risk of eviction and, in
some cases, homelessness. President Bush's fiscal year 2004 budget
request also proposes cutting an additional $2.45 billion from existing
housing programs and eliminating the HOPE VI program, which has helped
revitalize neighborhoods around the country. These cuts come on top of
an earlier Bush Administration action to abolish the Public Housing
Drug Elimination Grant program.
The Bush Administration changes in Federal housing programs mean that
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and many other States will likely
receive a reduction in Federal housing funds in fiscal year 2004.
Almost every State is facing serious budget deficits and are forced to
dramatically increase spending on homeland security. Additional funds
are not available to make up the decline in Federal spending. The
future is even bleaker. These reductions at HUD follow the enactment of
two separate tax cuts, which primarily benefit the wealthiest in our
society, that will make it almost impossible for any significant
increases in the HUD's budget over the next decade. We need to bring
housing resources back to where they belong. The National Affordable
Housing Trust Fund will provide desperately needed funds to begin
production of affordable housing in the United States. Enacting the
Housing Trust Fund legislation is an important step in the right
direction to add resources to housing and to help begin producing
housing again.
We can no longer ignore the shortage of affordable housing in
America, and the impact it is having on families and children around
the country. It is still unclear to me why this lack of housing has not
caused more uproar. How many families are to be pushed out of their
homes and into the streets, before action is taken. I believe it is
time for our nation to take a new path--one that ensures that all
Americans, especially our children, has the opportunity to live in
decent, affordable and safe housing. Everyone knows that decent
housing, along with neighborhood and living environment, play enormous
roles in shaping young lives. Federal housing assistance, has assisted
millions of low-income children across the nation and has helped
develop stable home environments. However, too many children still live
in families that have substandard housing or are homeless. These
children are less likely to do well in school and less likely to be
productive citizens. Because of the positive effect that this
legislation would have on America's children, the Trust Fund was
included in the Act to Leave No Child Behind, a comprehensive proposal
by the Children's Defense Fund to assist in the development of our
nation's children.
I urge you to support this legislation to restore our commitment to
provide affordable housing for all families. We can no longer turn our
backs on those who struggle every day just to put a roof over their
family's head.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this rule and this bill. The rule before us is a closed rule allowing only 60 minutes of debate and prohibits consideration of all the Democratic amendments…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this rule and this bill. The rule before us is a closed rule allowing only 60 minutes of debate and prohibits consideration of all the Democratic amendments offered to the Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, this bill repeals District of Columbia's laws that ban the sale and possession of handguns and semiautomatic weapons that have been in effect for over three decades.
Our constituents expect us to work on issues of national concern.
They expect us to complete the annual appropriations process and avoid a government
shutdown. Yet, today, with the end of the fiscal year 2 days away, Congress has only managed to complete one appropriation bill.
They expect us to continue to provide States with Federal assistance to build and maintain the Nation's highways. However, Congress has not acted to renew authorization for billions of dollars for critical surface transportation projects that expire on Friday. They expect us to take up the 9/11 Commission's recommendations to make America safer. They expect us to enact legislation to create new jobs and address the plight of the unemployed.
They do not expect us to waste the little time remaining on a bill that the chief sponsor in the other body has all but abandoned hope of getting to the President.
Why on earth is this body squandering the little time remaining in this session on this bill? One word. Politics. Brazen, election-year politics.
With only 7 legislative days left in this Congress, I know that my constituents sent me here to vote on bills of more importance to their lives.
H.R. 3193 repeals several District of Columbia firearms laws and limits the authority of the District to enact new firearms legislation.
Specifically, the bill repeals the District's ban on the sale and possession of handguns, handgun ammunition and semiautomatic weapons.
Mr. Speaker, I do not know where to begin in expressing my outrage about the legislation before us today.
The rule before us blocks consideration of meritorious amendments offered by my colleagues at Rules last night. These amendments would have reinstated the District's ban on semiautomatic assault weapons, reinstated the Federal ban on semiautomatic assault weapons, and reinstated the District's prohibition on the sale of armor-piercing bullets--the so-called ``cop-killer'' bullets.
I think the majority of our constituents would be appalled to learn that this bill exempts semiautomatic weapons that fire 12 or more shots without manual reload from the District's ``machine gun'' restrictions.
We should be here considering legislation to renew the national assault weapons ban that unceremoniously expired a couple of weeks ago--not making a mockery of DC's restrictions on semi-automatic weapons.
As DC Mayor Anthony Williams wrote to congressional leadership, ``It is unthinkable that while the Nation's capital is under alert, Congress should take action to expose more than half a million residents, almost 200,000 federal workers and 20 million tourists to greater danger.''
It is unthinkable to put our officers at greater risk at a time when Capitol Police--alone--are asking for $20 million to secure the Capitol Building for this year. The last thing they need to hear is that semi- automatic weapons can now be carried on the National Mall or cop-killer bullets are legal in the District.
It is worth pointing out the hypocrisy of my colleagues who support this bill by arguing that the District's gun laws infringe on DC citizens' second amendment right to bear arms.
While the bill changes the law to allow DC residents to carry pistols, open or concealed, in their homes and places of business, it does not repeal another DC gun law. The law we will not repeal today is the provision outlawing people from carrying or having readily access to a firearm ``upon the United States Grounds or within the Capital Buildings.''
So we will vote to approve guns in another person's workplace in DC, but not in our offices.
It is unthinkable that only 2 years after the Washington area was terrorized by snipers who killed 10 people in the region, and while the Nation's capital is still under a terrorist alert, Congress would take action on this bill.
We must not lose sight of the innocent victims of gun violence.
Yesterday, the front page of the Washington Post reported that a 13- year-old boy was fatally shot inside his apartment, the 21st child killed this year in DC.
When we voted on this same issue in the aftermath of the Columbine shootings, it failed by a vote of 175 to 250. I hope my colleagues remember their outrage to that senseless killing and recognize that this bill and the recent lapse of the 1994 Federal ban on semi- automatic weapons place our children in more danger.
So, Mr. Speaker, to recap, we are not considering bills to create jobs, we are not passing the budgets for Federal agencies and services, and we are not improving our homeland security. No, today we are debating legislation to allow more lethal guns and ammunition to be on the streets of our Nation's capital--in the hands of would-be terrorists, gang members, and other violent criminals.
Mr. Speaker, again, I strongly urge my colleagues to oppose this closed rule and to vote against the underlying bill.
Show 8 more
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to join today with my colleague, the gentlewoman from the neighboring congressional district, the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), in opposing this bill. The District of…
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to join today with my colleague, the gentlewoman from the neighboring congressional district, the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), in opposing this bill.
The District of Columbia's gun laws have already been upheld by the Federal courts as constitutional, so the second amendment argument in this context is just a bogus one.
This bill represents the height of arrogance. Members of this body have got to stop treating the District of Columbia and the people of the District of Columbia as their personal playground where they impose their will on people who did not elect them. The people of the District of Columbia elected the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton). They elected the Mayor. They elected the D.C. Council. They elected the people who put these laws into effect.
This legislation is nothing more than a contemptible effort to placate certain special interests at the expense of the people of the District of Columbia.
We talk about a world upside down. The House leadership have prohibited this body from taking a vote on extending the ban on military-style assault weapons; and at the same time today we rush through a bill put at the top of the schedule to impose our will against the wishes of the people of the District of Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, I will insert for the Record a letter from the representatives of the business community of Washington, D.C., the Washington Board of Trade, opposing this legislation at this time.
September 20, 2004.
Hon. J. Dennis Hastert,
Speaker, House of Representatives.
Hon. Tom DeLay,
Majority Leader, House of Representatives.
Dear Speaker Hastert and Majority Leader DeLay: As the
unified voice of business in Washington, DC, we are deeply
troubled by efforts within the House Republican caucus to
repeal the gun safety laws that exist for the protection of
the families, workers and tourists of the District of
Columbia.
If passed by Congress into law, The District of Columbia
Personal Protection Act (H.R. 3193) would eliminate the ban
on handguns in the District of Columbia, eliminate the ban on
semiautomatic weapons, eliminate criminal penalties for
possession of unregistered firearms and even eliminate
registration requirements for ammunition and other firearms.
The rollback of these fundamental public safety laws would
have a significant, negative effect on the District's
business climate, and could undermine the foundations of our
city's economy and quality of life.
The leaders of this city are working hard every day to
sustain the progress of recent years by making this an even
more attractive destination for tourism, redevelopment and
relocation. We have had to overcome the lingering perception
that D.C. neighborhoods are especially unsafe, and that our
city is uniquely susceptible to terrorist attack in the
aftermath of 9/11.
To those ends, we have been very successful. Last year,
more than six million people visited Downtown Washington.
Large, international retailers have returned to the District,
making this a regional shopping destination once again. The
District's restaurant scene has never been more vibrant, as
nearly 30 restaurants have opened in the downtown area since
1999 alone, while the District's hotel market has nearly
returned to its pre-9/11 performance. Finally, the
performance of our city's office market is the best in the
nation--at this time, we are the only major downtown market
in the United States with a vacancy rate under ten percent.
However, much of our progress could be undone by passage of
this bill into law. This would fuel the harmful perception
that the District is a haven for weapons that have no place
in our society, and that visitors, employers and new
residents should come here at their own risk. Given the
continued efforts of the business community to sustain our
economic recovery, and the extraordinary steps of our state
and local governments to safeguard against terrorist attack,
the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act is the last
thing our city needs right now. We intend to pursue vigorous
efforts to see this bill defeated, and we hope that you will
not allow this bill to reach the floor of the House of
Representatives for a vote.
Thank you in advance for your consideration.
Sincerely,
Robert A. Peck, President, Greater Washington Board of
Trade.
Robert A. Malson, President, District of Columbia Hospital
Association.
John Childers, President and CEO, Consortium of
Universities of the Washington Metropolitan Area.
Barbara R. Lang, President and CEO, DC Chamber of Commerce.
William A. Hanbury, President and CEO, Washington, DC
Convention and Tourism Corporation.
Lynne Breaux, Executive Director, Restaurant Association
Metropolitan Washington.
Reba Pittman Walker, President, Hotel Association of
Washington, DC.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. This is an extremely important piece of legislation. Most importantly, this bill goes a long way toward…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the District of
Columbia Personal Protection Act. This is an extremely important piece
of legislation. Most importantly, this bill goes a long way toward
restoring the constitutionally guaranteed right of Americans who reside
in the District of Columbia to possess firearms.
It is no secret that the District of Columbia, our great Nation's
Capital, suffers from the most startling violent crime rates in the
country. It has the highest, the absolute highest, murder rate per
capita in the country. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics,
and despite the most stringent gun control laws in the country, in 8
out of the 9 years between 1994 and 2002, Washington DC had the highest
murder rate in the country. In fact, the results are in for 2002, and
unfortunately they continue to paint a grim picture. The District of
Columbia has again reclaimed its rather unenviable title as the
``Murder Capital of the United States''.
It is time, to restore the rights of law-abiding citizens to protect
themselves and to defend their families against murderous predators.
All to often, we read in the paper about yet another vicious murder
carried out against an innocent District of Columbia resident. Try to
imagine the horror that the victim felt when he faced a gun-toting
criminal and could not legally reach for a firearm to protect himself.
We must act now to stop the carnage and put law-abiding citizens in a
position to exercise their right to self defense. It is time to tell
the citizens of the District of Columbia that the Second Amendment of
the Constitution applies to them, and not only to their fellow
Americans in the rest of the country. The District of Columbia Personal
Protection Act would do exactly that.
Let me take a moment to highlight what this legislation would do.
This bill would: 1. permit law-abiding citizens to possess handguns and
rifles in their homes and businesses; 2. repeal the registration
requirements for firearms and ammunition; 3. eliminate criminal
penalties for possession and carrying of firearms in their homes and
businesses; and 4. correct an erroneous provision which wrongly treats
some firearms as if they were machineguns.
Over the years, I have heard over and over again from some of my
friends on the other side of the aisle that the way you reduce violent,
gun-related crime is by prohibiting the possession of firearms. Even if
law-abiding citizens are prohibited from possessing firearms, my
liberal friends argue, it is a small price to pay for safety and
security.
Well, I want to take this opportunity to dispel these unfounded
myths. These myths, I might add, are exposed as such by situations like
we have today in the District of Columbia. I have said it before, but I
will say it again, excessive regulation and the systematic erosion of
the rights guaranteed by the Second Amendment do not deter violent,
gun-toting criminals. Enacting and vigorously enforcing stiff penalties
for those that commit crimes with guns deters violent crime. Not only
is this the proven and effective approach to reducing gun violence, it
also preserves the constitutionally guaranteed rights of law-abiding
men and women to own and possess firearms.
In fact, I recently held a hearing that examined the Administration's
gun crime reduction initiative, Project Safe Neighborhoods. This
initiative has been incredibly successful. It takes the precise
approach that I have advocated--strict and vigorous enforcement of
crimes committed with guns. It says to criminals, ``If you use a gun
during the commission of a crime, you will do very serious and very
hard time.'' And it does so, without trampling on the
rights of law-abiding American men and women.
Today, unfortunately but not surprisingly, the state of affairs in
the District of Columbia has highlighted exactly what those of us who
care deeply about the Second Amendment of the Constitution have always
feared: murderous criminals possess firearms and are free to prey upon
law-abiding citizens; and law-abiding citizens--precisely because they
are law-abiding citizens--may not possess a firearm in their homes to
protect themselves and their families.
The prohibition of firearms in the District of Columbia is as
ineffective and deplorable as it is unconstitutional; it is high-time
we rectify this wrong. I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the
Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. This is an extremely important piece of legislation. Most importantly, this bill goes a long way toward…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the District of
Columbia Personal Protection Act. This is an extremely important piece
of legislation. Most importantly, this bill goes a long way toward
restoring the constitutionally guaranteed right of Americans who reside
in the District of Columbia to possess firearms.
It is no secret that the District of Columbia, our great Nation's
Capital, suffers from the most startling violent crime rates in the
country. It has the highest, the absolute highest, murder rate per
capita in the country. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics,
and despite the most stringent gun control laws in the country, in 8
out of the 9 years between 1994 and 2002, Washington DC had the highest
murder rate in the country. In fact, the results are in for 2002, and
unfortunately they continue to paint a grim picture. The District of
Columbia has again reclaimed its rather unenviable title as the
``Murder Capital of the United States''.
It is time, to restore the rights of law-abiding citizens to protect
themselves and to defend their families against murderous predators.
All to often, we read in the paper about yet another vicious murder
carried out against an innocent District of Columbia resident. Try to
imagine the horror that the victim felt when he faced a gun-toting
criminal and could not legally reach for a firearm to protect himself.
We must act now to stop the carnage and put law-abiding citizens in a
position to exercise their right to self defense. It is time to tell
the citizens of the District of Columbia that the Second Amendment of
the Constitution applies to them, and not only to their fellow
Americans in the rest of the country. The District of Columbia Personal
Protection Act would do exactly that.
Let me take a moment to highlight what this legislation would do.
This bill would: 1. permit law-abiding citizens to possess handguns and
rifles in their homes and businesses; 2. repeal the registration
requirements for firearms and ammunition; 3. eliminate criminal
penalties for possession and carrying of firearms in their homes and
businesses; and 4. correct an erroneous provision which wrongly treats
some firearms as if they were machineguns.
Over the years, I have heard over and over again from some of my
friends on the other side of the aisle that the way you reduce violent,
gun-related crime is by prohibiting the possession of firearms. Even if
law-abiding citizens are prohibited from possessing firearms, my
liberal friends argue, it is a small price to pay for safety and
security.
Well, I want to take this opportunity to dispel these unfounded
myths. These myths, I might add, are exposed as such by situations like
we have today in the District of Columbia. I have said it before, but I
will say it again, excessive regulation and the systematic erosion of
the rights guaranteed by the Second Amendment do not deter violent,
gun-toting criminals. Enacting and vigorously enforcing stiff penalties
for those that commit crimes with guns deters violent crime. Not only
is this the proven and effective approach to reducing gun violence, it
also preserves the constitutionally guaranteed rights of law-abiding
men and women to own and possess firearms.
In fact, I recently held a hearing that examined the Administration's
gun crime reduction initiative, Project Safe Neighborhoods. This
initiative has been incredibly successful. It takes the precise
approach that I have advocated--strict and vigorous enforcement of
crimes committed with guns. It says to criminals, ``If you use a gun
during the commission of a crime, you will do very serious and very
hard time.'' And it does so, without trampling on the
rights of law-abiding American men and women.
Today, unfortunately but not surprisingly, the state of affairs in
the District of Columbia has highlighted exactly what those of us who
care deeply about the Second Amendment of the Constitution have always
feared: murderous criminals possess firearms and are free to prey upon
law-abiding citizens; and law-abiding citizens--precisely because they
are law-abiding citizens--may not possess a firearm in their homes to
protect themselves and their families.
The prohibition of firearms in the District of Columbia is as
ineffective and deplorable as it is unconstitutional; it is high-time
we rectify this wrong. I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the
Record.
I yield to the gentleman from Oklahoma. (Mr. CARSON of Oklahoma asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I rise today and join 43 of my…
I yield to the gentleman from Oklahoma.
(Mr. CARSON of Oklahoma asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I rise today and join 43 of my Democratic colleagues to voice my support for H.R. 3193, a bill that would allow citizens of the District of Columbia to own rifles, shotguns and handguns.
The second amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America specifically grants all Americans the right to bear arms in order to protect themselves and their families. Under this bill, Washington, D.C. citizens would simply have the same self-defense rights as residents of the 50 States of America do.
In a New York Sun editorial printed on Thursday, September 23 of this year, a D.C. resident expressed his concerns on not being able to legally protect his home from intruders. He stated, ``The fact is, if you have an intruder come to your home, there is nothing you can do to protect yourself except wait for the police.'' This Washington, D.C. resident went on to describe an incident where he stared and waited as a man was attempting to break into his home.
This is absolutely inexcusable. No one, no one, should be forced to sit and wait while witnessing an intrusion upon their home, upon their family, possibly putting themselves and their family in danger.
Mr. Speaker, I stay in Washington, D.C. 3 or 4 nights most weeks, and I truly believe the police do a fine job in this city. But if someone were to break into my apartment, I would have to wait for them to arrive before any action to be taken.
If I were to have a gun, if I were to have gone through all the red tape, which includes taking an exam and paying money for fees and a license to have a shotgun in my home, I would have to take the time to assemble or unlock and load my gun. By that time, it could be too late to defend myself. No intruder is going to stand around and wait for me to assemble or unlock and load my gun, and they certainly are not going to wait for the police to arrive before completing the job they came to do.
Mr. Speaker, this is not just a matter of personal protection, it is a matter of constitutional freedom. The second amendment is a right bestowed upon us by our Founding Fathers. It is a right I have exercised my entire life in my home State of Arkansas.
Current Washington, D.C. law requires all guns to be registered with the Metropolitan Police Department. All handguns are banned unless they were registered before the gun ban was enacted, but, even so, Washington, D.C. citizens are prohibited from carrying their handguns in their homes, even those legal handgun owners. Rifles and shotguns can be legally registered and owned, but they must be stored unloaded and disassembled or locked.
The District of Columbia has some of the most restrictive gun laws in the Nation, but at the same time, the District has one of the highest murder rates in the United States of America. Prior to the enactment of the gun ban, homicide had been declining in Washington, D.C. but increased after the ban was imposed back in 1976. In 2002, the D.C. homicide rate was almost double the rate when the handgun ban took effect, and was five times higher than the national average.
H.R. 3193 simply allows law-abiding citizens to possess a firearm without going through the registration requirements and they would not suffer criminal penalties for such possession. This bill permits storage of armed firearms in one's home or place of business and repeals the ban on the possession of
ammunition, allowing citizens to protect their home and family in times of danger within Washington, D.C., as families can do in all 50 States across America.
H.R. 3193 would not affect any law directed at true criminal conduct. This bill leaves in place strict penalties for gun possession by criminals and for those who commit a violent crime with a gun.
Any criminal interested in obtaining a gun for harm against another can easily do so right now. This bill simply ensures that law-abiding citizens of the District of Columbia are able to protect themselves by legally owning a firearm, just as the citizens of the 50 States of America can do.
Mr. Speaker, this is a piece of commonsense legislation, and I urge my colleagues to join the 44 Democratic cosponsors of this legislation and vote in favor of the bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act, H.R. 3193, an outrageous effort spearheaded by my friend Representative Souder of Indiana, to repeal the ban on…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act, H.R. 3193, an outrageous effort spearheaded by my friend Representative Souder of Indiana, to repeal the ban on the possession of firearms in the District of Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton, the DC elected officials, Mayor Anthony Williams, business, labor and civil rights groups and most importantly the District's local residents, who have spoken out against repealing this ban. If this Congress passes H.R. 3193, we will ignore their urgent cries--to spare their communities from further gun violence.
I think I should point out to those Members who believe that the NRA interests should trump the interests of the District's citizens, let's remember the principles of DC home rule that were recently cemented by the Federal courts in Seegars v. Ashcroft. In Seegars, the court held that because the District of Columbia is not a State, then the second amendment did not apply and the ban was not unconstitutional. Congress should respect the court's decision and the District's right to home rule to allow the gun ban to remain in place.
Just ask the parents of 16-year-old Ashley Walker, killed Sunday, September 26, 2004, and the parents of 13-year-old Michael Swan, killed Monday, September 27, 2004, if they believe that more guns should be permitted in the District. These parents know all too well what it means to lose someone to gun violence. They know the importance of maintaining this ban and that creating an environment of proliferation of guns is antithetical to saving lives.
Yet despite these tragedies, Mr. Speaker, the homicide rate in DC is approaching a 20-year low. In fact, DC homicides are down by 24 percent from last year and 55 percent since 1994. It is clear that this ban saves lives.
In my own district in Maryland, there has been an overwhelming decline of assault pistols used in crimes since the Maryland Assault Pistol Ban in 1994.
The Baltimore City Police Department concluded that since the ban's enactment that 55 percent fewer assault pistols were used in crimes. These are real statistics from cities that had been plagued by violence in the past decade; but these cities are also evidence of the success that has sprung from banning assault weapons.
Once again Mr. Speaker, with statistics such as these, we cannot ignore the fact that this ban saves lives.
There are Members of this body who will argue that this bill will give DC residents a sense of protection and restore their second amendment rights. I argue just the opposite. First, under the current law, DC residents may currently own registered guns--in fact over 100,000 firearms have been registered since 1976. Secondly, lifting the ban would engender all sorts of travesties: fully loaded assault weapons--to be carried in public in some instances--acquisition of armor-piercing ammunition--including ``cop-killer'' bullets-- elimination of the District's registration program--even for assault weapons--and issuance of permits to individuals to carry concealed handguns in their places of business. I and other reasonable-minded individuals agree that this legislation is a far cry from providing residents with a ``sense of protection.'' We would argue
that this legislation would only restore a culture of violence that the ban has significantly reduced.
Mr. Speaker, if H.R. 3193 is passed we will once again ignore the millions of Americans who have pleaded with the administration and this body to extend the ban in the District of Columbia and the national assault weapons ban, contained in H.R. 2038. We cannot fail the residents of the District like we failed the millions of Americans when we allowed the assault weapons ban to expire just weeks ago.
Mr. Speaker, we must listen to the residents of this District, citizens who do not have voting representation in Congress. I urge my colleagues to vote against repealing the DC gun ban--vote against H.R. 3193.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 3193, the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. I am a cosponsor of this legislation that ensures greater respect for the right to bear arms…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 3193, the District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. I am a cosponsor of this legislation that ensures greater respect for the right to bear arms in Washington, DC.
H.R. 3193 repeals several of the more draconian citywide Washington, DC, gun restrictions enacted in 1976. Restrictions H.R. 3193 will repeal include the requirement that all firearms be registered. Gun registration in other countries has created government lists of who owns what guns. Such lists facilitate the harassment of gun owners and the confiscation of their guns. Also repealed are blanket bans on the possession of handguns and handgun ammunition as well as any semi- automatic guns. These bans exist despite the fact that handguns and semi-automatic guns are regularly used outside Washington, DC, for self-defense. Also repealed is the prohibition on carrying a gun on one's own property. It is hard to say a person is free if he is prohibited from using the means of protecting himself and his family even in his own home.
It is unfortunate that people in the federal capital city have for nearly 30 years faced some of the most restrictive gun control laws in the country. This fact is particularly unfortunate given Washington, DC's recent history as the murder capital of the United States. Ironically, the place where people most need to bear arms to defend themselves from violent crimes has been one of the places where the exercise of that right has been most restricted.
A strong case can be made that the high rate of violent crimes, including murders, in Washington, DC, is due in part to restrictions on the exercise of the right to bear arms. When potential victims are likely armed, criminals think twice about committing violent crimes; a gun in the hands of a law-abiding citizen is an excellent deterrent to crime. Across the Potomac River from Washington, DC, Virginia does not have this horrific crime and murder rate. Yet, people in Virginia can buy, own, and even carry guns in public.
I am hopeful that the House's consideration of H.R. 3193 indicates a new openness to legislation that will roll back other unconstitutional and dangerous restrictions on Americans' right to bear arms. For years, federal lawmakers have been passing gun control laws, even though they have no authority to do so. Crime control, the stated reason for passing gun control laws in the first place, is a function belonging to the states.
Enacting H.R. 3193 would be a good first step in adopting legislation to restore the Federal Government's respect for the right to bear arms throughout the United States. The Federal Government has trampled on gun rights nationwide--not just in Washington, DC. I have introduced several pieces of legislation this Congress that would help restore respect for the right to bear arms, including the Second Amendment Protection Act, H.R. 153, that would repeal the now-sunset semi-auto ban, repeal the 5-day waiting period and ``instant'' background check imposed on gun purchases, and delete the ``sporting purposes'' test that allows the Treasury Secretary to classify a firearm as a destructive device simply because the Secretary deems the gun to be ``non-sporting.'' Additionally, Congress should consider my Right to Keep and Bear Arms Act, H.R. 3125, that prohibits U.S. taxpayers' dollars from being used to support or promote any United Nations actions that could infringe on the second amendment.
In 1976, I spoke on the floor of the House against the adoption of restrictions on the right to bear arms in Washington, DC, that H.R. 3193 seeks to repeal. Unfortunately, my argument then was ruled out of order, and the restrictions went into effect. While it has been too long in coming, I am glad that the House is finally considering this important issue. The District of Columbia Personal Protection Act would restore some much needed respect for the fundamental rights of people in Washington, DC.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a bipartisan bill to remedy a long-standing inequity in pesticide pricing between agricultural chemicals sold in Canada and similar use chemicals sold in the…
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a bipartisan bill
to remedy a long-standing inequity in pesticide pricing between
agricultural chemicals sold in Canada and similar use chemicals sold in
the United States. This pesticide price disparity has caused an undue
cost burden on our American farmers putting them at a distinct
disadvantage when competing in the world grain market.
Currently, American and Canadian farmers use the same chemicals on
their fields; but they are marketed under different labels and sold at
much lower cost north of the border. This bill simply eliminates that
inequity by setting up a process that would allow American farmers to
access these lower-priced--but substantively identical--pesticides.
This legislation would direct the Environmental Protection Agency,
EPA, upon the request of anyone who can comply with the pesticide
registration requirements of the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and
Rodenticide Act, FIFRA, to register a Canadian pesticide for use in the
United States. This registration would take effect if, after analysis
by the EPA, the pesticides are of similar use and composition in both
countries. The bill also has provisions to allow EPA to delegate
portions of the registration process to individual states with EPA
having the final authority over the process. This is to conserve the
resources of the EPA and at the same time utilize the expertise of
State agriculture departments around the country.
The new labels for the chemicals would still be under the strict
scrutiny of the Environmental Protection Agency as would their use.
This would continue to insure safety in the food supply. Food safety is
a top priority for all of us. Chemical safety is a top priority for all
of us. This bill keeps those priorities intact.
I have come before the Senate time and again to talk about the hidden
inequities of trade. Trade must be fair, and the pricing inequities of
Canadian and United States similar use pesticides have been a glaring
weakness of the free trade initiative. For far too long, American
farmers have watched their neighbors to the north apply pesticides that
are used in both countries, used on the same crops, and yet Canadian
producers get a price cut.
Our farmers are also concerned that similar use pesticides are being
utilized by farmers in Canada to produce wheat, barley, and other
agricultural commodities which are subsequently imported and consumed
in the United States. They rightfully believe it to be unfair to import
commodities produced with agricultural pesticides that are not
available to U.S. producers. If commodities grown with the use of these
Canadian pesticides are deemed safe enough for import and consumption
in the United States, why would we make American producers pay 117
percent to 193 percent more in chemical costs to produce the same
crops? The current scenario doesn't make sense.
This bill is not an ending, but a beginning. Hidden trade barriers
and schemes riddle the fabric of our trade agreements. We cannot
continue to accept trade practices that on the one hand hamstring
Americans, and on the other hand, unduly promote our competitors. We
cannot allow our competitors to sell us commodities treated with lower
priced chemicals that are used both in Canada and the United States,
tell our consumers that the chemicals used on those commodities are
perfectly safe, and yet not give our producers access to those same
chemicals at a lower price. This is a classic example of free trade
gone bad.
We ought not accept second best all of the time, and this bill is a
step in bringing American producers back to a level playing field.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the
Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation along with Mr. Levin, that would stop the implementation of a new Metropolitan Statistical Area, MSA, in the Michigan counties of Kent, Ottawa,…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation
along with Mr. Levin, that would stop the implementation of a new
Metropolitan Statistical Area, MSA, in the Michigan counties of Kent,
Ottawa, Muskegon, and Allegan, KOMA.
On June 6, 2003, the Office of Management and Budget issued its
Bulletin No. 03-04 on Revised Definition of Metropolitan Statistical
Areas, New Definitions of Micropolitan Statistical Areas, and Combined
Statistical Areas, and Guidance on the Use of the Statistical
Definitions in These Areas.
This bulletin finalizes a process that began with the last census.
Statistical areas, as explained by the OMB, are designed solely for
statistical purposes. As stated in the bulletin, they are designed to
``provide nationally consistent definitions in collecting, tabulating,
and publishing Federal statistics for a set of geographic areas.'' The
problem is that the are used for much more than that. They are
principal tool for allocating Federal dollars. And, although OMB
recognizes this, it will ``not take into account or attempt to
anticipate any nonstatistical uses that may be made of the MSAs.''
This is a serious problem. On one hand, we are implementing new MSAs
to serve basic statistical purposes. On the other hand, these new MSAs
are critical for the allocation of Federal money and OMB does not
consider, in the least bit, how these new MSAs may negatively or
positively affect communities. It is easy for OMB staff to say that
their hands are tied by rules and strict methodologies, but this is not
about number-crunching. This is about real dollars for Michigan.
I have heard from numerous constituents in West Michigan who are
concerned about how these new statistical, designations will affect
Medicaid and Medicare payments, Housing and Urban Development grants,
Community Development Block Grants, and other important programs in
Michigan. I share these concerns and want to make sure that we do not
allow a new system of Federal dollar allocations to come into effect
that would hurt West Michigan. We need time to study the impact of the
new MSAs. That is why I am offering legislation to stay the
implementation of the new West Michigan MSAs until October 1, 2004,
leaving the current Kent-Ottawa-Muskegon-Allegan, KOMA, MSA in place.
The KOMA region has developed a common identity over the last decade.
It shares regional challenges such as tourism, transportation networks,
environmental protection, and community health. Business leaders have
worked hard to market the region as a common community with much to
offer potential new businesses and families looking to relocate. I do
not want these leaders to lose this marketing tool. By the OMB setting
up a new MSA with no consideration of the economic and social
integration of the existing MSA, we could see the undermining of a
great deal of progress for this part of Michigan.
We, in Congress, should eventually look at this issue of MSAs
comprehensively. We should ensure that communities do not have to fact
this uncertainty every decade with a new census. We should either
ensure that the OMB takes into account economic and other community
concerns when creating MSAs or we should make sure that Federal funding
allocations are not made through MSAs. Regardless, in the short run, it
is essential that the hospitals, the community development
organizations, the business leaders, and the social service providers
of West Michigan who are raising these concerns with me have time to
study the problem and understand the impact of OMB's decision. Once
that has been studied, we can work with OMB and
the interested parties to ensure that there is no loss of Federal money
to West Michigan.
Show 11 more
Mr. President, today I am introducing the California Affordable Quantity and Quality Water Act of 2003, CAL-AQQWA. Nowhere is the need for a comprehensive water policy that includes innovative…
Mr. President, today I am introducing the California
Affordable Quantity and Quality Water Act of 2003, CAL-AQQWA.
Nowhere is the need for a comprehensive water policy that includes
innovative recycling and reuse principles more urgently felt than in
California. Water agencies and elected officials throughout the State
are constantly planning, and struggling, to balance California's
agricultural, municipal, industrial and environmental water needs.
This challenge becomes all the more acute in the face of the State's
declining Colorado River surplus allocation and growing population.
California is facing an annual loss of about 800,000 acre feet from the
Colorado River. And population forecasts project an additional 15
million residents in California over the next 20 years.
Unfortunately, funding to pursue and implement much-needed,
environmentally beneficial water infrastructure projects is not readily
available, and many good water management ideas are left languishing on
the shelf. CAL-AQQWA can help move many of these ideas forward and into
production.
There are two sections in this bill. The first section authorizes
expedited feasibility studies for 22 water projects in California.
Funding priority would be given to projects that would provide
environmental and other benefits. Costs for these studies would be
shared between the local sponsors and the Federal Government.
Studies in this bill explore a variety of innovative water supply
strategies, including groundwater recharge; recycled water distribution
for landscaping, wetlands restoration, agricultural use, industrial
use, and general irrigation; surface water storage alternatives;
groundwater storage; desalination; conservation; and groundwater
demineralization. If fully implemented, these water projects may
provide up to 630,000 acre feet of water per year in California. These
additional acre feet would allow local authorities to decrease their
dependence on imported water sources.
The second section of this bill increases funding for the
Environmental Protection Agency's Conservation Grant programs,
including $2 billion in fiscal year 2004 for the drinking water state
revolving loan program. EPA conservation grants provide funding for
measures that include: urban conservation, low-flow toilets, water
meter installation or retrofit, desalination projects, wastewater
treatment system upgrades for compliance with Clean Water Act
requirements, and groundwater recharge facilities projects.
Water agencies and local officials throughout California are
constantly struggling to meet all of our state's water needs. My hope
is that this legislation will bring us closer to meeting the challenges
facing our growing population by studying and expanding the proven
benefits of water conservation and recycling.
Let me conclude by noting that seven of the studies in the bill would
be conducted by the Army Corps of Engineers. I support moving forward
with additional Corps studies. But I also recognize we need to reform
the Corps. As part of any reform effort for the Corps, I would like to
see that costly or controversial Corps projects be subject to
independent review; that any environmental harm caused by Corps
projects be fully mitigated in a timely manner; that the public will
have access to the information necessary to fully participate in the
Corps' planning process; that the Corps' procedures for determining
project costs and benefits will be modernized; and that Corps projects
will be designed and operated in a manner that protects our precious
natural resources.
I encourage my colleagues to take a close look at this bill, and I
ask for their support.
Mr. President, I rise today proudly to introduce legislation to rename the postal facility at 141 Weston Street in Hartford, CT, as the ``Barbara B. Kennelly Post Office Building.'' Barbara Kennelly…
Mr. President, I rise today proudly to introduce
legislation to rename the postal facility at 141 Weston Street in
Hartford, CT, as the ``Barbara B. Kennelly Post Office Building.''
Barbara Kennelly is a dear friend, a former member of the House of
Representatives, and an outstanding citizen of Connecticut who has
dedicated her life to public service on behalf of the citizens of our
great State. It is long past time, and the very least that we can do to
pay tribute to her in this small but lasting way.
Barbara's life of public service came as no surprise to those of us
who knew her and her family--the first family of Connecticut politics,
I might add. Her father, John M. Bailey, was one of the all time great
political legends of our State--a powerful political leader, confidante
of John F. Kennedy, and Democratic Party chairman under Presidents
Kennedy and Johnson. I devoted the better half of my senior year at
Yale to the study of Bailey and wrote my senior thesis, later turned
into a book, on his brilliant and sophisticated use of political power.
Barbara's mother was active in Democratic politics long after the death
of her husband in 1975, her brother Jack served as the chief state
attorney in Connecticut, and her late husband Jim was a Speaker of the
Connecticut House. Politics has been in Barbara's bones practically
from the time she was born.
She once told a newspaper that politics didn't ``come naturally, but
certainly it's a lot easier when you see members of your family doing
it. Obviously I was watching my father all the time and learning
through osmosis.''
She had good instructors and she learned well. After serving on the
Hartford City Council and as Connecticut's Secretary of State, Barbara
was elected to Congress in 1982 and served with distinction until 1999,
when she answered her party's call to run for governor.
Like her father, she was a hard-driving and skilled tactician in the
House, working the back corridors of politics and shunning the bright
lights of the modern media ever in search of a nine-second sound bite.
She was an insider, a loyal Member of the House leadership, and a
golf partner to the likes of Danny Rostenkowski. She rose in through
the party ranks making few enemies, seeking consensus, playing fair,
and gathering strength one vote at a time.
Through the 1980s and 1990s, she was one of the more powerful women
in the Congress--part feminist hero, part backroom pol. She had a knack
for getting along with the good old boys even as she pushed the
boundaries for women's rights.
In 1984, she was thrilled to be chosen to nominate Geraldine Ferraro
as the first woman Vice Presidential candidate on a Democratic ticket.
Years
afterward, Barbara said that moment was one of the high points of her
career. But there would be many others. In her second term, House
Speaker Tip O'Neill recognized her ability and appointed her to serve
on the prestigious tax-writing Ways and Means Committee, a committee
most members wait years to join. She also became the first woman member
of the House Intelligence Committee. And in 1991, she became the first
woman to join the House leadership as a chief deputy whip.
We miss her strong presence and her wise counsel here in Congress but
are grateful for her continuing work on behalf of seniors as the
President of the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and
Medicare. I appreciate the opportunity to help honor a great woman in
this way. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed
in the Record.
Mr. President, today, I am joined by Senator Stevens in introducing the United States Olympic Committee Reform Act of 2003. This legislation is designed to reform the governance structure of the…
Mr. President, today, I am joined by Senator Stevens in
introducing the United States Olympic Committee Reform Act of 2003.
This legislation is designed to reform the governance structure of the
United States Olympic Committee, USOC, in response to a series of
embarrassing events that has beset the USOC and threatened the
organization's credibility in the eyes of our athletes, the American
people, and the international sports community.
While the current mission of the USOC is to ``preserve and promote
the Olympic ideal as an effective, positive role model that inspires
all Americans,'' turmoil within the organization over the past decade
has seriously compromised that mission and has amplified significant
problems that exist within its governance structure and culture. By
failing to place the organization ahead betrayed the Olympic ideals
that they pledged to preserve.
The bill that we are introducing today is the product of three
hearings held this year by the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science,
and Transportation in response to several USOC scandals and in an
effort to help begin reforming the organization. It also is informed by
the report of an independent commission requested by the Commerce
Committee to review the USOC, and a review by an internal USOC task
force, both of which were released last month.
The bill would make significant improvements to the governance
structure of the USOC by reducing the size of the current board of
directors from
124 to nine members and by creating an assembly of USOC stakeholders.
Unlike the current duopolistic leadership structure of the USOC, the
board would be the primary governing body of the USOC, and it would
appoint a chief executive officer to carry out its policies and run its
day-to-day operations. As such, the USOC will become a more efficient
and effective organization, as well as one with a more logical and
transparent structure.
In addition, the bill would maintain the authority of athletes and
national governing bodies in the operation of the USOC, require
increased financial transparency, and provide whistle-blower protection
for USOC employees. Most importantly, however, this bill would
streamline the organization to allow a larger percentage of USOC
revenues to be dedicated to support amateur athletes. Instead of
supporting a large and wasteful corporate structure, the reformed USOC
will be able to dedicate fewer resources to a small and more effective
governing body.
We must be mindful that the Olympic movement is not about people who
attach themselves to the USOC for their own benefit. It is a movement
that is driven by athletes who dedicate their bodies and souls to
improving their God-given talent with the hope of someday realizing
their Olympic dreams. The USOC is an entity entrusted by the American
people with the privilege of being the custodian of these dreams. We
must act quickly to ensure that the self-serving agendas of individual
USOC constituencies are no longer paramount to the common objectives of
the organization.
The problems that plague the USOC compromise the organization's
ability to operate effectively and efficiently and undermine the
credibility of the organization. I believe this bill would provide
realistic remedial measures to these problems, and I urge my colleagues
to support its expeditious enactment.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the
Record.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong opposition to H.R. 3193, the so-called District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. I do not agree with the premise that more hand guns and assault…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong opposition to H.R. 3193, the so-called District of Columbia Personal Protection Act.
I do not agree with the premise that more hand guns and assault weapons in the District will mean less crime on the streets of our Nation's Capital. The experts don't either. The Mayor of the District, Anthony Williams, strongly opposes this bill. The District's Chief of Police, Charles Ramsey, recently said that ``to reduce crime and prevent more senseless tragedies like the recent killings in Anacostia and Ballou, we need fewer--not more--weapons. . .'' The District's Delegate in the Congress Eleanor Holmes Norton, is strongly against this legislation, as is the City Council.
Why, Mr. Speaker, do all these District leaders oppose this effort to overturn their gun laws? Because, to cite just recent examples, they have seen their neighbors, their family, and their co-workers mourn the loss of 16 local children killed by guns this year. And yet, today in the House, a place secured from weapons by metal detectors at every entrance and protected by our own dedicated police force, we are voting on legislation that will overrule the District's own sensible gun laws.
Today, I have heard from a number of my colleagues who support this legislation that the District of Columbia is the murder capital of the United States and that the best way to solve this problem is to increase access to hand guns and assault weapons. But what I want to ask is why we are not actually helping the District with its real underlying problems. Why are we not doing more to support the police officers on the streets of the District? Why are we not doing more to support after-school programs to keep children off the streets and away from guns and crime? Why are we not providing funds for job training and other educational programs for the District's residents, who desperately want to end the cycle of crime that plagues many of their District's communities? The simple answer is that this legislation is based not on sound public policy or on a desire to end gun-related crimes; this is a politically motivated attempt to curry favor with the National Rifle Association and other opponents of reasonable gun safety.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot understand why those who, day after day, rail on the floor of the House about their support for federalism are now taking significant steps to trample the right of the District to decide its own affairs. If my colleagues who support this measure really feel that the District should repeal its gun registration laws, repeal its assault weapons ban, and allow ``cop killer'' bullets on the streets, then I recommend that they register to vote in the District and lobby their local councilmember for such a change. This is the appropriate way to change the laws of the District of Columbia.
The elected leaders of the District of Columbia do not want this legislation. The people of the District of Columbia do not want this legislation. If passed, this legislation will put more people at risk of being shot with assault weapons or handguns--particularly at risk are children and police officers. It's time to stand up to the gun lobby and oppose legislation that will make the District of Columbia less safe. I strongly urge my colleagues to vote no on H.R. 3193.
Mr. Speaker, first. In addition to violating the Republicans' ``sacred oath'' to support ``states' rights;'' this body is violating the citizens of the District of Columbia's right to…
Mr. Speaker, first. In addition to violating the Republicans' ``sacred oath'' to support ``states' rights;'' this body is violating the citizens of the District of Columbia's right to self-determination with respect to guns . . . just because it can. Congress, in 1993, denied American citizens the right to statehood and continues to deny them voting rights. DC's young people are fighting, dying and being wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan in the name of democracy and self-determination . . . something they don't have back home in DC! So Republicans in Congress exercise outside control over DC citizens, and DC citizens have limited means of fighting back, since they have no voting representation in Congress.
Second. The other side is forcing us to vote on this bill just to send a political message back home. The Senate has already rejected it, so we know it will not become law this year. They are doing it for political reasons just before the election on November 2--which they would never even think about doing to another state because the Americans they represent have a member in the House and two in the Senate. They are exploiting the politically impotent citizens of DC. It reminds me of the big bully in school picking on the littlest and weakest kid in the class. Let's be clear. They are forcing us to vote on this legislation in order to politicize the gun issue on the eve of the election in order to send a political message back home.
Third. In addition to all of that, let's look at the Republican flip- flop on the gun issue! What was the Republican Party saying about guns in 1968? And, I might add for context, in 1967-1968 our cities were in rebellion and our colleague, Congressman Bobby Rush, was a Black Panther, and the Panthers had guns?
But let's look at the Republican Platform language in 1968!
republican party platform 1968
``We pledge an all-out federal-state-local crusade against
crime, including enactment of legislation to control
indiscriminate availability of firearms.''
republicans in congress in 2004
First, on September 13, Republicans let the assault weapons
ban expire!
Now the ``Republican District of Columbia Personal
Protection Act''!
Sec. 3. Reform DC Council's authority to restrict firearms.
This section shall not be construed to permit the Council,
the Mayor, or any governmental or regulatory authority of the
District of Columbia to prohibit, constructively prohibit, or
unduly burden the ability of persons otherwise permitted to
possess firearms under Federal law from acquiring, possessing
in their homes or businesses, or using for sporting, self-
protection or other lawful purposes, any firearm neither
prohibited by Federal law nor regulated by the National
Firearms Act. The District of Columbia shall not have
authority to enact laws or regulations that discourage or
eliminate the private ownership or use of firearms.
Sec. 4. Repeal DC semiautomatic ban.
Sec. 5. Repeal registration requirement.
Sec. 6. Repeal handgun ammunition ban.
Sec. 8. Additional repeals.
Sec. 9. Remove criminal penalties for possession of
unregistered firearms.
This bill is a waste of this body's time. It is wrongheaded. It is patently unfair. It is nakedly political. It is anti-democratic. And I urge its defeat.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot support this bill, which would repeal a number of local laws adopted by the District of Columbia City Council and would prohibit the passage of similar local laws in the future.…
Mr. Speaker, I cannot support this bill, which would repeal a number of local laws adopted by the District of Columbia City Council and would prohibit the passage of similar local laws in the future.
The laws in question deal with regulation of firearms. But that is not the reason for my opposition.
Instead, I oppose the bill because I think its enactment would be an abuse of our authority as Members of Congress. Its effect would be to reduce the right of self-government for one group of Americans--those who reside in Washington, DC.
I know the Constitution gives Congress the power ``to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever'' over the District of Columbia--even though the residents of the district are not fully represented in either the House of Representatives or the U.S. Senate.
But Congress, through the Home Rule Act, has authorized the district's residents to elect a city council and mayor who will be immediately responsible for governing the city.
I am convinced this was the right thing to do. I support home rule for Washington, DC, because I think Americans who live in the district deserve to be able to govern themselves as much as possible consistent with the necessary functioning of the Federal Government. And this bill flies in the face of that principle.
It's true that the bill includes a ``finding'' that its enactment ``is required to correct the District of Columbia's law in order to restore the rights of its citizens under the second amendment to the United States Constitution and thereby enhance public safety.'' But I don't think that settles the matter.
I take seriously my oath to uphold the Constitution. But I am not convinced that fidelity to that oath requires a vote to repeal these local laws--especially since as far as I know there has been no successful challenge to their constitutionality in all the years they have been on the books.
And I certainly don't think fidelity to my oath requires me to support a reduction in the authority of the D.C. City Council to pass similar laws in the future, as this bill would do.
Further, while there is plenty of room to debate whether repealing these particular laws would or would not enhance public safety--just as there is room to debate whether the laws themselves are desirable or effective--I think that debate should not take place here in Congress. The laws this bill would repeal were duly adopted by the elected government of the district and they have not interfered with the orderly functioning of the Federal Government. So, in my opinion, decisions about retaining, amending, or repealing these local laws should be made by the city council--a body that is elected by and accountable to the people who are subject to them.
Instead, by passing this bill Congress would substitute its judgment for that of the local elected government--in effect denying their constituents the right to govern themselves on this subject.
We cannot--and we should not--do that to the residents of Colorado or any other State. I do not think we should do it to the people who live here in Washington, DC. We may not think these local laws are well- designed. But I think we should allow those covered by the laws to decide that for themselves.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in outraged opposition to H.R. 3193, the so-called District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. This bill strips away gun safety laws passed by the City Council here in our…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in outraged opposition to H.R. 3193, the so-called District of Columbia Personal Protection Act. This bill strips away gun safety laws passed by the City Council here in our Nation's capital. It allows people in DC to buy assault weapons and use ``cop-killer'' bullets. It overturns laws that ban criminals from owning guns.
Mr. Speaker, the internal contradictions and extremism of this bill say a lot about the Republican majority's desperation to please the National Rifle Association shortly before the election. In order to chock up a vote for the NRA scorecard, Republicans play lip service to States' rights and local control while nullifying laws passed by the elected leaders of DC.
Do the people of Washington, DC want their gun laws repealed? Not on you life.
Residents of DC will be less safe, but who cares say the Republicans. They've got to reward the NRA for millions in campaign contributions dumped into their reelection coffers. They have no shame.
Consider the parents of the 16 DC children killed by guns this year. They have to relive their nightmare every day and now the tragedy of more children murdered by guns and more parents mourning as assault weapons again rule the streets. Their wishes are being dishonored and stripped away today. Their calls for safe streets ignored. Their hope for safer neighborhoods--gone. All capriciously taken away by Republicans and the NRA.
I bet these parents, like any other parent in any community across this Nation, wish they had the same grip over their local gun laws as the National Rifle Association.
The 230 cosponsors of this legislation work in a building where guns are banned. Every visitor has to pass through a metal detector. Millions have been spent on Homeland Security upgrades in and around the Capitol. Yet, they foolishly think the Global War on Terror stops at the banks of the Potomac. Or maybe they figure they're safe behind the barricades and armed police so why worry about gun laws that protect other people who life in this city?
If you're worried about your safety in some of the most dangerous neighborhoods just blocks from the Capitol, here's the Republicans' message to you: buy an AK-47 and pray that you're a better shot than the other guy. Never mind studies published in the New England Journal of Medicine that conclude that guns kept in the home for self- protection triple the risk of homicide, and are 43 times more likely to kill a family member or friend than an intruder.
Any member of this body who feels safer because of the extensive gun control here in the Capitol Building has an obligation to vote against this bill so that the people of DC have the same right to control their personal safety. If you vote for a firearms free-for-all in Washington, DC, then you should have the decency to introduce legislation allowing assault weapons right here, in your own workplace, in this Capitol. Even Republicans know that would be wrong, but if that's really where you stand, then I stand with the citizens of DC who know what's best. Do what they'd do. Vote down this bill.
Mr. President. Today, I am introducing legislation called, ``The Access to Medical Treatment Act, AMTA'', on behalf of myself and my colleagues, Senators Hatch, Inouye, Grassley, and Daschle. This…
Mr. President. Today, I am introducing legislation
called, ``The Access to Medical Treatment Act, AMTA'', on behalf of
myself and my colleagues, Senators Hatch, Inouye, Grassley, and
Daschle.
This legislation is important for thousands of Americans who suffer
from illness or disease for which conventional medical treatments offer
little or no promise of cure or relief.
Many Americans are plagued with the hopelessness of debilitating pain
caused by illness. For some of these patients, non-conventional
treatments could offer much needed relief. Thousands of other Americans
live with potentially fatal diseases that are unresponsive to
traditional medical treatments. Increasing the options for treatment by
utilizing unconventional therapy could provide newfound hope for
lifesaving results.
AMTA addresses limits placed on unconventional medical care and would
allow Americans access to many promising, even proven, treatments that
are currently restricted. For example, the bill would lift some
restrictions on treatments that have been approved and used in other
countries. The bill would also allow access for many additional
patients to drugs or therapies otherwise available through the Food and
Drug Administration, FDA, human clinical trials.
This legislation establishes parameters for the use of such non-
conventional therapies. A health care practitioner may provide the
medical treatment requested by a patient under certain guidelines.
First, the health care practitioner must personally examine the
patient, the treatment must be within the practitioner's appropriate
range of practice, it must not violate any existing licensing laws, and
the treatment must comply with the Controlled Substances Act. Next,
there must be no reason for the practitioner to conclude that the
treatment will cause danger to the patient. The patient must be
informed, in writing, of the contents and methods of treatment, its
possible side effects, anticipated benefits, results of prior use of
treatment on other patients, and any other information necessary to
fully meet the requirements for informed consent of human subjects in
FDA regulations.
I believe we have some of the best medicine, technology, and health
care providers in the United States. However, there are vast amounts of
information yet to be learned on disease and treatment. We must not
allow ourselves to be exclusively, perhaps, myopically, focused on
traditional forms of treatment when some Americans find no relief from
them. Those with debilitating pain and disease should have access to
new options for relief, especially when conventional treatments fail.
We owe it to the American people to engage in this crucial discussion
on access to non-conventional forms of medical treatments. There are
many questions that need to be addressed. We must begin to address them
by exploring the new and innovative forms of therapy that exist, and by
engaging in an educated dialogue on this issue.
Mr. Speaker, while we ultimately are debating two different gun control bans in the District of Columbia, I am going to confine my comments to the District's ban on the acquisition or possession of a…
Mr. Speaker, while we ultimately are debating two different gun control bans in the District of Columbia, I am going to confine my comments to the District's ban on the acquisition or possession of a handgun. The evidence is clear that this handgun ban has not reduced crime.
Since the ban, the city's violent crime rates, particularly its murder rates, have increased. When the ban went into effect, the city's murder rate was twice the national rate. Today it is more than seven times the national rate.
Chicago is the other major American city that has a handgun ban, and it has been on the books almost as long as the District's. The Chicago ban went into effect in 1982, and within a decade murders with handguns doubled.
California banned so-called ``assault weapons'' in 1989. For the next 5 years, California's murder rate increased every year, 26 percent overall.
Of course, I am sure we are all familiar with the study that was conducted of the Federal assault weapons law, under Congress's mandate. That study found no hard evidence that the ban had any effect on crime. Among the reasons for this, the guns that were banned were rarely used in crime before the ban.
Many of our colleagues may also remember that several years ago we passed legislation prohibiting the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from using Federal funds to pay for so-called studies designed from the outset to reach conclusions that political activists could use to promote gun control for policy purposes.
It was clear that there was a significant bias at the CDC in favor of gun control. And that bias remains. But even the CDC, in a study conducted last year, found no evidence that gun bans reduce crime. For that matter, the study found no evidence that any form of gun control reduces crime.
Around the same time, the Library of Congress studied the relationship of gun control to crime in 27 foreign countries, and it concluded there was no relationship between gun restrictions and crime.
Even though Americans buy about 5 million new guns a year, the Nation's violent crime rate has dropped every year since 1991 and it is now at a 27-year low; that is, if you base the counts on crimes reported to the police and the FBI. If you base the counts on the National Crime Victimization surveys, however, the Nation's violent crime is at a 30-year low.
Based upon crimes reported to the police and FBI, the Nation's murder rates the last few years have been lower than any time since the mid- 1960s.
So, the gun control supporters' motto, ``More guns means more crime,'' is demonstrably false.
These statistics from around the country and around the world cannot be expected to alter the thinking of people who are ideologically opposed to private ownership of guns. However, ideology has been proven false by hard facts and should not dictate the policies under which the rest of us should live.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this bill. The other side would have you believe that they want to repeal legislation in the District of Columbia to stop handguns. But that is not what this bill…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this bill. The other side
would have you believe that they want to repeal legislation in the District of Columbia to stop handguns. But that is not what this bill does. This bill repeals the District's laws on assault weapons. I want to show a chart, if I might, because one of the assault weapons that would be made legal if this bill passes is a semiautomatic 50-caliber sniper weapon. This is its actual size. It is capable of taking out an armored limousine from a mile away. Can you imagine that in the District of Columbia someone could have this assault weapon and stick it out of a window on Pennsylvania Avenue? We have people coming in and out of this city who are very important to the functioning of our government, international visitors. Yet they could own and possess this weapon if the legislation before us passes.
We are spending millions of dollars to protect the Nation's capital from another terrorist attack, yet we are passing legislation today that would invite terrorists to bring assault weapons into the heart of the Nation's capital.
There is a real irony. There are committees that are meeting today to pass different parts of legislation based on the recommendations of the 9/11 Commission. Those recommendations were to make our Nation safe from terrorist attacks. Yet in this bill we are telling terrorists that it is okay for them to have assault weapons when they visit the Nation's capital.
We are under an orange alert because someone working with al Qaeda took photos of the World Bank, the IMF, and other buildings in D.C. Think of the damage that person could have done if he or she had a 50- caliber sniper weapon instead of a camera. Two years ago, this city, this whole region was gripped with fear when a sniper systematically stalked and killed 10 people. The gun he used was the Bushmaster XM-15 assault rifle. Along with AK-47s and Uzis, the Bushmaster assault rifle is one of the guns that this bill would legalize.
The vast majority of the people in this Nation support the Federal ban on assault weapons. Even the President said he supported the continuation of the assault weapons ban, but we could not even bring it up for a vote in the House of Representatives. Instead, the Republican leadership in the House has brought up to the House floor legislation that makes assault weapons legal in the Nation's capital. I wonder if they are going to get around to mandating that each Member of Congress buy an assault weapon rather than ban it all around this Nation.
This bill is being rushed to the floor to score political points with the NRA. The bill is an abomination. I urge my colleagues to defeat it.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 3193, and I respect the gentleman from Indiana's perspective on this issue. I think there is room in the House for disagreement. But my opposition is…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 3193, and I respect the gentleman from Indiana's perspective on this issue. I think there is room in the House for disagreement. But my opposition is based on the legislation's blatant and potentially dangerous assault on home rule in the District of Columbia.
There is an appropriate place for debate on D.C.'s gun laws, and that place is the chambers of the District of Columbia Council, not the floor of the House of Representatives.
This bill repeals protections from gun violence that have been sought by the citizens of the District. It would end the city's ban on semi- automatic assault weapons, its ban on armor-piercing or ``cop killing'' ammunition, its requirement for gun registration. Even if we want to debate the merits of the gun laws, no one should question the importance of keeping fully loaded assault weapons off the streets of the Nation's capital.
Ninety-seven percent of all guns used in crimes in the District originate outside the District. Children in the Nation's capital are already at risk. This year, 21 young people in the District, all of them under 18 years of age, have been killed, most of them by gunshot. Our priority should be in reducing this disturbing rise in juvenile slayings, and I do not think this legislation helps.
The crime rate, by the way, in the city is going down. The police chief was quoted just last week as saying a 13 percent drop in overall crime this year, 24 percent reduction in homicides this year.
Proponents of this bill want to frame this debate in terms of the constitutionality of the District's law, but that is a straw man. Earlier this year, a U.S. District Court rejected constitutional challenge to the District's statute. This is a home rule fight. We do not allow the city a vote on the House floor, and now, we are taking away the rights of the Council and the elected mayor of the city to make decisions that they have made and will omit Oak Park, Chicago, Evanston, Illinois. We are not touching those areas that have representation in this body. We are just dealing with the Nation's capital. For our system of federalism and democracy to work, States and localities need to be able to make their own decisions on these sorts of matters, even if some of us think they are bad decisions.
We are only here today because of Congress's plenary power over the District. This is a constitutional authority that is unfortunately occasionally abused as it is in this case.
I urge my colleagues to join me in voting ``no.''
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 1414 Introduced in Senate (IS)]
108th CONGRESS
1st Session
S. 1414
To restore second amendment rights in the District of Columbia.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
July 15, 2003
Mr. Hatch (for himself, Mr. Miller, Mrs. Hutchison, Mr. Craig, Mr.
Cornyn, Mr. Sessions, Mr. Domenici, Mr. Chambliss, Mr. Burns, Mr.
Sununu, Mr. Enzi, Mr. Bunning, Mr. Allen, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Campbell,
Mr. Grassley, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Graham of South Carolina, and Mr. Crapo)
introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred to the
Committee on Governmental Affairs
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To restore second amendment rights in the District of Columbia.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``District of Columbia Personal
Protection Act''.
SEC. 2. CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution
provides that the right of the people to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed.
(2) The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution
protects the rights of individuals, including those who are not
members of a militia or engaged in military service or
training, to keep and bear arms.
(3) The law-abiding citizens of the District of Columbia
are deprived by local laws of handguns, rifles, and shotguns
that are commonly kept by law-abiding persons throughout the
rest of the United States for sporting use and for lawful
defense of persons, homes, and families.
(4) The District of Columbia has the highest per capita
murder rate in the Nation, which may be attributed in part to
local laws prohibiting possession of firearms by law-abiding
persons who would otherwise be able to defend themselves and
their loved ones in their own homes and businesses.
(5) The Federal Gun Control Act of 1968, as amended by the
Firearms Owners' Protection Act of 1986, and the Brady Handgun
Violence Prevention Act of 1993, provide comprehensive Federal
regulations applicable in the District of Columbia as
elsewhere. In addition, existing District of Columbia criminal
laws punish possession and illegal use of firearms by violent
criminals and felons. Consequently, there is no need for local
laws which only disarm law-abiding citizens.
(6) Legislation is required to correct the District of
Columbia's law in order to restore the rights of its citizens
under the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution
and thereby enhance public safety.
SEC. 3. REFORM D.C. COUNCIL'S AUTHORITY TO RESTRICT FIREARMS.
Section 303.43 of title 1, District of Columbia Code, is amended by
adding at the end the following: ``This section shall not be construed
to permit the Council, the Mayor, or any governmental or regulatory
authority of the District of Columbia to prohibit, constructively
prohibit, or unduly burden the ability of persons otherwise permitted
to possess firearms under Federal law from acquiring, possessing in
their homes or businesses, or using for sporting, self-protection or
other lawful purposes, any firearm neither prohibited by Federal law
nor regulated by the National Firearms Act. The District of Columbia
shall not have authority to enact laws or regulations that discourage
or eliminate the private ownership or use of firearms.''.
SEC. 4. REPEAL D.C. SEMIAUTOMATIC BAN.
Section 2501.01(10) of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is
amended to read as follows:
``(10) Machine gun means any firearm which shoots, is
designed to shoot, or can be readily converted or restored to
shoot automatically, more than 1 shot by a single function of
the trigger.''.
SEC. 5. REPEAL REGISTRATION REQUIREMENT.
Section 2502.01 of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is amended--
(1) in subsection (a)--
(A) by striking ``, and no person or organization
in the District shall possess or control any firearm,
unless the person or organization holds a valid
registration certificate for the firearm''; and
(B) by striking beginning with ``A registration''
through paragraph (3); and
(2) in subsection (b)--
(A) in paragraphs (1) and (2), by striking
``firearm or'';
(B) in paragraph (2), by striking the semicolon at
the end and inserting a period; and
(C) by striking paragraph (3).
SEC. 6. REPEAL D.C. HANDGUN BAN.
Section 2502.02 of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is amended--
(1) in subsection (a)--
(A) in paragraph (2), by inserting ``or'' after the
semicolon;
(B) in paragraph (3), by striking ``; or'' and
inserting a period;
(C) by striking paragraph (4); and
(D) by striking ``(a)''; and
(2) by striking subsection (b).
SEC. 7. REPEAL HANDGUN AMMUNITION BAN.
Section 2506.01 of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is repealed.
SEC. 8. RESTORE RIGHT OF SELF DEFENSE IN THE HOME.
Section 2507.02 of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is repealed.
SEC. 9. ADDITIONAL REPEALS.
Sections 2502.03, 2502.04, 2502.05, 2502.06, 2502.07, 2502.08,
2502.09, 2502.10, and 2502.11 of title 7, District of Columbia Code,
are repealed.
SEC. 10. REMOVE CRIMINAL PENALTIES FOR POSSESSION OF UNREGISTERED
FIREARMS.
Section 2507.06 of title 7, District of Columbia Code, is amended--
(1) by striking ``that:'' through ``(1) A'' and inserting
``that a''; and
(2) by striking paragraph (2).
SEC. 11. REMOVE CRIMINAL PENALTIES FOR CARRYING A PISTOL IN ONE'S
DWELLING OR OTHER PREMISES.
Section 4504(a) of title 22, District of Columbia Code, is
amended--
(1) in the matter before paragraph (1), by inserting ``,
except in his dwelling house or place of business or on other
land possessed by that person, whether loaded or unloaded,''
before ``a pistol''; and
(2) in paragraph (1), by striking ``a pistol, without a
license pursuant to District of Columbia law, or''.
<all>