Saudi Arabia Accountability Act of 2003

Mr. President, I come to the floor today to introduce three bills to address the growing needs of small manufacturers, to stimulate the manufacturing sector of our economy, and to put back to work the millions of American workers in the manufacturing sector that have lost their jobs in the past 3 years. The three comprehensive bills are: the Manufacturing Assistance, Development and Education (MADE) in America Act, the Enhance Domestic Manufacturing and Worker Assistance Act, and the Manufacturing Jobs Production Act.

It's no secret that during the past 3 years, manufacturing employment in the United States has declined from 17.3 million to 14.6 million jobs. This loss of manufacturing jobs represents a loss of more than one in every seven such jobs. Over the past 3 years, the United States has lost an average of 80,000 manufacturing jobs a month. The States that rely the most on their manufacturing sector have suffered the most during the past 3 years. Indiana has lost 67,000 manufacturing jobs, California--297,000, Ohio--152,000, Illinois--126,000, Michigan-- 127,000, Pennsylvania--133,000, South Carolina--55,200, and North Carolina--145,300. Even in my home State of Massachusetts, we have lost approximately 80,000 manufacturing jobs since January 2001.

The loss of manufacturing jobs is of great concern because the manufacturing sector is more important than any other sector in supporting overall economic growth, technological innovation, and a high standard of living for Americans. Over the past 10 years, manufacturers have performed nearly 60 percent of research and development in the United States and have paid over one-third of all corporate tax payments to State and local governments.

Further, replacing manufacturing jobs with service sector jobs will not help stabilize the American economy. According to a University of Michigan study, 6.5 spin-off jobs are created as a result of every new job created in manufacturing. Service sector jobs simply cannot generate that type of economic activity. The benefits of manufacturing can also be found in national salary averages. In 2001, salaries and benefits averaged $54,000 in the manufacturing sector, while the average salary and benefits package in the private sector overall was only $45,600.

In 1955, manufacturing jobs were 30.5 percent of all U.S. employment, today they make up just 14 percent. The manufacturing decline has been marked by a relocation of factories abroad along with reduced exports and increased imports of manufactured goods. Both large and small companies have been affected and a continued shrinking of the manufacturing base may shift the manufacturing innovation process to other global centers and most certainly result in a decline in U.S. living standards.

As a member of the Finance and Commerce committees and ranking member of the Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, I have been fighting for the creation of new manufacturing jobs during debate over the President's tax cuts, and I will continue to do so in the months ahead. President Bush has done nothing to address the loss of manufacturing jobs, and many communities across the country are suffering because of it, as more and more plants close and more and more jobs move overseas. This administration is indifferent to these changes, and the pain being felt in million of American households, and that's unacceptable.

In fact, indifferent may be too kind a word. The Bush administration has been downright cruel to working Americans, pursuing billions of tax cuts for the most well-off in our society as their only economic policy, while millions of hard-working Americans have lost their jobs and will be left with the bill from this administration's reckless fiscal policies. In fact, you could argue that the manufacturing jobs picture is actually worse than the hard numbers tell us. While many estimates show that 2.5 million manufacturing jobs have been lost since President Bush took office, in previous postwar recoveries, manufacturing employment had recovered by this point in the business cycle and risen by more than 5 percent. Under the Bush presidency, manufacturing employment has continued to deteriorate steadily, falling so far by 8 percent. Morgan Stanley's respected economists tell us that the difference represents 2.1 million additional manufacturing jobs. More supply-side, trickle-down, ideologically driven tax cuts are not going to turn this around. Congress needs to take action and pass some policies that are meaningful to people, and will actually create jobs, and soon.

The President and his followers insist that his tax cuts are starting to work, basing their claims on a couple of months where the overall job creation numbers were positive. But the truth is that the meager job gains of the last three months have done little to lift most parts of the economy because nearly 80 percent of those small gains have come in just three sectors: government, temporary staffing, and education and health services. Manufacturing is not yet on the mend, and people who are finding new jobs are finding jobs at lower pay. We need to take action.

Small-business owners have made it clear to me, to Congress, and to the administration what actions are needed to reinvigorate the manufacturing sector. Unlike the Bush administration, which has ignored these requests for help, Congress must have the courage to make the tough decisions and not simply pander to wealthy Americans and giant corporations with unbalanced tax cuts. The Nation's gross domestic product may be temporarily up, but manufacturing jobs are still way down. To get those jobs back, and to continue competing on the international stage, our manufacturers, particularly our small manufacturers, need adequate representation and leadership at all levels of government, here and abroad. They need a well-educated, highly skilled, productive labor force; Federal contracting and subcontracting opportunities; greater access to capital; foreign patent protection; trade adjustment, global marketing, and entrepreneurial development assistance; and responsible, targeted tax credits. This legislation addresses those needs, while the President's tax cuts continue to undercut them.

Mr. President, we often receive complaints that the Federal and State small business programs duplicate, rather than complement, each other. While the SBA has stated that it has sufficient systems and programs in place to address the concerns of manufacturers, statistics on small manufacturers, as well as the business owners themselves, prove otherwise. Many state that accessing these programs is often confusing and difficult because they are fragmented, spread out and not tailored to bridge gaps found between State and Federal assistance programs. To address these problems, my bill will create the National Office for the Development of Small Manufacturers at the Small Business Administration, led by an associate administrator. This new office will be responsible for coordinating and strengthening existing programs, as well as establishing new SBA programs to address the needs of small manufacturers and to promote programs throughout the Federal Government that assist small- and medium-size manufacturers. While the President has established a ``new'' manufacturing czar at the Department of Commerce, this action is seen as lateral movement and does nothing to assist those manufacturers that are suffering the most, the Nation's small business manufacturers.

Once established, the National Office for the Development of Small Manufacturers will be responsible for implementing a Manufacturing Corps through block grants to each State that will address the skilled worker crisis in this country by promoting technical education pertinent to the manufacturing sector. First, the Manufacturing Corps would help current manufacturing workers improve their

skill set and advance their technical abilities. Each State's grant would ultimately provide small manufacturers with more highly skilled workers--something that the industry has posed as a global competitive disadvantage--and allow the unemployed and those in declining industries to make the pivotal move back to work or to other manufacturing sectors, respectively.

Second, the Manufacturing Corps would help small manufacturers fill their skilled labor needs by encouraging college and university students studying engineering, computers, and other high-tech fields to work in the small manufacturing sector by offering to repay a portion of their student loans if they do so for a specified period of time. Similar to incentives for students going into the nonprofit or government work, the government would repay the loans of those who commit to working for a small manufacturer for 4 years following graduation if their annual employment compensation does not exceed $60,000.

Third, the Manufacturing Corps would establish a vocational and technology training for students at the high school level to prepare students who are not planning to attend college directly after graduation to enter the manufacturing sector. As in woodshop or auto shop courses, high school students will learn the technical skills to become effective, skilled manufacturing employees, such as machinists or metal workers. Additionally, schools providing such assistance would partner with community manufacturers to address their skilled worker needs and to provide employment opportunities for students after graduation.

Another duty charged to the National Office for the Development of Small Manufacturers is to create a government-wide ``One Stop Small Manufacturing Shop'' for small manufacturers. This online web portal will serve as the single point of contact for information on entrepreneurial development assistance, access to capital, specific outreach programs, contracting opportunities, and R&D projects. We already have successful programs that can be used as a prototype for the web page such as the National Industrial Manufacturing Assistance Program's Web site at the Office of Industrial Technologies at the Department of Energy.

The greatest challenge to small businesses, as with all businesses, is the ability to obtain contracts. The BusinessLINC program within the SBA has been proven, since its inception, to successfully match small businesses with potential clients. The teaming model has created thousands of jobs and millions of dollars in contracts. The BusinessLINC-M program will also team small businesses with non- governmental organizations that can have a direct impact on their bottom-line through contracting or mentoring. There is a great potential for the BusinessLINC-M program to match suppliers with distributors, offer contracting and subcontracting opportunities, which directly benefits the local economy while allowing access to vendors in the distributors' backyards. The National Office for the Development of Small Manufacturers will create a similar program to foster symbiotic partnerships between small and large businesses to spur contracting opportunities. This BusinessLINC-M program would instead match up small manufacturers with larger firms that could utilize their products, creating subcontracting opportunities and a stronger supply chain.

Finally, the National Office for the Development of Small Manufacturers will develop a manufacturing mentor-protege program to focus on improving the management practices, domestic and foreign marketing abilities, efficiency, and product development of small manufacturers by pairing them with larger, more experienced manufacturers that would provide such guidance.

One of the first things we can do to help small manufacturers is to tailor the SBA's loan and venture capital programs so that they offer small manufacturers affordable, long-term financing in amounts that are truly appropriate for them. This legislation will assist small businesses with fixed-asset costs, working capital, loan dollars to help them export what they have produced in the United States, and venture capital investments to spur expansion and growth.

To provide that capital, we have increased the loan amounts available to small manufacturers, increased venture leverage, and allowed refinancing of certain existing business debt. The maximum 504 loan, for equipment and property, will be raised from $1 million to $4 million, the maximum microloan will be raised from $35,000 to $50,000, and the gross loan amount for 7(a) working capital loans will increase from $1 million to $4 million for small manufacturers.

Investors should be encouraged to devote more of their money to the fastest growing small manufacturers. The SBIC program can provide that venture capital money. Under this bill, if SBICs invest 50 percent in small manufacturers, then a single fund can leverage $150 million instead of $115 million and a manager with several SBICs can leverage $185 million from the SBA. The legislation also restores and increases funding to establish additional New Markets Venture Capital firms and increases the SBA's leverage against private funds raised in the New Markets Venture Capital program from 150 percent to 200 percent so these venture capital firms can invest more in small manufacturers.

For growing small businesses using the loans from the 504 program to buy new equipment or buildings, we raise the limit for lenders so that they must create or retain one job for every $100,000 loaned to manufacturers. This is in place of the $35,000 that is currently in place. For non-manufacturers, it will be raised to $50,000. For manufacturers, the costs of retaining jobs are higher, and we want these jobs to be good living wages and not the $3 per hour or lower that exists in some countries.

After a natural disaster, the already slumping manufacturing industry faces an even greater challenge in returning business to normal and affording the costs of repair. Recognizing that they face these problems, the MADE in America Act changes several provisions to the SBA's disaster loan program. It increases the maximum loan size from $1.5 million to $5 million; allows small manufacturers to consolidate debt by refinancing not just existing disaster loans but any outstanding business loan; waives the principal and interest payments for 6 months; authorizes the administration to waive unreasonable size limitations; and prohibits the SBA from selling all disaster loans to other creditors. Disaster loans, at the most, have an interest rate of 4 percent and terms of up to 30 years. This low rate and long term keeps manufacturers' payments down as well as their debt, particularly when they refinance their more expensive business loans.

To help small manufacturers and small R&D firms, we need to reduce trade barriers, so that they are able to sell their products and technologies in other countries. Small-business owners commonly cited the expense required to secure foreign patent protection as a significant barrier to their ability to operate in international markets. Part of encouraging the spread of their innovations into other countries is decreasing their vulnerability to big foreign corporations that can take their ideas when they try to sell their products around the world. Our small businesses need patent protection. However, the costs associated with filing such patents are often prohibitively expensive.

For example, Mr. Clifford Hoyt, who is vice president and chief technology officer of Cambridge Research and Instrumentation, testified on June 21, 2001, as part of the Committee's hearing on reauthorization of the STTR program that cost of ``patent protection in Europe is $20,000.'' Information from the American Intellectual Property Law Association's meeting shows that the costs of foreign patents range from $7,200 in Canada to $27,200 in Japan. Those costs include fees for filing, examination, translation and attorneys.

With this legislation, to address the intellectual property problem for small exporters, I propose enacting a variation of a bill I introduced 2 years ago. The MADE in America Act would establish a self- sustaining grant fund to help small manufacturers and R&D firms pay for the cost associated with foreign patent protection. Each company would be limited to one grant and, in order to be eligible for the

grant, it must have already filed for patent protection in the United States. Both of these provisions are designed to ensure, to the extent possible, that companies apply for assistance for their most promising technology and therefore are in the best position to return money to the grant fund when their patented technology becomes profitable. By giving the companies only one shot at a grant to protect and make money from their technologies, it forces them to select the one most likely to succeed and have sales. At the same time, requiring companies to have already filed for patent protection in the United States prior to seeking a foreign patent grant is a gauge of the company's confidence in the commercial potential of its technology.

Ultimately, the goal is to create a self-sustaining grant fund. To do so, in return for the grants, each recipient would be obligated to pay 5 percent of its related export sales or licensing fees to the fund, to be known as the ``Small Business Foreign Patent Protection Grant Fund.'' To maintain a reasonable incentive for the small businesses, the total amount recipients would be required to pay would be capped at four times the amount of the grant, which for a $25,000 grant would be $100,000.

When I first introduced this bill a couple of years ago, the grants were limited to companies that participate in the SBA's SBIR and STTR programs. However, this bill opens the grant funding to all small firms, while reserving 50 percent of the money for SBIR and STTR firms through the first three quarters to each year. Intellectual property protection is critical to these small firms that have a great product or invention, and keeping these innovations in the hands of American firms is important to the U.S. economy.

Mr. President, today I am also introducing the Enhance Domestic Manufacturing and Worker Assistance Act. America's manufacturing decline and the associated loss of good, stable manufacturing jobs has been marked by a relocation of factories abroad along with reduced exports and increased imports of manufactured goods. This legislation will respond to the manufacturing crisis in two ways. The proposal recognizes the harmful impact that trade has on small manufacturers and provides assistance to those workers, companies and communities that have suffered through Trade Adjustment Assistance programs. The proposal also provides critical assistance to U.S. domestic manufacturers to ensure that they adjust to the global economy and remain competitive in the 21st century.

First of all, for those workers, businesses and communities that have been harmed by trade, my bill assists them by reauthorizing our Trade Adjustment Assistance programs for workers and business firms. The bill includes elements of an innovative program to assist similarly situated communities. Recognizing that entire communities experience economic displacement, this proposal will assist harmed communities in exploring new avenues of economic development and job creation. Combined, these programs will assist hundreds of mostly small- and medium-sized manufacturing and agricultural companies that experience loss of jobs and sales due to import competition and other adverse consequences of trade. For example, TAA for workers provides income support, job search and worker relation assistance for affected workers.

Next, my legislation will enhance two programs that have proven effective in assisting domestic manufacturing firms. For example, the bill will strengthen the very effective Manufacturing Extension Partnership program. This program assists struggling small- and medium- size manufacturers to modernize, increase productivity, cut waste, achieve higher profits, and compete in the demanding global market. With increased funding, the MEP program can expand its program reach and decrease the fees paid by small manufacturers to access the assistance. It is exactly this type of program that will make American manufacturers competitive again, allowing them to maintain existing jobs and create additional high-skilled and high-paying jobs in the United States.

In addition, my legislation increases funding for the Advanced Technology Partnership program. This very important program fosters public-private partnerships to accelerate the development of innovative technologies and bridges the gap between the research lab and the market place. The program has been very effective in accelerating the development of innovative technologies that promise significant commercial payoffs and widespread benefits for the Nation. Unfortunately, the Bush administration has sought to eliminate this program, at a time when technological change is faster than ever before and small manufacturers must be technologically competitive.

Strengthening the MEP and ATP programs will go a long way in assisting small domestic manufacturers as they attempt to regain market share lost to international competition and recover from the resulting devastating job losses.

Finally, this bill will also create an ``Office of Small Business'' within the Office of the United States Trade Representative that will focus on the issues affecting small- and medium-size manufacturers as they relate to our international trade policy. This proposal is very similar to a proposal that I offered with Senator Olympia Snowe in the 107th Congress. Small manufacturers are directly impacted by our trade policies--often adversely--yet they do not have a seat at the table and lack the ability to effectively express their concerns. The establishment of this office will ensure that issues important to small manufacturers are taken into consideration as our Nation's trade policy is carried out in the future and will assist small businesses in export promotion and trade compliance.

The final piece of my legislation plan to enhance U.S. manufacturing is my bill titled the ``Manufacturing Job Production Act.'' The bill has four components, all of which are fiscally responsible. None of them will by themselves completely make up for the jobs lost during this administration, but they will each do their part in stimulating new job creation and new investment in manufacturing firms.

The first component of my plan is a Temporary Manufacturing Job Creation Tax Credit. It is a similar proposal to one I introduced earlier this year, when we were debating the President's third major tax cut in 3 years. My idea is straightforward: Any domestic manufacturer would receive an income tax credit based on a percentage of the net increase in taxable Social Security payroll linked to new manufacturing/production jobs, comparing total applicable payroll for one year to the previous year, adjusted for inflation. The credit would apply only to domestic production/manufacturing jobs created in 2004 and 2005, and it would include jobs created in U.S. territories, and those created by foreign-owned companies in the United States or its territories.

Unlike many of the administration's tax cuts, which carry huge costs at the vague promise of a positive economic result, my idea is outcome- based because it only costs money if it actually works. Plus, it has a built-in safety valve to prevent abuse, because it prevents firms from receiving tax credits if they create new manufacturing jobs while simultaneously laying off other workers, and it stops companies from tilting the benefits to high-salary workers because these salaries are already above the Social Security payroll tax cap. By comparing payroll taxes paid over a whole year, it also provides an incentive for firms to hire new workers and keep them on payroll and makes the calculation simple for businesses. It also provides an employment stimulus for U.S. companies with subsidiaries or manufacturing facilities on U.S. possessions, such as Puerto Rico.

My proposal would be in place for 2 years, and the Joint Committee on Taxation estimates that it would cost less than $4 billion. Surely we could pass this proposal and offset its modest cost by finally closing some of the Enron tax loopholes or passing the corporate inversion proposals that have previously passed this body unanimously, only to be opposed by the House. I think the percentage of Americans that would support that tradeoff would be upwards of 80 percent. Paying for this proposal by closing tax loopholes for wealthy corporation makes perfect sense. It will help our economy grow and help slow the flow of manufacturing jobs overseas.

The second element of may plan expands upon a capital gains provision that I have included in other legislation. Section 4 of S. 842, my small business tax stimulus bill, provides that there shall be no capital gains tax applied to new equity investments in small businesses with gross sales under $100 million, if the investments are held for at least 4 years. The zero capital gains tax applies to businesses involved in certain ``critical technologies'' as well as specialized Small Business Investment Companies, or SSBICs. For the Manufacturing Job Production Act, this capital gains proposal is expanded to include new equity investments in small manufacturing firms. Such a proposal should generate new investments in manufacturing, particularly small manufacturing companies that have been so damaged by recent economic trends. And like the job creation credit, it only costs significant money if it has the desired effect. That factor alone makes it far preferable to the Republican ``throw it and see if it sticks'' tax cut strategy.

The third part of my manufacturing plan is a revised BRIDGE Act, designed to give a little extra boost to small manufacturers. The BRIDGE Act stands for Business Retained Income During Growth and Expansion. It will help ensure that rapidly expanding, entrepreneurial businesses have access to the capital they need to continue creating jobs and stimulating the economy.

Each year, the United States economy generates 600,000 to 800,000 new businesses. Most new business start small and stay small--but some evolve into fast-growth companies with the capacity to propel the economy forward. These fast-growing companies create the most new jobs, yet access to financing--particularly in the current economic environment, but also when the economy is strong--presents a pivotal challenge to them. A typical startup may open its doors with a combination of personal savings, credit card borrowing, and family lending. Once a business has grown past a certain size--say, when sales reach $10 million or more--the company is better able to attract external financing at a reasonable cost. However, there are many companies in a middle range, including many small manufacturers, which desperately need additional financing in the range of $250,000 to $1 million. These companies face a severe credit crunch that limits their growth and the number of new jobs they can create.

I believe that if congress does anything to assist small manufacturers, it should take steps to ease the credit crunch for those climbing the economic ladder from small- to medium-size enterprise, thereby generating new ones. The BRIDGE Act addresses this financing gap. As ranking member of the Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, I have been the leading voice for this idea in the Senate, and it is something worth trying. Like my other proposals for tax relief for small manufacturers, it only generates cost to taxpayers if it actually works.

The BRIDGE Act is simple. It would allow a fast-growing business with less than $10 million in sales to temporarily defer up to $250,000 of its Federal income tax liability, but only if the money is reinvested in the company. The 2-year deferral would be repayable wit interest over a 4-year period. For small manufacturers, the maximum tax deferral would be $400,000, and the payback period would be extended to a maximum of 6 years. Thus, the act will free up new investment capital for growing companies by allowing them to use a portion of their Federal tax liability for self-financing. Its revenue cost is minimal-- in fact, if the program is implemented temporarily, as in my bill, it actually raises a small amount in the 10-year budget window--since the deferred taxes are paid back with interest.

The fourth and final component of my tax relief plan for small manufacturers is to make permanent the increase in Section 179 small business expensing that was passed earlier this year as part of the President's third tax cut. However, this increase is set to expire at the end of 2005. While the recent increase does not help the smallest of small businesses, it can be helpful to small manufacturers who purchase more expensive equipment. It is one element of the various Bush tax cuts that deserves to be made permanent. My proposal would permanently increase the annual expensing limit to $100,000.

Mr. President, we may not have all the answers here in the Congress. Some of these trends in manufacturing employment have taken a long time to develop, and we won't be able to turn them around overnight. But at least we shouldn't ignore the changes and act as if more tax cuts will solve the problem. My manufacturing tax plan contains four reasonable, responsible components--and most will cost money only if they are actually effective. It's time for this administration to get its head out of the sand and start proposing job-creating strategies that will actually work.

Mr. President, nearly 3 million Americans, all across this Nation, have lost their jobs since 2000. We need to act now, with a comprehensive strategy that not only incorporates tax cuts but also includes real job training, business development, capital access, and levels the playing field for U.S. manufacturers. I believe this legislation addresses many of the concerns of the small business community and will take a significant step towards reversing the current trend of economic decline and job loss in the manufacturing sector.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the MADE in America Act, the Enhance Domestic Manufacturing and Worker Assistance Act, and the Manufacturing Jobs Production Act be printed in the Record, and I urge all of my colleagues to support these bills.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation that would increase the likelihood that citizens who live on the American frontier and in other sparsely populated areas will have access to affordable healthcare in their communities.

Since my election to the Senate in 1996, one of my goals has been to educate folks in Washington about what life is like in the West.

Obviously there are rural areas along the East and West Coasts and in the Midwest. But people who live in these places are always surprised when they travel for the first time to places like my home State of Wyoming. They are amazed at just how rural Wyoming is.

Well, Wyoming is more than rural. Most Wyomingites live in the remaining stretches of the American frontier. Now, that's not to say that there aren't plenty of sparsely populated areas elsewhere, even in coastal States. There are many places outside the West that share the characteristics of the frontier. But almost all of Wyoming is sparsely populated. In fact, more people live in the 68 square miles of the District of Columbia than live in the 98,000 square miles of Wyoming.

People who live on the frontier and other sparsely populated areas face some unique challenges, and one of those challenges is access to affordable healthcare. People who live in frontier areas are more likely to lack health insurance than other rural and urban citizens. Also, frontier areas generally do not have population centers that can support the full range of healthcare services available in most urban and some rural areas.

One of the proven ways of improving healthcare in medically underserved areas is through the establishment of federally qualified community health centers, or CHCs. Community health centers are not- for-profit providers of health care to the working poor, the uninsured, and other vulnerable populations. These safety-net providers served ten million people across America in 2001.

Community health centers deliver preventive and primary care to patients regardless of their ability to pay. Almost half of the patients treated at community health centers have no insurance coverage at all. Community health centers set their charges according to income, and they do not collect any fees from their poorest clients.

President Bush has proposed major increases in funding for the establishment and expansion of community health centers, and Congress has begun to provide that funding. Senators across the political spectrum agree that community health centers play an important role in providing health services to the uninsured and underinsured in many medically underserved areas. We all agree that we ought to encourage the development of more sites where those in need but without means can get proper care.

Unfortunately, many frontier areas do not have community health centers. Wyoming, for example, only has one CHC, located in Casper. That center just opened a satellite clinic in Riverton, a town of 9,300 people almost 125 miles away, so now we have two sites.

The Federal Government keeps statistics on the degree of ``health center penetration into the unserved.'' In other words, we keep track of what percentage of those who need access to affordable healthcare can get adequate service through community health centers.

In Wyoming, only 7.9 percent of the unserved had reasonable access to community health center services, based on 2001 data. Lest you think this is just a Wyoming problem, Mr. President, let me share some percentages from other states: Alabama: 15.9 percent; Georgia: 8.9 percent; Indiana: 10.1 percent; Kansas: 10.4 percent; Louisiana: 4.3 percent; Maryland: 15.8 percent; Nebraska: 5.3 percent; Nevada: 7.8 percent; North Carolina: 11.1 percent; Oklahoma: 7.8 percent; Texas: 9.0 percent; and Virginia: 12.2 percent.

Why are these access figures so low? It's not because communities aren't interested in helping their less fortunate neighbors. It's because many communities on the frontier and in other sparsely populated areas can't even apply for community health center funding.

Why can't they apply? Well, believe it or not, the Federal Government doesn't consider many isolated communities to be located in ``medically underserved areas.'' And a community has to be designated as being a ``medically underserved area'' before one can even apply for CHC funding.

The barrier for frontier communities lies in the index that the Federal Government uses to determine ``medical underservice.'' That index looks at four factors: the percentage of people over 65 years of age, and the ratio of primary-care physicians per 1,000 people.

Using these four factors, the agency has calculated that only four Wyoming's 23 counties qualify to be ``medically underserved areas.'' I find this interesting, since Wyoming ranks 46th out of the 50 State in terms of physician-to-population ratio.

I have an idea about the source of this contradiction. When I went to accounting school, one of the things I learned about was a concept called ``statistical validity.'' What I learned was that the statistical validity of a sample is a function of sample size: in other words, the larger the sample, the more accurate the results associated with the sample.

Well, as you can imagine, sparsely populated states like Wyoming offer

less statistically valid samples than other states. Many of our counties score very well on factors like infant mortality. Take Western County, for instance. Weston County has a very low infant mortality rate--in fact, their rate in 2002 was zero. But there were only 59 births in Weston County. Now I'm happy to see that statistic, but it really hurts Weston County's score on the agency index.

Even looking at 5 years of data in sparsely populated counties doesn't provide a statistically valid sample. From 1994 to 1998, Weston County's infant mortality rate was 8.5 per 1000 births, slightly above the national average. From 1995 to 1999, Weston County's rate jumped to 14.7 percent--nearly twice the national average.

Why did the infant mortality rate jump so dramatically in Weston County? The only difference was that in 1999, two of the 60 babies born in the county died soon after birth.

When two deaths have such a dramatic impact on the infant mortality rate, it's because the sample size simply isn't large enough to provide a valid result. Slight variations in small samples can result in huge differences when translated into statistical data. And in my opinion, we shouldn't be making decisions based on statistics that aren't valid indicators of the healthcare status of a community.

I am concerned that the Federal definition of ``medically underserved areas'' does not recognize the unique nature and needs of people who live in the sparsely populated areas of our country. This makes me concerned that frontier communities are going to miss out on a great opportunity to participate in our national expansion of community health centers.

That's why I'm joining today with my distinguished colleagues Senators Bingaman, Thomas, and Craig to introduce the Frontier Healthcare Access Act. We believe that people who live on the frontier and in other sparsely populated areas ought to have a fair shot at competing for federal support as we grow the community health center program.

Our bill would automatically deem ``frontier areas'' to be eligible for Federal funding for the development and expansion of community health centers.

The bill would require no new funding--it would simply designate frontier communities as special populations eligible for federal CHC support. Nor would the bill create a new preference for frontier areas--it would simply allow frontier communities into the competition for funding. The bill would end the application of a statistical formula that doesn't provide a valid assessment of need in sparsely populated areas--but it would still require frontier communities to compete with other communities to receive federal CHC support.

The Frontier Healthcare Access Act also would direct the Federal Government to create a new definition of ``frontier area.'' The bill would require that the new definition go beyond the traditional population-density approach to include important factors like distance in miles and travel time in minutes to the nearest significant healthcare service area or market. This is important, because defining frontier solely by population overlooks some important considerations.

For example, in some large counties, the presence of a city in one corner skews population density and overshadows the existence of many large frontier areas. Furthermore, a key component to frontier life is distance. Even areas with population density as high as 20 people per square mile should be considered frontier if the community is located far from the closest significant service center or market.

The National Rural Health Association and the Western Governors Association have already endorsed a definition using the factors proposed by the Frontier Healthcare Access Act. If the federal government adopts a similar definition, it would ensure eligibility for community health center development and expansion for about ten million citizens who live in more than 800 counties located in 38 states--not just the frontier West.

Mr. President, people in hundreds of cities and towns across the country have access to affordable healthcare services through community health centers. People who live in sparsely populated areas ought to have a fair opportunity to create the same sort of access.

The Frontier Healthcare Access Act would create this opportunity for people who live in isolated communities across our great country. I hope that my colleagues will join me in making this opportunity possible for our citizens who live in every part of our remaining American frontier--whether the buffalo still roam there or not.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Mammography Quality Standards Reauthorization Act of 2003. I am pleased to be joined in introducing this bill by Senator Ensign and

our bipartisan cosponsors. This important bipartisan bill is about saving lives. That's what the Mammography Quality Standards Act (MQSA) does. Accurate mammograms detect breast cancer early, so women can get treatment and be survivors.

Mammography is not perfect, but it is the best screening tool we have now. I authored MQSA over ten years ago to improve the quality of mammograms so that they are safe and accurate. Before MQSA became law, there was an uneven and conflicting patchwork of standards for mammography in this country. There were no national quality standards for personnel or equipment. Image quality of mammograms and patient exposure to radiation levels varied widely. The quality of mammography equipment was poor. Physicians and technologists were poorly trained. Inspections were lacking.

MQSA set federal safety and quality assurance standards for mammography facilities for: personnel, including doctors who interpret mammograms; equipment; and operating procedures. By creating national standards, Congress helped make mammograms a more reliable tool for detecting breast cancer. In 1998, Congress improved MQSA by giving information on test results directly to the women being tested, so no woman falls through the cracks because she never learns about a suspicious finding on her mammogram. Now it is time to renew MQSA and lay the foundation to strengthen it even further.

The bill that I am introducing with Senator Ensign today is a bipartisan agreement to extent MQSA for two years while making two additional changes to certificates that facilities are required to have to perform mammograms. First, the bill allows the Secretary of Health and Human Services to issue a temporary renewal certificate for up to 45 days to a facility seeking reaccreditation, if the accreditation body has issued an accreditation extension and other criteria are met. This will help ensure that a facility is not forced to close its doors to women seeking mammograms, while it is completing its reaccreditation and the quality of mammography is not compromised.

Second, the bill allows the Secretary, at the request of an accreditation body, to issue a limited provisional certificate to a facility to enable a facility to conduct examinations for educational purposes while an onsite visit from an accreditation body is in progress. This certificate would only be valid during the time the site visit team from the accreditation body is physically in the facility and would not be valid longer than 72 hours.

The two year reauthorization of MQSA is important. It will give Congress an opportunity to consider in the next reauthorization expert recommendations from an Institute of Medicine (IOM) study and a General Accounting Office (GAO) report on several issues related to MQSA. I have been working with the Labor, Health and Human Services (HHS), and Education Appropriations Subcommittee to get these studies going since I included them in the Senate fiscal year 2004 Labor/HHS Appropriations bill. The HELP Committee also heard testimony in support of a two year reauthorization at the HELP Committee's April hearing on MQSA.

As I talked to advocacy groups about ways to improve MQSA, the need to improve the skills of doctors reading mammograms was brought to my attention. One study found that a woman has a 50 percent chance of getting a ``false positive'' reading from her mammogram over 10 years. I'm gravely concerned about reports that doctors miss about 15 percent of breast cancers on mammograms. I was also disturbed by a New York Times investigation last year. It found that some radiologists were missing alarming numbers of breast cancers because they lacked the experience or training they needed for the difficult task of interpreting the X-ray. These are reasons why I requested the hearing that the HELP Committee held in April on this issue. While I am disappointed that the HELP Committee was not able to reach agreement this year on a continuing medical education provision to address this issue, I look forward to Congress reexamining this issue once the IOM and GAO studies are completed.

The IOM and GAO will look at several important issues such as: ways to improve physicians' interpretation of mammograms; possible changes to MQSA regulatory requirements; ways to ensure the recruitment and retention of sufficient numbers of adequately trained personnel to provide quality mammography; how data currently collected under MQSA could be better used; and factors that led to the closing of mammography facilities since 2001. I look forward to working with my colleagues in Congress to examine the recommendations from these studies in 2005 and to consider further improvements to MQSA in its next reauthorization.

The HELP Committee will mark up this bill tomorrow. This legislation is supported by groups including the American Cancer Society, the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation, the national Alliance of Breast Cancer Organizations, and the American College of Radiology Association. I strongly urge Committee passage and swift Senate passage of the bill later this week. I hope that the House will also expeditiously pass this bill. There are an estimated 212,600 new cases of breast cancer and an estimated 40,200 breast cancer deaths in the United States this year. Early detection and treatment are essential to reducing breast cancer deaths. Congress should pass this bill this year to reauthorize MQSA and extend this valuable program that helps save the lives of women and men with breast cancer. I ask unanimous consent that letters of support be printed in the Record.

American Cancer Society,

November 18, 2003.

Hon. Barbara Mikulski,

U.S. Senate,

Washington, DC.

Dear Senator Mikulski: On behalf of the American Cancer

Society and its more than 28 million supporters, I would like

to thank you, along with Senator Ensign, for your continued

leadership in sponsoring the ``Mammography Quality Standards

Act of 2003.'' As the largest national, community-based

organization dedicated to eliminating the incidence and

burden of cancer and improving cancer care, the Society

strongly supports the reauthorization of the Mammography

Quality standards Act of 1992 (MQSA) in the remaining days of

this session.

In addition, we believe a two year reauthorization is

appropriate at this time, as we continue to examine methods

for mammography quality improvement. Currently, funding has

been included in the LHHS Appropriation bill for the

Institute of Medicine and General Accounting Office to study

and recommend concrete improvement to MQSA. When the results

of these studies are released, we look forward to again

working with the Congress to further improve MQSA and ensure

that women's access to high quality mammography continues.

The American Cancer Society, along with other professional

societies and advocacy groups, was actively involved in the

development of the 1992 MQSA law and its reauthorization in

1997, in an effort to further reduce deaths and disability

from breast cancer. Mammography screening has led to earlier

detection of breast cancer when it is in its most treatable

stages, thereby providing a greater chance for life-saving

treatments and a greater range of treatment options.

Increasing utilization of mammography has been a major factor

in the reduction of breast cancer deaths in the U.S. over the

last decade. Based upon ongoing scientific evidence and

improvements in technology, high-quality mammography

continues to be the best available tool for the early

detection of breast cancer. Therefore, the Society is honored

to again lend our support to Congress in its commitment to

ensure that women have access to high-quality mammograms.

The Society would like to commend you again for your

leadership on this critical public health issue, and we look

forward to continuing to work closely with you and the other

cosponsors to ensure the enactment of this important

legislation this year. If you or your staff have any

questions, please contact Kelly Green Kahn, Manager of

Federal Government Relations (202-661-5718).

Sincerely,

Daniel E. Smith,

National Vice President, Federal & State Government

Relations.

Wendy K.D. Selig,

Vice President, Legislative Affairs.

Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation to establish a special Blue Ribbon Commission on Chesapeake Bay Nutrient Pollution Control Financing. Joining me in sponsoring this measure are my colleagues Senators Mikulski, Warner, Allen and Santorum.

On Tuesday, November 11, 2003, the Chesapeake Bay Foundation released its sixth annual State of the Bay report. The report is headlined ``The Bay's Health Remains Dangerously Out of Balance and Is Getting Worse.'' Indeed, this summer the Chesapeake Bay's so-called ``dead zone''--the area of oxygen-and life-depleted waters--extended more than 100 miles down the Bay, the largest area ever recorded. Scientists observed extensive algal blooms and watermen reported pulling up nets of dead fish and crab ``jubilees''--a rare phenomenon of crabs fleeing the water for air. The cause of the pollution of the Chesapeake Bay is clear: high levels of nitrogen coming from sewage treatment plants, air deposition, runoff from farmlands, and stormwater runoff from urban and suburban areas. The water pollution caused by high levels of nutrients, particularly nitrogen, continues despite two decades of efforts from all the jurisdictions in the watershed, Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania and the District of Columbia, to address it.

Scientists, State and Federal agencies and citizen advocates know what must be done to address the excessive nutrients which pollute the Bay's water. The 304 major sewage treatment plants in the watershed must be upgraded to reduce the nutrients coming into the Bay. Farmers must be given the best technology and resources to keep excess fertilizer and sediments out of the Bay. Air deposition must be reduced. And new financing mechanisms must be developed to help local governments control stormwater runoff.

Earlier this year, a Chesapeake Bay Commission report entitled The Cost of a Clean Bay, found a $9.4 billion gap in the resources needed to reduce nutrients and sediments in the Bay to levels sufficient to remove the estuary from the Environmental Protection Agency's list of impaired waters. While $9.4 billion seems like an enormous sum, we should remember that the health of Chesapeake Bay is vital not only to the more than 15 million people who live in the watershed, but to the Nation. It is one of our Nation's and the world's greatest natural resources covering 64,000 square miles within six States. It is a world-class fishery that still produces a significant portion of the finfish and shellfish catch in the United States. It provides vital habitat for living resources, including more than 3600 species of plants, fish and animals. It is a major resting area for migratory waterfowls and birds along the Atlantic including many endangered and threatened species. It is also a one-of-a-kind recreational asset enjoyed by millions of people, a major commercial waterway and shipping center for much of the eastern United States, and provides jobs for thousands of people. In short, the Chesapeake Bay is a magnificent, multifaceted resource worthy of the highest levels of protection and restoration.

On November 3, 2003, I was joined by the six Senators and 16 Members of the House of Representatives from the Chesapeake Bay watershed States, in a bipartisan letter to President Bush urging him to commit $1 billion to restoring the Bay's water quality. We pointed out to the President that, with a matching State funding requirement and proper targeting, these funds would provide a tremendous boost to the efforts to reduce nutrient pollution in the Bay and that this investment would pay big dividends in restoring the ecological and economic health or our nation's greatest estuary. We realize that this request is but a first step to bring to bear the necessary resources to accomplish the nutrient reduction.

The legislation which we are offering today represents the next step in the effort to close the $9.4 billion gap and help assure that the effort to reduce nutrient pollution in Chesapeake Bay will be focused properly and funded adequately for the long term. It directs the Administrator of EPA to establish a special Blue Ribbon Commission on Chesapeake Bay Nutrient Pollution Control Financing to oversee development of a comprehensive implementation plan to address the funding needs and/or regulatory requirements for reducing nutrient pollution loads in Chesapeake Bay sufficient to comply with Clean Water Act standards by the year 2010. The Commission is charged to address the appropriate responsibilities of the Federal, State and local governments in financing sewage treatment plant upgrades, agricultural and other nonpoint source runoff controls, and urban stormwater management. It is also directed to address the opportunities for enhancing the role of the private sector in financial support for nutrient reduction either directly or through public/private partnerships.

The Commission will have a vital role to play in Chesapeake Bay restoration. Through the work of the Chesapeake Bay Program and its partners, our scientific and technical understanding of what needs to be done to reduce excess nutrients going into the Bay serves as a model for the Nation. Yet these practices cannot be implemented without sufficient funding, and current estimates suggest that a doubling of nutrient reduction efforts to date will be required. The Commission is critically needed to explore responsibilities, opportunities and mechanisms for generating the financial backing needed to restore the Chesapeake Bay. Let me add that the economics of nutrient reduction is an issue faced by many regions of the country. Many of the recommendations of this Commission regarding the financing of sewage treatment plant upgrades, agricultural nutrient reduction practices, and stormwater and air pollution control could be transferred to for use elsewhere around the Nation.

It is our expectation that, in carrying out its functions, the Commission will draw upon the expertise of other Federal agencies, including the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Army Corps of Engineers, and NOAA as well as State and local governments, academia and the private and non-profit sector and establish a multidisciplinary advisory panel to assist the Commission in preparing its report and recommendations. Valuable work is now being carried out by the Chesapeake Bay Program in a great number of areas including nutrient reduction,

oyster restoration, submerged aquatic vegetation, and environmental education to mention a few and it is not intended that the Commission be in any way a substitute for the Bay Program. Rather it is to support the work of the Bay Program by dissecting financial responsibilities into component parts--Federal, State, local and private and by addressing the funding and/or regulatory requirements of the work to be done to end the Bay's water pollution from too much nutrient loading.

Establishment of the special Blue Ribbon Commission on Chesapeake Bay Nutrient Pollution Control Financing will serve to kick start the critical work which must now be done to restore the Chesapeake Bay. It is supported by the Chesapeake Bay Foundation and the Chesapeake Bay Commission as evidenced by their letters. I ask unanimous consent that the two letters be printed in the Record. I urge my colleagues to support this measure.

Mr. President, I rise to introduce some legislation I consider an emergency because it overrides a misguided policy that threatens our homeland security and exposes our Nation to more vulnerable terrorist attacks.

The legislation I am introducing today is called the Terrorist Apprehension Act, and it is cosponsored by Senators Schumer, Feinstein, Corzine, and Reed of Rhode Island.

This bill directs the administration to do all it can to apprehend potential terrorists within our borders. Sometimes they do things that defy common sense and are simply hard to believe. This is one of the most outrageous disclosures yet.

We have found out if someone on a terrorist watch list--someone who is a potential threat to communities across the country--goes ahead, buys a weapon, applies for a permit to buy a gun, and that information is logged into the gun background check system, the Attorney General has ordered the gun background check system not alert or even be allowed to share critical information with law enforcement concerning the whereabouts of the terrorist--not to give it to the FBI or the ATF or any of the law enforcement agencies.

I have to say, this is a mind-boggling policy. We could have a nationwide lookout for a known terrorist within our borders, but if he obtained a weapon, got a permit approved, the Justice Department's current policy is to refuse to reveal any data that might be available for law enforcement officials.

It works this way: The subject is on a terrorist watch list. This is a formal thing. The person who is listed on a terrorist watch list-- look out, this guy is bad news, and we do not want him to roam freely. He can go ahead and buy a gun under the rapid response network for a gun permit. The background check is done. Then it goes into a crime database, including the terrorist watch list. The FBI terrorist task force cannot get the information by virtue of this policy because by directive, the Attorney General has said this information should be protected. To me, the protection our citizens need overrides that of these people who are unwelcome to begin with. But nevertheless, once they are on the terrorist watch list, we don't want to give them a lot of courtesy, especially to buy a weapon.

In combatting terrorism, Attorney General Ashcroft has shown little concern for core civil rights. That all changes when it comes to gun rights. The Attorney General seems more interested in protecting the rights of terrorists to obtain guns than the protection of our citizens.

I know many gun support groups have said: Listen, the terrorists wouldn't buy a firearm on the legal market anyway. But evidence points to something otherwise.

An investigation by my staff revealed that since September 11, in somewhere between 13 instances and possibly as many as 21 times--and the reason for the disparity is the information comes from two different places, but it is at least 13 times and possibly as many as 21--a person on the terrorist watch list has attempted to or successfully purchased firearms. Imagine. The madness is that the person gets the firearm and the information is cut off here instead of being available to the FBI and other law enforcement people.

In addition, the terrorists know that our gun laws are weak. Found in the ruins of a terrorist training camp that was destroyed by U.S. missiles in Kabul, Afghanistan was a book called ``How Can I Train Myself For Jihad.'' The book discusses the ease with which weapons can be purchased in the United States in order to engage in terrorism.

The guns that terrorists have access to in our country can be devastating, such as the 50-caliber assault weapon which would take down a helicopter, as we may have seen. This is according to the Congressional Research Service. That weapon can penetrate 6 inches of steel plating and has a range of a mile. One has to ask: Why is it available at all on the civilian market?

On this issue of terrorist access to weapons, it is peculiar, at least, to know that Attorney General Ashcroft's position is at odds with the Department of Homeland Security. During his confirmation earlier this year, Secretary Tom Ridge acknowledged to me in a question publicly that the link between access to guns and terrorism is a dangerous one.

Under oath at another hearing, the general counsel of the Department of Homeland Security told me it was his belief that someone on the terrorist watch list should not even be permitted to purchase guns.

Not only does the Attorney General think it is OK to allow these guns to be purchased by terrorists, but he thinks it should be done secretly, without law enforcement's knowledge. That has to change. We hope the Attorney General will reverse course immediately. Unfortunately, I doubt he even comprehends the anomaly this generates.

This is why it is critical that the Senate pass this emergency legislation before we leave for the year. If we don't, we will put our constituents at risk unnecessarily. My legislation is simple and to the point. It says, if a terrorist buys a gun, law enforcement must be notified right away. We would like to prevent them from getting the gun, but the law, as it is for now, is the FBI, the local police, and the regional terrorist task force must be told the time and the place of purchase.

I introduce this bill today and hope that we can pass it as soon as possible.