Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Reorganization Act of 2003
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight and the Courts. Hearings held.
April 7, 2004
View full timeline
Introduced in Senate
March 6, 2003
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S3319-3320)
March 6, 2003
Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. (text of measure as introduced: CR S3320-3321)
March 6, 2003
Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight and the Courts. Hearings held.
April 7, 2004
Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about S. 562 on the floor
OGH
DS
MBE
PJL
JDR+17
Floor Debate
22 membersWhat members said about S. 562 on the floor
Mr. President, I apologize to those listening in and to my colleagues for having laryngitis. Your voice is not much better than mine, from what I can hear. Whenever you are losing an argument, you…
Mr. President, I apologize to those listening in and to my colleagues for having laryngitis.
Your voice is not much better than mine, from what I can hear.
Whenever you are losing an argument, you try to bring up something that might help you to win. This argument about jobs is very important, but I remember all last Monday being wasted by our colleagues on the other side. I can list all of the obstructions that have occurred this year, time after time, when we tried to do something that might be good in that area. This phony chart of 168 to 4, it doesn't take any brains to realize that is totally false.
Tomorrow, we are going to have two cloture votes on two more, so there are at least six. If you go through all those they really do plan to filibuster, you get up around 15, 16, or 17. This is the first time in history this has happened.
I rise to speak about the judicial nominees being filibustered by a minority of Senators. I have served in the Senate for 27 years, and I can honestly say President Bush's nominees are among the best I have ever seen. They are experienced, intelligent, ethical, hard working, respected in their communities, and they have given their lives to public service. We honor these great men and women for volunteering to serve their country. They have put forward their good names for evaluation by the Senate and they deserve a simple up-or-down vote-- just the dignity of the vote. Our priority is to vote on these nominees. We owe them no less.
By June of this year, we had two well-qualified nominees blocked by filibusters. These filibusters were the first two in the history of this body. By the end of July, we again made history, adding a third filibustered nominee. By October, we had four nominees filibustered, another record. Shortly, we will have two more filibustered nominees, yet another record. The number continues to rise.
Those who are watching this, don't believe this phony chart. That has never happened before. Like you say, it is one thing to say we gave the 168 a trial. Most of them are district court judges now. So we gave 168 a trial, but we only lynched 4 of them--6 of them now, or 8 probably next week. It will be up to 17 before long.
I promise not to talk about the color of somebody's tie or my favorite fast food. I want to talk more about numbers tonight. I want to talk about President Bush's nominees to the Federal court. Ambrose Bierce defined nominee as a ``modest gentleman [or gentlewoman] shrinking from the distinction of private life and diligently seeking the honorable obscurity of public office.'' That may or may not be the case, but I want to highlight several of the distinguished and respected judicial nominees who are currently being filibustered by the Democratic Party members, Justice Janice Rogers Brown, Justice Priscilla Owen, and Judge Carolyn Kuhl. We can talk in terms of numbers, but I prefer to talk about why these three distinguished judges deserve a simple up-or-down vote on the Senate floor, and why they deserve to be confirmed as Federal judges.
We started hearing from the other side that, according to my colleagues, these nominees have despicable views, or are wildly out of the mainstream, or from the hard right, are mean people, have embarrassing records, are far out and off the charts, are unqualified, are activist, are extremists, or rightwingers who would like to take the country back to the 1890s, are deeply hostile to and actively seeking to undermine civil rights, women's rights, and workers rights-- gee--seek to turn back the clock on constitutional rights, have records of not really helping women, seem to have little regard for the rights of women, and represent the ``worst of the worst,'' as one colleague on the other side put it the other day. Those were the nice things they have said.
Actually, Judiciary Committee hearings often remind me of an old Far Side cartoon showing three cowboys on Main Street in the Old West. One cowboy lies sprawled on the dusty street, with a revolver lying next to his arm. The cowboy on the left stands with a smoking gun, staring at the fallen man, and saying: ``OK, stranger . . . What's the circumference of the Earth? . . . Who wrote the `Odyssey' and the `Iliad'? . . . What's the average rainfall of the Amazon Basin?'' The cowboy on the right stands stunned, with his hands to his face, saying, ``Bart, you fool! You can't shoot first and ask questions later!'' In a similar vein, Ambrose Bierce wrote that to nominate someone was to ``designate for the heaviest political assessment. To put forward a suitable person to incur the mudglobbing and deadcatting of the opposition.'' I often fear we do not give
our judicial nominees a fair chance before shooting them down.
The other side, before they heard one word out of Janice Rogers Brown's mouth, was already shooting her down; they didn't give her a chance.
I hope we can move past applying labels to the fine men and women who have volunteered to serve their country through judicial service. Our duty under the Constitution is to determine whether judicial nominees possess the experience, intelligence, and temperament needed for judicial service. Our constitutional responsibility is to judge whether judicial nominees are willing and able to place the rule of law above all other concerns in rendering justice. The Senate cannot fulfill its constitutional duty when a minority of Senators refuses to allow an up- or-down vote for the President's nominees. As it stands, a bipartisan majority of U.S. Senators stand ready to vote on and confirm each of these excellent nominees.
Yes, I am happy to.
That is true. Remember, all throughout the Clinton administration, on all their nominees, our friends on the other side were saying if the ABA approves them with a qualified rating, then they deserve to have an up-or-down vote. When they have a well-qualified rating, the highest rating you can possibly have, then there is no question they deserve an up-or-down vote. Like the three cowboys in the street I talked about, they shoot them down before they even get a chance to have that vote up or down.
Absolutely true.
Yes. I might add Justice Owen, to get back to her, had 84 percent of the vote in the year 2000. That is the highest support of any State supreme court justice that year. Most every major newspaper in Texas endorsed her. Our colleagues on the other side say she is out of the mainstream. Give me a break.
In the case of Justice Brown, she won 76 percent of the vote. I think there were four, if I recall correctly, supreme court justices up for election. She won the highest vote of all of them in a State not known for conservative politics. Yet they have tried to paint her like she is some sort of a rightwing nut. Well, just look at NBC News. They made it pretty clear she is no rightwing nut. She is a very good person.
Yes, of both Democrats and Republicans. She is one of the most highly rated judges in California. She is outstanding. Frankly, these are Democrats saying she made one of the best judges on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
Well, I suppose the overwhelming majority in the most populated State, in the case of California, is out of the mainstream. I guess the overwhelming majority in one of the largest States in the Union, Texas, is out of the mainstream. You know, I suppose having the support of her fellow judges, in the case of Carolyn Kuhl, across the board, Democrats and Republicans, is out of the mainstream. According to these people over here--I will tell you who is out of the mainstream, it is these people over here who are filibustering judges for the first time in history and really endangering this process. It is ridiculous. It is wrong. I think the American people have to rise up and let them know it is wrong.
I have been on the Judiciary Committee for 27 years. I have to say I have not seen any better nominees in that whole time. As far as ethics, the only one the Democrats demanded an answer to every question--questions about future cases that will come before them--not the only one, but the main one, was Bill Pryor. The other one was Miguel Estrada. To make a long story short, it has been a very unfair process for these people. We have more than made the case that Miguel Estrada was treated completely different from John Roberts. Both of them served in the Solicitor General's Office. They asked these stupid questions about documents that are the most highly privileged documents in the Government today, and seven former Solicitors General said these cannot be given, and they used that as a phony excuse to shoot down Miguel Estrada, who is well qualified by the American Bar Association. When Bill Pryor answered all the questions, they said you answered too many questions. You are damned if you do, damned if you don't.
It is pretty clear, they just wanted to shoot these people down right from the beginning. To come out here and make such a fuss about jobs when they have been obstructive all year long is so phony that I have to admit, it almost brings tears to my eyes. Maybe it does bring some tears to my eyes because phony things tend to do that.
I do. Sometimes the district courts are involved and that is why we need the circuit court of appeals. Yet this President is treated different than prior Presidents, including President Clinton. About two-thirds of the circuit court nominees haven't even had a vote. Usually by this time in a President's career about 90 percent have had a vote.
I am delighted to.
I was hoping somebody would ask that. We have a chart prepared. They put it up. Filibuster comes from a Spanish word ``filibustero,'' meaning a pirating or hijacking, one word for obstruction. That is what it is. Look, I have no problem with filibusters on the legislative calendar because the Senate can set its own rules. But when it comes to the Executive Calendar, that calendar depends on your exercising restraint by advising and consenting, which means a simple majority vote up and down.
In the Clinton years, every Clinton nominee who came to the floor got a vote up or down. We did have a few who wanted to filibuster Clinton nominees. I personally stopped that because I recognized it would be disastrous for the Senate if we went down that road. As you can see, it is disastrous. We are in the middle of going down that road. We have already gone down it because our colleagues on the other side just don't seem to understand how important it is for them not to filibuster Federal judicial nominees. But I thank my colleague for bringing it up.
I will be happy to.
As the Senator will recall, right in the middle of a couple of very controversial nominees, Judge Paez, now Judge Berzon, there were some on our side who legitimately felt they should filibuster both of those----
Maybe I can bring it down here. Maybe it will work better here. I have it too close to my mouth. I am glad the Senator corrected that.
Judge Paez had been an activist judge in the eyes of many of our colleagues on the district courts out there in California. Marsha Berzon was one of the leading labor lawyers in the country. We had some who wanted to filibuster them. I stood up in caucus and said that is not going to happen. To his credit, the then majority leader Trent Lott stood up and said that is not going to happen.
We are both leading conservatives, but we knew that was a disastrous thing to do in this body because it would lead to animosities you could never quite--that would remain. It would lead to partisanship. It would violate the Constitution, it would violate the very advice and consent clause, the great power we have been given by the Founding Fathers.
Frankly, as the distinguished Senator has pointed out, I stood up and said that is not going to happen and it did not.
Did we have some cloture votes? Yes. But the cloture votes were to get to the nominee so we could vote. Every Clinton nominee who came to the floor, who was brought to the floor, got a vote up or down. Only one was defeated and that was Ronnie White, on a straight vote up or down. But every other one, all 377 of them, the second highest total in history, passed.
Did I agree with all those judges? You bet your life I didn't. But they were qualified. The fact I didn't agree with them ideologically was irrelevant. What is relevant is, Are they qualified? I certainly would not take away the opportunity of serving in the Federal Government for an otherwise qualified person just because I disagreed with that person on abortion or on any other issue, for that matter.
Yes, I yield.
Virtually every Democrat said it, took the position a filibuster should never take place. All they asked for was an up-or- down vote. That is all they wanted, if we would just be decent enough to give them an up-or-down vote. We did. We were decent enough.
What does that imply about what is going on on the other side? I will let the public draw their own conclusions. But we were decent. We did what was right. We gave them up-or-down votes. Frankly, what is going on here is just appalling.
No, it has not, because a filibuster is inappropriate when it comes to judicial or even executive nominees, especially judicial nominees. Our ability to give advice and consent means if you don't like the nominee, vote against him or her. If you do, vote for them. But, above all, don't obstruct, which is exactly what they are doing here, obstruction, from the Spanish word, ``filibustero,'' meaning a pirating or hijacking. Just one more objection. Now we have six more objections, as of tomorrow--actually they require cloture votes to be filed on Janice Brown, and of course Carolyn Kuhl, so we now have six. I could name up to 17 they have threatened to filibuster and probably will.
To keep bringing that phony chart up here is an insult to everybody on this floor. It is an insult to everybody watching. It just shows they are void of any real arguments. To now try to change the nature of the debate to jobs, when they have obstructed all year long, is an insult.
It has not changed. But their positions have changed.
No question. They were very forthright and very strong that there should never be filibusters of judicial nominees. Now all of a sudden when it is to their advantage, they think--I think it is to their great disadvantage. They lost the 2000 election in part because of the way they are treating judgeship nominees. I think they are going to lose a lot of standing in this country. The way they are treating southern nominees is abysmal, like Bill Pryor. Like Charles Pickering.
It doesn't take any brains at all to realize they just don't think these two able people are worthy of being on the bench when in fact they are more worthy than many of the nominees we approved for them in the 8 years of the Clinton administration.
She was born a sharecropper's daughter. This woman had it rough all the days of her life. She put herself through college and law school as a single mother. She has worked in State government now for I think it is 26 years. And they are trying to say she is against government? My gosh, she has worked there and been supportive for I think 26 years. She is one of the best nominees I have ever seen.
If we had done to three woman nominees what they are doing to these three--Priscilla Owen, who broke through the glass ceiling, getting women a right to be partners in law firms; Carolyn Kuhl has the support of 100 of her fellow judges out there, Democrats and Republicans; Janice Rogers Brown, sharecropper's daughter, has risen to the top of the heap, who has fought her way all her life--if we had done this to any of their nominees they would be screaming about it right up to today. It is unbelievable they are trying to do this on these three women nominees. They want a regimented liberal approach to everything, and if it is not there, then they are out of the mainstream, according to them.
I think most people in this country are in the middle and, I think, the middle or moderate conservative. But, be that as it may, these are competent, qualified, well-qualified women, and they are treating them like dirt. I don't understand it, myself.
I will be delighted to.
Yes, the distinguished Senator makes a good point. She was elected by 76 percent of the vote. I would have to say, she wrote a majority of the majority opinions, and joined in some 73, if I recall correctly, unanimous opinions. In other words, she is not only in the mainstream, she is one of the best justices, State justices in the country. They are treating her like dirt. I don't understand that kind of treatment.
Will the Senator yield for a unanimous consent request? It will only take a few seconds.
Unanimous Consent Agreement
I ask unanimous consent at 8:30 a.m. on Friday the Senate begin an hour of debate equally divided prior to the first cloture vote; further, that the last 20 minutes be equally divided, the first 10 minutes under the control of the Democratic leader or his designee and the last 10 minutes under the control of the majority leader or his designee.
I thank my colleague.
Mr. President, I appreciate our colleague's comments about the necessity of jobs. I agree with him. We are debating the third branch of Government, without which there wouldn't be any jobs for anybody, without which the Constitution wouldn't be alive today, without which we wouldn't have the freedoms we have.
In all this talk about jobs, I haven't heard any real ideas as to how we get more jobs. It is as though they think Republicans aren't concerned about jobs. Of course, we are. We are debating something that is equally important; in fact, over the long run, much more important than almost anything else we can debate. That is, are we going to have an honest, decent judiciary to uphold the Constitution?
I have seen this body and the other body pass unconstitutional legislation many times in my 27 years. I have seen Presidents act unconstitutionally a number of times in my 27 years, and before that. It has been the judiciary that has saved the Constitution. It has been the judiciary that has corrected matters. It has been the judiciary that has helped small business, where the jobs are. It has been the judiciary that has given justice to this country, that has protected Americans from criminals, that has done so much good for this country. That doesn't mean all judges are perfect or right. But by and large, it has worked very well. That is why we make these positions lifetime appointments, so they don't owe anything to anybody but the law.
Here we have a distortion for the first time in history, filibustering judges and phony, untrue charts of 168 to 4. Let me tell you, they wouldn't have allowed the 168 to go through had we not been fighting as hard as we could and forcing them to allow those judgeships to be brought up. We would have nowhere near 168.
With regard to the four, we are already up to six. We were there last night. We were there months ago when they indicated they were going to filibuster Janice Rogers Brown and Kuhl, in addition to the other four who have been mentioned. Then there are probably at least 13 others who I can name. There will be more, because there is an arrogance here, it seems to me, that goes beyond doing what is right for this country.
Very few things rise to the dignity of the importance of judges and getting a good Federal judiciary. I am for jobs like everybody else, but because they don't have any other arguments, that is why they are doing that.
I would be happy to listen to my colleagues on any suggestions they have with regard to jobs. Usually it is another big Federal program that literally doesn't create any jobs. It just creates another burden for taxpayers. That is what they think creates jobs.
I am happy to yield to the distinguished Senator from Virginia.
Well, of course, she is subject to the same advice-and- consent rule of article II, section 2 of the Constitution, as are all of these Federal judges. But she deserves the dignity of an up-or-down vote.
The senior Senator has brought out she is an African-American woman who has come from nowhere, in a sense, a sharecropper's daughter, to being a justice on the California Supreme Court.
That is right.
I appreciate my dear colleague. But we will find out tomorrow that the other side is going to vote against cloture. They are filibustering this terrific African-American woman justice who has made it on her own throughout life, who wrote most of the majority opinions in the California State Supreme Court while joining unanimously with others in over seven cases just last year.
They have tried to paint her as though she is out of the mainstream. I would like to suggest who is out of the mainstream. It is a high percentage of those on the other side of the aisle who think that only the left has any ideas in this country. Because she is a conservative black woman and she is not monolithically in step with what they think black people ought to be, they are against her. If we did that to one of their nominees, the whole world would come down on us.
I do, too. I hope the Senator is right. But from what I have seen here, she is going to be filibustered right along with the rest of them.
I recognize the distinguished Senator from Virginia, and then I will come to the distinguished Senator from North Carolina.
That is my understanding.
Well, the Senator raises a good point. But not according to that side. It is out of the mainstream. Just think about it. The Senator is correct. Eighty-two percent of the people are for parental notification laws. Challenging the reasonableness of parental notification statutes lies somewhere between hard and impossible. That is why an overwhelming majority of Americans support those laws, including the parents of Holly Patterson. Holly was a young girl who died 7 days after taking RU-486, the abortion drug.
Her father learned about her abortion just hours before her tragic death. If there was a parental notification statute, Holly might still be alive today.
Parents do have some rights here. Most people acknowledge that. But that is one of the big reasons why our friends on the other side are against all three of these women nominees, I suppose. If there had been a parental notification statute, young Holly would be alive today.
It is ridiculous to criticize these two fine nominees for their opinions upholding parental notification statutes. Justice Brown's opinion on the parental consent statute is well within the legal mainstream. The U.S. Supreme Court has routinely found notification statutes constitutional.
So the Senator has raised a very important point. But that is considered out of the mainstream by our colleagues. Again, we know who is out of the mainstream. It certainly isn't Janice Rogers Brown.
I will just point to the side that is out of the mainstream. Yet they are trying to make everybody march in unison, in accordance with their liberal plan for America. That is not right. I turn to the distinguished Senator from North Carolina.
I would be delighted.
Absolutely true. By the way, one of the arguments that the side across the aisle from us is out of the mainstream again is over parental consent, a dissent that she had written, upholding the finder of fact in the lower court. The majority just ignored those facts and overruled the right of parents to consult with their daughter before the daughter had an abortion.
She is not out of the mainstream. Guess who is out of the mainstream? I thank the Senator.
That is correct. These are people who know her or who have worked with Justice Owen on the Texas Supreme Court. They are all Democrats. They are all partisan Democrats, by the way. They think she would make a fine judge on the circuit court of appeals.
Victor Schwartz is one of the law professors who wrote the book on torts. He is one of the most distinguished legal thinkers in the country. In fact, Professor Schwartz wrote:
Any characterization of Justice Owens as pro-plaintiff or
pro-defendant is untrue.
But we are getting used to that. The reason they are all talking about jobs, it is a political reason, of course. They are trying to get people to not pay attention to this debate. But the reason they are talking about jobs is because they don't have a good argument against Priscilla Owen, nor do they have one against Janice Rogers Brown, nor do they have a good argument
against Carolyn Kuhl. And three outstanding women who, if we treated three of their women justices like that or nominees like that, all hell would break loose.
In all honesty, Professor Schwartz said that just isn't true.
Not yet, I yield to the distinguished Senator from Texas.
The distinguished Senator from Texas knows that is true. That is not easy in the State of Texas. There are some very liberal newspapers down there that scrutinized every aspect of her life.
No question about it. She is a terrific person.
That is true. In fact, all three of them do.
Well, I think it is because she is not a liberal. That seems to be the only mainstream the other side is interested in. I cannot say she is all that conservative either. But the fact of the matter is, she is not a liberal Democrat. Here is a woman who has every credential in the world, as the Senator from Texas pointed out, who broke through the glass ceiling for women so women can now become partners in law firms, when that was tough to do. Here is a woman who has fought every day of her life to excel, who has excelled. Yet look how she is being treated, like she is ``outside of the mainstream.''
Since they don't have any real legal arguments, any real philosophical arguments--they don't have any real arguments, and that is why we are getting a filibuster on one of the best nominees I have seen. By the way, she got the highest rating from the not-conservative American Bar Association, which during the Clinton years was called the gold standard. If you got a ``qualified'' from the ABA and you were a Clinton nominee, that meant you were OK, you were in the mainstream.
Here is a woman with a ``well qualified,'' the highest rating from the ABA, and they are trying to say she is outside of the mainstream. That is just another misuse of terms because they don't have a real argument against her.
I cannot see a good reason. It is a mystery to me why our Democratic colleagues refuse an up-or-down vote. Like the distinguished Senator from Texas said--and I really admire the Senator from Texas, who is a lawyer, from the University of Texas, and the Senator from North Carolina, Senator Dole, who is a lawyer, who graduated from Harvard Law School. I think the other side ought to be listening to the two of you, especially with regard to an eminent woman jurist named Priscilla Owen, and another jurist named Janice Rogers Brown, and another one named Carolyn Kuhl.
To make a long story short, if they don't like these nominees, then vote them down. The reason they are stopping them is because all three of them have a majority of the Senate willing to vote for them. They are flying in the face of the advise and consent clause, refusing to give them the dignity of an up-or-down vote. I think women across this country ought to be outraged by it--liberal women, moderate women, and conservative women. It is a slap in the face to every one of them, the way these three women are being treated by the other side. I have heard for 27 years how much greater they are for women. Don't believe it. If they were, they would not be arguing against these wonderful women nominees. Don't believe that for one second. It is all politics.
The only reason they are talking about jobs, in all honesty, is because they don't have the arguments against these eminent women lawyers and judges. It is pathetic.
How much time is left?
I surely will.
No question about it. That 168 to 4 doesn't even begin to tell the story, because if it had been up to our colleagues on the other side, there would not be 168. We had to fight for every one of those people, and we had to fight hard fights. We had to force them to vote. They cannot vote against everybody. So there is not just four. We have already got six. We had to file cloture on Carolyn Kuhl and Janice Rogers Brown, which will be up tomorrow. I can name probably another 11 they are going to filibuster. So that is a blatant, outright lie.
Not one. Our side would not permit that because of the detriment to the Senate, the detriment to the Federal judiciary, the detriment to the Constitution, the detriment to just good reasoning. We didn't filibuster one.
That is right. Once they hit the floor, they have had a vote up or down. And 377 Clinton judges are serving in the Federal judiciary today because we had the decency to give them the dignity of votes up or down--something not being accorded our nominees.
It is 2,372.
That is right. Actually, it is more than that. We have two more tomorrow. That gets us up to six. Then probably there are another 11 I can name. I won't take the time to do that now. There hasn't been one filibuster by us. There have been cloture votes, but they were used for time management purposes to get us to a vote. In every case, the Clinton nominee got voted up, except for one.
I thank my colleague. The real number, for the past 11 Presidents of judicial nominees confirmed versus the filibustering they are doing, is 2,372 that were confirmed. None were filibustered, until President Bush became President. He is being treated wrongfully. It is unfair to him, unfair to these nominees. I like what the Senator said earlier. I think he said we gave a fair trial to 2,372--actually 168. We gave a fair trial to them and with regard to the four, we just hung them. That kind of shows in that one sense it is great to give a fair trial, but we are not giving a fair trial to these four. They are arguing it is all right for four because it is only four. Well, it is not all right if people are hung without a fair trial. They are certainly not getting a fair trial.
I ask unanimous consent for 30 more seconds.
Let me just say that it is true.
I don't recognize the number. However, I do recognize the argument.
Let me answer the question, if I may.
May I please finish?
Will the Senator yield?
Reserving my right to object, my colleague, I appreciate the time, but in order for us to stay on schedule and given the fact I have been waiting here at this point, I would appreciate his wrapping…
Reserving my right to object, my colleague, I appreciate the time, but in order for us to stay on schedule and given the fact I have been waiting here at this point, I would appreciate his wrapping it up. If he would like to take 1 minute to wrap up, I would not object to that.
Mr. President, as I said before on the floor, all the statements that are being made, and all the time we spend in relation to our values and our priorities, I also believe we get things done when we work together, when we work in a bipartisan way. That is what our constituents expect us to do.
I see the esteemed chairman of the Judiciary Committee on the floor. I thank him publicly for working with the senior Senator from Michigan as we work through difficult issues that relate to Michigan. I appreciate his willingness to do that. That is how we get things done-- when we work together.
When we look first at the record of legislation taken up on this floor, I think it shows we work together. I think when we have worked together to confirm 168 judges, most of those I have voted for overwhelmingly, and when we see that we have only had a disagreement on 4, I think that shows bipartisan cooperation. I think that shows what the people of this country, and certainly the people of Michigan, want to see done. There is no question in my mind that this demonstrates our willingness to roll up our sleeves, to be fairminded, to look at the facts, to look at the nominees, and to work together.
It also shows, though, that we are willing to make a critique, that we are not a rubberstamp for this administration, nor should we be for any administration of either party. It shows we are willing to make a judgment. When the nominees go too far, we say no. That is what happened four times.
What I am most concerned about now, though, in this 30 hours--which now, instead of ending at midnight, is going to go until 9 in the morning--is that we are saying our values and priorities are spending time talking about four people who already have jobs and want to get a promotion that will last a lifetime. These are lifetime appointments.
My concern is that we need to be spending time on this floor not only talking but doing something about the 3 million people who have lost their jobs in the last 2\1/2\ years--3 million people. They do not have a lifetime job. They would just like to know they have a job tomorrow for their families. They would like to know that the job probably carries health care with it and will be there so they can put food on the table and they can pay the mortgage, the car payment, send their kids to college, and know they can have a good life in America that they assume if they work hard they will be able to achieve.
That is the debate I have said a number of times that we need to be having. One-hundred and sixty-thousand-plus of these 3 million are people who have lost their jobs in Michigan; people who have lost good- paying jobs, good-paying jobs with health care and pensions. They find themselves in very difficult circumstances and they are asking us to help them.
I am very proud of the fact that Michigan is the first in the production of automobiles. Thirty-one percent of all the automobiles in this country are produced in the State of Michigan.
My dad and my grandfather owned a Cadillac dealership in Claire, MI. We have been proud to be a part of supporting the Michigan automakers.
We also are first in the production of trucks, producing l7 percent of trucks. We have the three leading office furniture manufacturers in Michigan and produce nearly half of the office furniture.
Why do I say this? Because we have a crisis in manufacturing in this country that we need to be addressing in this Senate. Jobs can't all be in the service industry. We need to make things and we need to grow things. That is what we do in Michigan. We make things and we do it well. We will compete with anybody any time. Just give us a level playing field. We also grow things. We are willing to compete with anybody any time. Just give us a level playing field. We don't have that right now. We don't have that level playing field. We are not addressing that.
We are not addressing what is happening with the fact that China is violating the WTO or that China and Japan basically have put a tax on American goods and services sold in this country by manipulating their currency. We are not doing anything about that.
As a member of the Banking Committee, I sit and listen to the Treasury Secretary basically acknowledging that something is not right but not wanting to step up and take the tough action on behalf of American manufacturers and American workers.
We need to be talking on this floor and taking action on behalf of the men and women who have been the backbone of this country in manufacturing and have created the middle class that separates us from other countries around the world.
Why aren't we having that debate? Not a debate about 4 people who already have jobs, who want to get promoted. Three million people do not have a job and are now struggling with their families.
I want to share a few comments that I have heard. Earlier today I shared some headlines from newspapers in Michigan about what is going on. I want to share one of those this evening with my colleagues. It is from the Ludington Daily News, in northwest Michigan. It says: ``Tough Loss, Straits Steel closing sad news for plant's 180 employees.'' Then it starts out by saying:
Despite the looming possibility over the past few months
that their plant might close, workers at Straits Steel & Wire
Co. kept their production quality high and their attitudes
positive, said General Manager Tyndall.
But on Friday, Tyndall was forced to tell his co-workers
and friends that corporate officials decided to close the
Ludington plant, 56 years after it began operations in 1947.
Making the announcement twice--to the first shift in the
morning, then the second shift in the afternoon--was not easy
for Tyndall, who joined workers on the floor of the
production plant as he shared the bad news with the group.
``People are down,'' he said Friday afternoon. But he
stressed the plant's closing is not related to performance.
``When we walk out, we can hold our heads high and go chest
to chest with anyone on the street and say we did our jobs
well.''
They did their jobs well. But because of what is happening and the unfair competition around the world and the stress and struggle as it relates to cost, the plant closed.
Why aren't we dealing with issues that will help this Straits Steel and Wire Company in Ludington, MI? Those are the jobs I want to be talking about. Those are the jobs people in my State want us to be trying to fill.
Let me mention a few letters I have been receiving from people in Michigan that say it better than I can. First from a gentleman who says: I am writing you regarding the health of my business. I have a high tech business servicing industrial lasers, much like the ones that are no doubt cutting metal subassemblies for our armed services use as well as civilian businesses. My business has the flu. It is feverish and sluggish almost to the point of no business at all. Our country was initially built on small businesses providing services and employment. Our government encourages small business growth yet at the same time small businesses are being destroyed one by one because our economy is in such dire straits that business orders are essentially flat, which in turn is causing my business to fail. Occasionally I call the few customers I have left and ask questions about how they feel about the economy and what they think will happen in the near future. They say they are very concerned about the future. Some are laying off personnel. Others take pay cuts to keep their jobs. Still others feel they are sinking with no relief in sight. My business is now on the verge of collapsing and the only reason is the economy. I find it extremely difficult to believe that because of a few positive economic reports showing up here and there that our economy is getting better. The only real indicator of an improving, recovering economy, in my opinion, are reports coming in of companies rehiring people and putting them back to work. No other indicators, in my opinion, mean a thing until people start going back to work.
I agree with that. It is about putting people to work and having businesses recover from the flu.
Also from a Michigan resident: I am a tool die maker for over 40 years. I now find myself out of a job and unable to find one in my field. I have no health insurance. Why has America farmed most of our manufacturing jobs out to other countries? I think America has got to be not only the greatest thinking country in the world but we have to also regain our status as the greatest producing country in the world, as we did in World War II. That is, as you remember, the reason we won.
From Bridgman, MI: I would like to say I have worked in manufacturing for 20 years. This is the first time in my career that my hours have been reduced. I have a house payment, utility bills, children to feed and clothe, doctor bills, car payment, insurance, school lunches and preschool. This is just a few of my expenses. We are hanging on by a thread, day by day living. This is not the way Americans should have to live, especially in this day and age.
I agree. If people work hard, they get up in the morning and they go to work and they work all day, they ought to be able to know they are going to be paid a good wage, that they can count on that job being there, that we want them to be able to have health care. We want them to be able to put money aside for a pension, and we want them to know they will have the security of being able to take care of their families and plan for the future as part of the great middle class of America.
Our manufacturing economy has given us that. We are losing that. We
are losing that. We need to pay attention. We need to talk for 30 hours on the floor about jobs and how to help our manufacturing sector. We need to talk for 60 hours or 90 hours. More importantly, we need to act to do something so we can level the playing field. As I have said before, I will put our workers and our businesses up against anybody, if it is a level playing field. Just make it fair and we will compete. We need to address issues of health care. We know one of the biggest challenges right now for our manufacturers is the explosion in the prices of health care. I also know from talking to our automakers about half of that is because of prescription drug prices, the lack of competition, and the explosion in prices. We ought to be doing something about that.
We have bills in front of us right now in the Medicare conference where we could do something, if we wanted to, about that to lower prices. I would love to have a 30-hour debate on that because there is nothing right now more challenging to businesses and workers than the issues of health care. Workers are finding they are being asked to pay more in premiums and deductibles or their salary is capped in order to pay for health care increases or, worse yet, they are losing their jobs because of the increases. That is a debate worth having. That is a debate that would result in our focusing on something that means something very important to the people of this country. I would look forward to that debate.
Let me read a couple more letters: I've worked in manufacturing for 23 years, and this is the first time in my career I have had my hours reduced. I am worried about losing my job. My family is suffering because of my reduced income and planning for the future of my trade. I am a mold maker, and this has always been a solid trade. My trade is faltering, not only because of the economy but also because of foreign competition. How can we compete with countries that pay drastically reduced wages with no benefits?
We have to address that, not by saying you have to work for less, Michigan workers. You have to work for less and you have to take no health care and no benefits. We have to be fighting for our middle class and creating a way to raise the standards of living around the world instead of lowering ours, which is exactly what is happening right now. It is probably the most serious threat to our future in terms of maintaining our economy and our middle class. That is worthy of a 30-hour debate.
There are many more letters I could read that are the same. So where are we, when we are talking about 3 million jobs lost and counting just in the last 2\1/2\ years, a little less than 3 years. What is the response from the administration to this number? Are we pulling everybody together to figure out what we can do to lower health care costs? Are we figuring out what we can do to level the playing field and stop China and Japan from using advantages and manipulating their currency and creating a situation that is unfair to us? Are we looking for ways to stop the small manufacturers from going and moving their plants overseas? No.
What is the response from the administration? The first thing is to propose to cut people's overtime pay, people who already are working. We are going to cut their overtime pay. That is one of the major points the administration is fighting for right now in the appropriations process. They fight every effort to extend unemployment for the people who are currently unemployed. In the past, on a bipartisan basis, every President from Nixon and Carter and Reagan and Clinton, every President we have during times of recession, we have extended unemployment compensation for those who are unemployed. We have to fight now at every turn on behalf of the unemployed. I have mentioned earlier the administration has not been willing to get tough with China, has not been willing to deal with what is happening in Japan as well, that has so affected our automobile industry and our manufacturing economy.
We need leadership to step up and do more than just words to get tough on them, to create a level playing field. We have seen the administration not be willing to address the high cost of health insurance and do those things that will bring prices down. Earlier today I offered a unanimous consent request to increase the minimum wage $1.50 an hour so 7 million people, a large share of them women with children who are working for the minimum wage and trying to make it and don't have health insurance, paying their child care every day, trying to make it, trying to do what we are asking them to do in this country, could get a raise. It was objected to by colleagues. So we are seeing the people who earn the least can't get a raise. The administration won't support 7 million folks getting a raise. They want to take overtime away from the folks who are already working, not wanting to deal with those who are out of work with unemployment, not wanting to level the playing field so we can keep our manufacturers here and keep those good-paying jobs.
Over and over again, we see efforts that block what we need to turn this number around of 3 million jobs lost and counting.
That is the reality of what is happening. Frankly, I am disappointed we are not willing to spend time. If we are going to ask people to stay up all night and the staff to be here and so on, let's address something that affects them and their families and everyone who is listening and watching, and that is how we move this economy forward, how we protect manufacturing, how we support our businesses large and small, and our workers working harder and harder every day just to make ends meet, so we can make sure the quality of life and standard of living we want for our families is maintained in this country.
We are the greatest country in the world. But we are truly in crisis, I believe, as it relates to what is happening in our economy and with our manufacturing sector.
Let me take an opportunity to read a few more of the letters I get every day, unfortunately, from the people of Michigan. A letter that says: I have never written to a Michigan Senator before, but for me, now is the time. You see, I am one of the discouraged unemployed in Michigan. After over a year of fruitless searching for a nonexistent job in my field as a CAD designer, I have given up. It breaks my heart to leave the field I love. I must just ask you this: Where are all the automotive engineering jobs? Is it true that we in Michigan have lost much of our employment base as it relates to engineering through outsourcing? I know many colleagues who are also out of work and many who have left the field altogether, as I am contemplating. I just want you to know how one of your constituents is feeling about the employment situation here in Michigan.
Of the 3 million jobs that have been lost, over 2.5 million of them are in manufacturing. These are jobs that pay well, that bring health care with them, that bring a pension, that create middle-class America, those folks who can buy the houses and the cars--we want them to all buy them American made--who buy the boats and the snowmobiles and the cottage up north, who send the kids to college and believe in the American dream: that if you work hard, you can be successful in this country and you will have the opportunity to have the dignity of work.
From Union City, MI: I am writing this letter because there seems to be some confusion about our economy. Our government seems to think that a tax cut will help but I don't think so. Since the year 2000, there has been over 3 million manufacturing jobs that have been lost, gone to China. My wife and I own a small machine shop in Union City, Michigan. At one time we had 7 employees. Now my wife, my son and myself are all that is left. Most of the time we don't even have enough work for ourselves. I have watched as many of my friends and competitors have gone out of business and just closed their doors or filed bankruptcy. While we fight the war on terrorism, if we are not careful, we will lose a much bigger war to the rest of the world without a shot being fired.
From Clyde, MI: My husband, a 25-year mechanical engineer, designer of automotive special machines, has been laid off for seven months. The company he worked for was bought by Fiat and within two years, began outsourcing the engineering to countries such as Bosnia where engineers will work for $6 an hour. Our workers can't compete with that obviously. The engineering department is now closed completely,
everything is outsourced. He is 55, laid off, 2\1/2\ weeks short of his retirement, vesting at 100 percent, can't draw Social Security, and has been unable to find work. The market is flooded with engineers because outsourcing is happening all over. I work two jobs and a third when I can get the work. If we want to maintain the quality of our environment and keep our families fed, we need legislation to address the inequities in manufacturing standards globally, balancing tariffs, something. Our workers can't compete with the salaries outsourcing provides from other countries but for which foreign workers can maintain their own standard of living.
Again, I have received letter after letter after letter saying the same kinds of things. I also receive letters from furniture makers. I have had the opportunity to be in Grand Rapids, MI, and talk with furniture makers who have lost their contracts to Chinese contractors or subcontracting has moved over to China. They say: Well, it is because they can't compete. It is just the way the economy works.
Well, no, it is not. China manipulates their currency and it amounts to about a 40 percent tax on goods and services we send to China. They are not playing by the rules. They don't play by the rules. Why aren't we standing up for us? My constituents are saying: What about us? What about our jobs? We appreciate the fact that four people who wanted to be promoted as judges have not had the opportunity to do that. One hundred sixty-eight, yes; four, no.
But I hear from people representing this 3 million people saying: What about us? What about a marathon for us? What about spending time on the floor debating solutions that will create jobs for the people in this country that represent the majority who believe in this country, who work hard every day, who want to work hard, who want the dignity and respect of work? They don't want a handout. They want to work. They are finding their jobs are leaving, and they need our help.
Our manufacturers, large and small, and the people who work for them, need our help. They are asking us to work on a bipartisan basis. These folks are not Democrats or Republicans. They are Americans. They are Michigan citizens. They are asking us to turn our focus to those families, those people in our country who need our help. What we do is always about values and priorities--always. It is always about values and priorities.
I believe this debate is about misplaced priorities and we need to return to what is most important in the precious hours we have here and the time we have to get something done for the American people, because there is a lot at stake, including the quality of our way of life as a country. We cannot afford to lose our manufacturing base. We cannot afford to lose the middle class of this country, which has made us strong. If we are not careful, that is exactly what is going to happen.
I call on my colleagues to spend this time on how we move forward and take this number of 3 million jobs down to 2 million and to 1 million and get it down to zero, because that is the number that truly counts for all of us.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. President, first, I wish to concentrate a little bit on some of the comments I heard during the 3\1/2\ hours I chaired last night. A lot has been made of this number, 168 to 4. But you cannot…
Mr. President, first, I wish to concentrate a little bit on some of the comments I heard during the 3\1/2\ hours I chaired last night.
A lot has been made of this number, 168 to 4. But you cannot compare district court judges with circuit court nominations. Instead, you should look at the situation for what it is, an attempt to obstruct the confirmation of circuit court judges.
Since January 2003, President Bush has nominated a total of 29 circuit court judges. Of those judges, only 12, or 41 percent, have been confirmed. Of the remaining 17, my colleagues across the aisle have obstructed or threatened to obstruct 11 qualified and talented judges. In other words, almost 50 percent of the circuit judges ready to come to the floor for confirmation have been held up by the Democratic side for political purposes.
Last night I heard this 98-percent factor, and I heard it said that if my child came home with a test and he got 98 percent, I should congratulate him and work hard to get the other 2 percent.
I will tell you what ought to happen if your kid comes home with only 50 percent, and that is what we are talking about when we are talking about circuit court judges, we are talking about failure of the system, a total breakdown of the system.
You have to look at the concentration that there is on the circuit court. That is because those circuit court folks could become Supreme Court Justices. And Lordy, we don't want to pass any who might make it to that.
Every day the Senate is in session we begin with a prayer and the Pledge of Allegiance. I know my colleagues on both sides of the aisle are firmly committed to this country, and that as we say the words of the pledge, like me, they mean every word of it and they honestly pledge their alliance to the flag and to this Nation. But I have to wonder if they haven't forgotten the meaning of all of the words in the pledge, especially when I hear them put forward the argument that we do not need to vote on all the judicial nominees because we have already voted on most of them.
The last six words in the Pledge of Allegiance, ``with liberty and justice for all,'' mean we do not preserve justice or liberty for just a few people or for most of the people and leave a few or even an individual behind. It means we have justice for all, for everyone. That is 100 percent. We pledge that and we don't make exceptions because we have a high percentage of success.
In fact, this is one of the situations that the courts were created to protect: the rights of the individual. I think it is a little ironic that there are those in the Senate who would be willing to withhold justice and rights from some, in this case four highly qualified individuals, and the cases they could be hearing, if they were confirmed.
That is justice being denied as well. That is justice only for a few, or maybe most, but not all--just because the individuals don't have the same political philosophy as those across the aisle.
While it may be true--the percentage of judges we have voted on--when you are the one who is left out and are not allowed justice, that is 100 percent of your life--the one who is being affected, and 100 percent of justice that is being denied as an individual.
I think this is wrong. I sincerely hope we move off this obstructionism and have an up-or-down vote on the highly qualified individuals with talent, experience, and integrity, and who could be considered as the ideal we want in all judges.
I think everybody knows about the qualifications.
The comments made last night are what we are seeing here for the first time--a change in the way we do judges. The problem with it is it probably will continue and at some point there will be a reversal of roles. We will spiral down and down until we are not approving judges. It won't be 2 percent counting all of the district judges and not doing the true statistics on just the circuit court judges. It will not be approving a majority of them.
I have to tell you, I have been through that spiral once before. When I first got here, there was a judge nominated. She would only sentence a person to 90 days in jail who had raped a minor because she didn't like the rehabilitation system of the prisons in her State. I was appalled by it. In our State, there are a lot of people who would think that maybe he should have been shot. He raped a minor.
I put a hold on that person so we could have a debate instead of a unanimous consent. I eventually got the debate.
I had an unrelated piece of property that some people had been paying taxes on for 70 years which they had bought from the BLM but the title had never changed. It took an act of Congress to change the title. Because I put that hold on, it took me 3 years to get that piece of property transferred to the people. Do you know what those people said? They appreciated what I had done on that judge.
But I have to tell you that unless an up-or-down vote happens on that judge, that is the way it is supposed to be.
It was exactly 200 years ago, in 1803, that the Supreme Court and our Nation's judicial system went through its first and most dramatic change since it was established by the Judiciary Act of 1789. This change occurred when then Chief Justice John Marshall issued his decision in the landmark case, Marbury vs. Madison. In that decision
Marshall established the responsibility of the Federal court to review the constitutionality of congressional actions. His action brought the courts out of almost obscurity, seen as the weakest and most timid of the three branches of government, and gave it a prominence and power that is not equaled by any other court system in the history of the world.
Before Justice Marshall was appointed to the court in 1801 the court seemed to lack direction. There was no clear idea of purpose or vision about whether or not the court could consider itself to be an important entity. The very first Supreme Court Session was held in New York City in 1790. It was almost postponed when only three of the original six justices arrived for the court's opening session. The court had to wait and put off doing business until a fourth justice arrived and they had enough judges to constitute a quorum.
Justice Marshall himself did not initially consider the court to be a prominent institution. At the time of his appointment to the court, he was also serving as Secretary of State for President John Adams and he had turned down an earlier appointment to the court in order to run for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. After President Adams finally talked him into serving as Chief Justice of the court, Justice Marshall served as both Chief Justice and Secretary of State for 2 months because he felt it wasn't worth giving up the position of Secretary of State to serve on the Supreme Court.
Over the next 34 years Justice Marshall reinvented the court and provided the leadership it needed to assume the prominent role it plays in our court system today.
One has to wonder what Justice Marshall would think about what is going on in the Senate today. Would he agree with my colleagues across the aisle that it is all right to put partisan politics and partisan bickering ahead of the rights of judicial nominees if those impacted are just a small fraction of society. Would he agree with them that justice denied for a few was acceptable? Or would he hold true to the basic tenets of the Constitution that all men are created equal and that everyone has the right to their day in court?
A lot has been made about the numbers 168 to 4. You really can't compare district court judges with circuit court nominations. Instead we should look at this situation for what it really is, an attempt to obstruct the confirmation of circuit court judges. Since January 2003 President Bush has nominated a total of 29 circuit court judges. Of those judges only 12 or 41 percent have been confirmed. Of the remaining 17, my colleagues across the aisle have obstructed or threatened to obstruct 11 qualified and talented judges, or in other words, almost 50 percent of the circuit court judges ready to come to the floor for confirmation have been held up by the Democrats for political purposes.
Every day that the Senate is in session we begin with a word of prayer and with the Pledge of Allegiance. I know that my colleagues, on both sides of the aisle, are firmly committed to this country and that, as they say the words of the Pledge, like me, they mean every word of it and that they honestly pledge their allegiance to the flag and to this Nation. But I have to wonder if they haven't forgotten the meaning of all the words in the pledge, especially when I hear them put forward the argument that we do not need to vote on all of our judicial nominees because we have already voted on some or most of them. The last six words in the Pledge of Allegiance, ``with liberty and justice for all,'' mean that we do not preserve justice or liberty for a few people, or for most of the people, and leave a few, or even an individual, behind. It means we have justice for all, for everyone, 100 percent and that we don't make exceptions because we have a high percentage of success.
In fact, this is one of the situations that the courts were created to protect, the rights of the individual. I think it is a little ironic that there are those here in the Senate that would be willing to withhold justice and rights from some, in this case four highly qualified individuals, and would not extend justice to all, just because those individuals don't have the same political philosophy.
While it may be true that the percentages of judges that have been voted on is high, when you are the one that is left out and are not allowed justice, that is 100 percent of your life that is being affected and 100 percent of justice that is being denied you as an individual.
I think this is wrong, and I sincerely hope we move off this obstructionism and have an up or down vote on these highly qualified individuals, whose talents, experience and integrity can easily be considered the ideal for what we want in judges.
We often talk about the ideal in our debates in the Senate. We hold up a picture of what things should look like and how things should be done in the hopes that someday, we can move our Nation forward to the point where the ideal is, more often than not, reality. One of those ideals that has been presented is a world where our judges and our courts are more representative of America. Our courts have often been accused of being elitist. The Bush Administration has been working hard to change that image by making sure our judges are more diverse. By nominating people like Miguel Estrada, Carolyn Kuhl, Janice Rogers Brown, Priscilla Owen, William Pryor, and Charles Pickering, President Bush has set an example of the ideal by selecting people from different backgrounds, with different styles, who share the same passion and enthusiasm for the law.
The list of judges that is before the Senate represents a group of candidates who are well educated, fully talented, and well qualified for the posts for which they have been nominated. Unfortunately, for some, this list also represents the unfairness of the system--a system which, in theory, guarantees each nominee a vote--but--in practice, can be used to deny a nominee a vote.
So here we are, well down the road, holding a list of candidates that still haven't received a vote. In spite of all their qualifications and the personal integrity they have shown throughout the process, these judges have been forced to wait as the Senate decides whether or not we can simply hold an up or down vote on them. Why? It's pretty clear to just about everyone. Because these are good nominees and in a fair and just world, they'd win the vote hands down. Therefore, the only way to avoid having these candidates confirmed is to deny them their constitutional right to an up or down vote.
What is most tragic about this situation is that these delays have not come without cost. These nominees aren't the only ones who are being denied their rights. Let's not forget the other victims in this situation who have been denied their right to a fair and impartial judicial process because there are not enough judges to hear all their cases. The real victims of these delays are not the nominees, or the Bush administration, or even the Republican Party. No, the real victims are the people whose rights have been denied to accommodate some increased partisan bickering.
There is a saying ``Justice delayed is justice denied.'' We make people with very real needs and very real issues wait while we try to score a few points in the game of politics. We drag out their court costs, their attorney's fees, and delay their restitution and damage payments all because we want to get one up on the other party.
We have a crisis in our courts that we can solve today. I urge my colleagues to step up to the plate and become a part of the solution. I urge them not to accept the belief that justice for some is sufficient. I urge them to allow the Senate to conduct its constitutional duty and hold an up or down vote on these judges. If you don't agree with them, or feel they are not qualified, then vote against them. That is your prerogative and duty as a Senator. But do not continue to deny justice for the nominees or the courts any longer.
Then I ask for 1 additional minute on our side. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Delaware for what he said. He has a distinguished record in the other body, as Governor and now here. We…
Then I ask for 1 additional minute on our side.
Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Delaware for what he said. He has a distinguished record in the other body, as Governor and now here. We listened to him in this Chamber. I wish they would listen to him on the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue
because the person who makes the nominations is the President. I have been here with six Presidents. I have never known a time when a President is less willing to engage the Senate in advise and consent. President Ford did, President Carter did, President Reagan did, former President Bush did, and President Clinton did. I hope this White House would begin to do that also.
Interestingly enough, today I was given a petition signed by 310,000 Americans from all over the country. This petition supports a filibuster of extreme judicial nominees of the President. In fact, in the last 72 hours, 172,000 Americans signed these petitions. I went through them, thanks to the ability to search electronically, and picked out some from my State of Vermont.
In Moretown, VT, someone wrote:
It is a disgrace how this administration is attempting to
pack our Federal courts with right-wing extremist judges that
seek to undermine the hard-fought pillars of legal precedent
that reflect the values of a vast majority of Americans. I
wholeheartedly support the efforts of the Senate Judiciary
Committee Democrats to oppose this blatant abuse of the
majority power. . . . The Senate GOP leadership should be
ashamed of wasting precious legislative time to engage in
what amounts to a publicity stunt. . . ..
Shame on them. They don't deserve the seats that the people
have entrusted in them.
Moretown, VT, is a little town a few miles away from where I live. It is straight down the valley; you can look straight down the valley from the front lawn of my home. We used to go to mass there on Sunday. It is where one of my grandmothers was born. So I was pleased to see that.
I received this petition from West Townshend, VT:
Thank you very much for all your hard work and valuable
work. We appreciate it.
West Townshend is a very small town in Vermont. People are very independent there.
This one is from South Burlington, VT:
I support any measure to prevent Bush's extreme judicial
appointments. Keep up the good work.
This is from Barre, VT:
Please be strong and stand against the Republicans.
Ashcroft has already taken away too many of our civil
liberties; we cannot have judges doing the same.
Barre, VT, is considered the granite center of the world,
with the largest granite quarries in the world. My
grandfather, Patrick J. Leahy, was a stonecutter in Barre,
VT. My father was born in Barre, VT. The people of Barre, VT,
are as strong and independent as the beautiful granite in
their quarry.
I have one from South Ryegate, VT:
You must protect the cherished rights of women to control
their own bodies. Do not approve judges whose records show
that they do not believe in women's rights.
South Ryegate, VT, is a beautiful little town on the eastern side of Vermont. I know it well. When my maternal grandparents immigrated to this country from Italy, not speaking a word of English, they came to South Ryegate, VT, where my Italian grandfather was also a stonecutter. My mother, a first-generation American, was born there, her first language was Italian, but she learned English at school. I remember my grandfather, so proud of the judicial and constitutional system of this country, and so proud of taking the oath of citizenship. My father, in Barre, VT, was so proud of the separation of powers in this country-- the legislative branch, an independent branch of Government, equal to the other two; the executive branch, independent and equal to the other two; and the judicial branch, independent and equal to the other two.
I remember him sitting in the gallery when I was first sworn in as a Senator, knowing I was part of that triumvirate of powers in this country, which is why our democracy has lasted this long. But throughout it all, it was so important that one branch was outside of politics, that one was independent of either of the political parties, and that is the judiciary. It should not be a Democratic judiciary or a Republican judiciary.
The battle we are having now is because this White House does not want it to be an independent judiciary. They want it to be the most extreme possible. They want it to be an arm of the Republican Party.
One hundred sixty-eight to four. We have confirmed 168 of President Bush's nominees. We stopped four of the most extreme. Lordy, the crocodile tears that have been shed here, at great cost to the American taxpayers, over the last 24 hours--the crocodile tears that have been shed for that.
I do not remember one single Republican standing on the floor and saying how terrible it was when the Republicans blocked 63 of President Clinton's nominees, but, oh, my, it is like Niagara Falls, the crocodile tears, when we blocked four of theirs.
I received another one from Burlington, VT:
The courts need to represent all Americans. Keep extremists
out. Thank you for fighting for representation of all
Americans by blocking the extremist judge nominees. Shame on
President Bush.
I mention Burlington because I was married there 41 years ago. I still vote there. My children were raised there. I know the people in Burlington, VT. They are independent, good people--people who care for an independent, not a political, judiciary.
Little Hardwick, VT, stands at that junction between Montpelier and St. Johns and Barre. They say:
Stay awake. Stay vigilant. Protect civil rights, a woman's
right to choose, public education and worker's rights. We
stand with you.
Hardwick, VT, let me tell you, I stand with you, and I will stay awake and be vigilant. The people on this side of the aisle will stay vigilant and we will protect an independent judiciary. We will not allow the judiciary to be an arm of any political party.
The President said that he wanted to be a uniter and not a divider. Oh, how much I wish he were. If there was ever a time that this country needs a uniter, not a divider, it is right now. But, instead, in deference to groups on the far right, the President has nominated judicial activists about whom one cannot help but raise questions regarding their ability to act impartially, with justice for all. We need an independent judiciary.
We are fortunate in Vermont because we have the most independent Federal judges you can imagine--people with total integrity, who will treat whoever comes into their court with impartiality regardless of whether they are Republican or Democrat or independent. That is what all courts should do.
Time and time again, Democratic Senators have acted in good faith to fill vacancies Republicans kept vacant by blocking a Democratic President's judicial nominees. After Republicans blocked 63 of President Clinton's nominees, when a Republican President came in, they said: Look at all these vacancies. My God, we have to move as fast as we can to fill them. This is terrible. This is a crisis in the judiciary. How could this possibly have happened? How could this possibly have happened; there are 63 vacancies here. My Lord, the sky is falling down.
Where did those vacancies come from? They came from one person, one Republican, holding an anonymous filibuster. If one Republican said, I don't want this judge of President Clinton's, the nominee went no further. Notwithstanding that, some of them had the highest qualifications this country has seen. Notwithstanding that, some of them were the most brilliant judges. Notwithstanding that, they were Hispanics, women, African Americans, people of faith, and people of great conscience. They were not allowed to go forward because one member of the Republican Party said he or she did not want them to go forward. But notwithstanding that the Republicans created all those vacancies, notwithstanding that, the Democrats said, we will help you fill them.
Notwithstanding the arrogance and the one-person filibusters on the other side, the Democrats started filling those vacancies with President Bush's nominees. We have filled 168 vacancies. We stopped four of the most extreme nominees. And now, lordy, lordy, lordy, the Niagara Falls of tears comes from the other side--crocodile tears, hypocritical tears, from those who said not a word, not a word when they blocked 63. Not a word. Not a word. They blocked 63. Not a word. We stopped four of the most extreme, and you would think the world was coming to an end.
What Democrats have done is that we have stood up for our principles and for the independence of the Senate in its constitutional role in the judicial confirmation process. The Republican leadership has decided to spend, I am
told, upwards of a quarter of a million dollars of the taxpayers' money to have this debate. I apologize for that. I am not the one who wanted to do this. I apologize to all the staff--the police officers, who should be home with their families, the doorkeepers, those who keep the journal of these proceedings--who are some of the finest men and women I have worked with in nearly 30 years here.
But that quarter of a million dollars the Republican leadership is spending on this charade of crocodile tears could almost be worth it if one thing comes out of it. If the President would realize that this whole process begins with him, not with the Senate. The President has an absolute right to nominate anybody he wants. The Senate has an absolute right to advise and consent, to determine whether nominees are confirmed, especially to lifetime jobs.
I ask him once again, work with the Senate. Every President through history has sought the Senate's advice and consent. In those instances when they did not, they did not get their way. There was another President named George, the greatest President in this Nation's history, George Washington. He was the most popular man in America in the time he lived and probably the most popular person America has ever had. He was a man who brought us together as a country, who set the precedent to make this a great democracy. But George Washington nominated judges the Senate felt he should not have. The Senate exercised its constitutional authority, and not all of George Washington's judicial or executive branch nominees were confirmed. President Washington knew he had to come back and seek the Senate's advice and consent before his nominees would go through.
A great hero of mine, not just because I am a Democrat but because I remember what he meant to people like my parents, who owned a small business in Montpelier, VT, was Franklin Delano Roosevelt, also one of the greatest Presidents to ever serve this country. He kept this country together, kept the world together at the time of naziism and fascism, and the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. He brought us out of a recession, and he did this even though he was physically crippled. He worked so hard for this country, it finally killed him. But even Franklin Delano Roosevelt, when he tried to pack the court and change the independence of our Federal judiciary, a Democratic-controlled Senate said he could not do that. In fact, not only did Franklin Delano Roosevelt not get every one of his judges confirmed, but his court packing plan was filibustered.
No matter how partisan anybody is here, I don't think anybody is going to suggest the problems began here. The Senate said no to Washington. The Senate said no to Franklin Roosevelt. The Senate can say no to George Bush. Tradition is there. The Constitution is there. Our rights are there.
Basically, we have taken all this time spending a quarter of a million dollars of the taxpayers' money to talk about this because we don't want to vote on minimum wage, or workman's compensation, child programs, or the appropriations bills that, by law, we are required to have voted on by September 30. We still haven't. We don't want to vote on veterans benefits even though the administration seems hellbent on cutting veterans benefits.
We don't want to do any of those things. We will spend a quarter of a million tax dollars on the Republican's charade. I say the same thing today that the Senate said to George Washington and said to Franklin Roosevelt: We are going to ask for advice and consent. The Senate is going to stand up for its rights. I yield the floor.
Mr. President, let me say this. Again, I have been here with six Presidents, Republican and Democrat. Presidents have always sought advice and consent. They have not always liked what they have heard. Five of the six Presidents have been willing to work with us on judicial nominations: Presidents Ford, Carter, Reagan, former President Bush, and President Clinton. I urge the current President to follow their example. Things will go far more smoothly. I do yield the remainder of my time.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and that the Finance Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 1853, a bill to extend unemployment…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and that the Finance Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 1853, a bill to extend unemployment insurance benefits for displaced workers, the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration, the bill be read a third time and passed, and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.
The Senator from West Virginia will not do that.
Mr. President, I am extremely frustrated that the Senate continues this debate, or whatever it is. It is already more than a day. We are dealing with the nominations of a handful of judges. That is not trivial. I understand that. As a Senate, we have a responsibility to address the most urgent issues facing our Nation. Unemployment insurance for those who are unemployed, I think, happens to be one of them. Today we are, embarrassingly, failing to live up to that responsibility.
This morning I talked at some length about the crisis facing our Nation's manufacturing sector. I will not relent on that subject. As factories close down, people across this country are losing jobs, losing health care benefits and retirement benefits. As a country, we are losing the industrial base that is responsible for the greatness of this Nation.
Some of the statistics I mentioned this morning I am going to repeat.
Manufacturing employment is at a 41-year low, and more than 2\1/2\ million
manufacturing jobs have been lost in the last couple of years.
This morning I described legislation I introduced to address this manufacturing crisis. I happen to feel very strongly about that legislation. As I explained, the bill I crafted would offer relief to American manufacturers in three ways:
First, by lowering the effective corporate income tax rate by about 3 percent; second, by providing employers tax credit up to 75 percent to help cover the cost of health care coverage for retirees who had worked for that company; and, third, by strengthening our trade protection laws. There is a plan I laid out to help stem the terrible flow of manufacturing jobs from the United States overseas. I recognize other Senators have different ideas about the best way to help our Nation's manufacturing companies compete. I welcome the vigorous debate. I believe we ought to leave no stone unturned when looking for a solution to this crisis which is so vital to so many of our people. That is why, frankly, I am so frustrated and disappointed we are going through this 30-hour charade.
On the 1st of October, the Senate Finance Committee, on which I am proud to serve, approved legislation known as the JOBS Act. That stands for ``Jumpstart Our Business Strengths.'' The legislation enjoyed broad bipartisan support in the Senate Finance Committee and passed out of it. But 6 weeks later it is still awaiting action by the full Senate.
I do not necessarily agree with every provision of that bill, but that did not happen to be important to me because it represents a serious effort to help America's factories and the people who work in those factories. I care about those people. I represent those people and I will fight for those people.
The more important provision of the bill reduces the corporate tax rate, much the same as my own legislation would do. Unfortunately no debate has been scheduled for this important legislation. Some seem to believe we will not have time to consider the legislation before adjourning this year. That is tragic for the people who are not working. This Presiding Officer faces that in his own State, the State of Illinois.
I cannot understand that thinking. How can we possibly have 30 hours to air our grievances about judicial nominees when we all know exactly what the result is going to be? There is no time to debate a way to protect American factory jobs. I could pick on many other subjects and would be happy to do so, but I pick one subject tonight.
I believe if the Senate took up the JOBS Act, we could have a thoughtful, constructive debate and we could pass it. In fact, as I look about the Senate floor, I see the Senator from Nebraska, the Senator from Maine, and the Senator from West Virginia, and the last time we were on the floor together, we passed a bill which spread out to the States $16 billion of Medicaid assistance which they desperately needed--two Democrats and a Republican. It could have been two Republicans and one Democrat. It makes no difference. We got the job done. The bill passed, and the States benefited from it.
But what are we doing now? We are talking. We could pass legislation on all kinds of things. I would ask all of my colleagues to think for a minute about the Americans who right now as we speak are hard at work on the evening shift in factories around the country. They are making everything from cars to contact lenses. Many of these factory jobs are exhausting. They require concentration and heavy lifting. They cause injuries. They require concentration. When Americans are toiling away in our factories right now, we cannot help but be inspired ourselves to concentrate and to do some heavy lifting of our own. We must work hard and do our jobs. It is our job as Senators to look at the serious policies that make our country work or work less well. People having a job and putting food on the table is a very major part of that.
Much to my dismay, we are not engaged today in serious debate about ways to create and maintain jobs in America. That is the subject of discussion in my State. We are not a wealthy State. We are a good State. Our people are as good or better than anybody in any other State. I fight for then. But they need work. Instead, our factories continue to struggle and are forced to shut down. Millions of Americans are out of work. Because so many of our factories are leaving the country, it is more and more difficult for Americans to find new jobs.
People always think when you lose a job, you can get another job. There was a day when that was true. That is no longer true. Indeed, economic experts have concluded the vast majority of job losses suffered in the last few years are permanent, are not replaceable. Factories are closed and will not reopen.
Let me take a moment to discuss the economic situation in my own State of West Virginia. Our steel industry has been struggling to recover from years of unfair and illegal competition against steel that was dumped on our markets and sold in America at below the cost that it cost to produce it in the country it came from--dumped steel, illegal steel, breaking our national law.
What was once our State's largest employer, Weirton Steel, recently announced it will cut an additional 800 jobs. I can remember when 13,000 people worked at that company. If President Bush backs down on the steel tariffs, of course, it will hurt the industry just as it is poised to recover. Ending the tariffs early will cost many more Americans jobs and at a time we know that new factories are not being opened in steel. We have to protect those steel jobs we have. I mean ``protect'' in the best sense of the word by using the American law and by being faithful to our own conscience.
Employment in the coal fields is also affected. The coal industry has long supplied our steel industry with the finest quality coal in the world. That has continued to decline. There are not many coal miners left anymore in West Virginia. Indeed, the manufacturing base all over my State continues to shrink drastically, and, as it diminishes, so do jobs with good wages and good benefits. That is the American dream.
In the southern coal fields, two other established prominent manufacturers--EIMCO, a Norwegian company that manufacturers mining equipment, and the Dean Company, with which I spent most of my life, a maker of wood veneers--are closed; they went overseas.
The past year has brought the closing of two long-time manufacturers in north-central West Virginia, the Clarksburg Casket and Glassworks Company. In the Mid-Ohio Valley in Parkersburg, two long-time manufacturers, Johns Manvillle and Ames True Temper, closed plants. Just 3 weeks ago, it was announced another 50-year-old plant was scheduled to close in Parkersburg, putting almost 200 workers at Schott Scientific Glass out of work. Their jobs went overseas.
In the Kanawha Valley where this Senator lives, two well-established chemical companies are closing, Flexys in Nitro and FMC in South Charleston. These closings mean hundreds of jobs lost.
Where are these workers supposed to turn? Their average age may be 45 to 55. What are they meant to do? Take up computer sciences? Biochemistry, physics? They can't do that. There is no place for them to go. There are no replacement jobs. Some of them take temporary jobs where they don't get benefits and try as best as they can to work with their families.
I was extremely pleased at the recent news of the strong economic growth in the third quarter of this year in this country. This does not translate into new jobs in West Virginia. New jobs is what we look at. People do not feed their families and do not pay their mortgages with news of strong economic growth. They need paychecks. It comes from jobs.
This Congress has not done enough to protect the paychecks of hard- working Americans. We have failed to stem the flow of jobs overseas, a subject about which I could speak for 6 hours. We have not done enough to provide temporary assistance to workers who have lost their jobs. Currently, 9 million Americans are unemployed and almost 2 million Americans have been unemployed for more than 6 months. In West Virginia, almost 42,000 workers are facing the holidays without a job.
Today, the Senate ought to be addressing the needs of these workers. Therefore, I am pleased to be a cosponsor of legislation introduced by Senator Kennedy that would extend the
unemployment compensation for those Americans of which I speak who are still struggling to find work in our so-called jobless economic recovery.
As factory after factory closes its doors, or freezes hiring, workers are unable to find new jobs. They are running out of unemployment benefits at an alarming rate. As many as 80,000 workers per week are expected to exhaust their unemployment compensation in December itself. Senator Kennedy's bill would continue Federal unemployment benefits for an additional 6 months. The legislation would also provide 33 weeks of additional Federal benefits in States with especially high unemployment rates.
This bill provides crucial assistance for long-term unemployed workers. There are more than 1 million workers who have already exhausted their extended benefits but have not been able to find a new job.
Let me be clear. Men and women in West Virginia and across the country would rather have a paycheck than an unemployment check. We all know that. However, the jobs are not available. The choice is not theirs. They have families to feed. The Federal Unemployment Insurance Program was specifically created to help workers when the economy suffers prolonged downturns. Workers have paid into the unemployment compensation fund and they deserve to collect benefits from the fund during such a weak jobless recovery.
Currently, the unemployment insurance trust funds have $20 billion sitting in a bank. The benefits outlined in Senator Kennedy's bill would cost $16 billion. To me it is unconscionable to leave the funds in the bank when they are needed by workers during hard times. Moreover, by making additional unemployment benefits available, Congress will also obviously be helping our economy.
I am afraid that the charade we are engaged in at the moment is a lose-lose proposition for the American people. I do not diminish the importance of judges, but I do not diminish the importance of unemployed workers whose self-esteem is destroyed and whose skills are ready to be put to work. It does nothing to help 9 million Americans who have already lost their jobs to have this debate. It does nothing to protect the jobs and factories that are currently struggling to compete to have this debate. I would also suggest that it hampers the ability of Senators to come together to address the urgent business of the Nation because of the nature of this debate.
There is certainly no shortage of important business before the Senate. We need to pass a prescription drug bill, and there are many other issues I could discuss.
I will end with simply this thought: I love America. I love my State of West Virginia. I love its people. I know they need to be well represented by judges. But I also know they have to work or else it probably doesn't make much difference to them.
What I am talking about tonight, what I talked about this morning is the ability for Americans to have jobs, to hold jobs and, if they lose them, to get unemployment insurance.
I yield the floor.
Show 8 more
Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry: Can the distinguished Senator from Iowa--we were told to come here at certain times, and if he were to take as much as he wishes, that would preclude any other…
Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry: Can the distinguished Senator from Iowa--we were told to come here at certain times, and if he were to take as much as he wishes, that would preclude any other Senator speaking in the time period.
I withdraw my parliamentary inquiry.
I will sit down. The Senator may go ahead.
Mr. President, I thank my good friend, my colleague from Iowa.
Mr. President, what is the parliamentary situation, and what time remains under the control of my distinguished colleague from Iowa who is managing this set of debates at this time?
So we have 10 minutes remaining.
I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I commend my good friend from Iowa for a very statesmanlike coverage of the responsibilities of the Judiciary Committee on which he has served these many years.
I turn to the following. If we look back in history in the summer of 1787, 55 individuals gathered in Philadelphia to write our Constitution. It was a very hot summer, and it was a long and arduous debate, many drafts back and forth, but careful consideration was
given. Finally, in mid September, it was over. It was a monumental achievement. But the Framers did not know at that time what a great achievement they had made, one that would enable the United States, today, these 200-plus years later, to become the oldest continuously surviving Republic form of government on Earth today.
Almost every other government in existence at the time of the Constitutional Convention has fallen into the dustbin of history. So we must ask ourselves, why? It is very clear to this humble Senator that it was due, in part, to the wisdom of the Framers to have three coequal branches of the Government. I view this debate as one to determine the survivability of the coequal stature of the three branches.
I am not going to argue about all the things that have taken place back and forth, but just go to this magnificent document--the Constitution. The Presiding Officer has placed a copy of it on every desk in the Senate chamber, and many of us daily carry it in our pocket. The Constitution very clearly states that a simple majority vote is the regular order of business, with the exception of a few instances specifically enumerated in the Constitution that require super-majority votes. Had the Framers decided that we should require 60 votes for the confirmation process of the Senate, they would have explicitly written in such a requirement.
It is quite interesting to note that:
Two-thirds of the Senate must vote to ratify a treaty; two-thirds of the Senate must vote to convict on an article of impeachment; two- thirds of a House of Congress must vote to expel a Member of that body; two-thirds of each House of Congress must vote to override a President's veto; and two-thirds of each House must vote to propose an amendment to the Constitution. With regard to the advice and consent, clearly enunciated in the Constitution, and given to only one body of Congress, the Senate, there is no mention of a higher than simple majority vote. It is there to protect, again, the checks and balances. It is there to protect against an executive branch nominee which, in the fair judgment of the Senate, does not meet the high standards to become a member of the judicial branch.
The case here is very simple: Are we going to abide by what the Framers laid out, what has kept this great Nation together these 200- plus years? Or are we going to devise and contrive in our own words some system by which to prevent a simple vote up and down on a judicial nominee?
The Constitution does not include that super-majority. If the bar is to remain at 60 votes, as my colleagues on the other side have so vehemently argued in favor of, I say then the Senate would have far more power on questions of judicial nominees than was intended by the Framers. The checks and balances concept of our Constitution would be changed. And how would that affect our Republic?
Well, when the Constitutional Convention was over in September 1787, Benjamin Franklin emerged and was greeted by a crowd, some were reporters. He was questioned, ``what have the Framers wrought?'' He replied, ``a Republic, if you can keep it.''
And that is what we are doing here in this historic debate. We are determining the rules by which we keep that Republic.
Throughout this historic debate, this Chamber has resonated with the use of the word ``filibuster.'' I ask: Can any Senator point to use of that word in any of the rules of the U.S. Senate? In every desk, every Senator has their book on the rules of the Senate and procedures of the Senate. You can't find the word ``filibuster'' in that book because it is not there. But, should I be wrong, parliamentary inquiry to the Presiding Officer, can the Parliamentarian find the word ``filibuster'' in the rules of the Senate or any definition in the rules of the Senate?
I thank the Presiding Officer. It is not in the rules. Where do you go to look for it? Webster's Dictionary. This dictionary has been in my office these 25 years since I have been privileged to serve in this body. And I use it often. I say to my colleagues, this is an interesting bit of history. The dictionary defines ``filibuster'' as, ``An irregular military adventure especially one in quest of plunder, a free-booter, applied to buccaneers infesting the Spanish American coast, later an organizer or member of a hostile expedition to some country or countries with which his own is at peace in contravention of international law.''
Go all the way down to the last definition, and you will find a reference that is most appropriate to this debate. I read:
A member of a legislative or deliberative body who, in
opposition to the proposed action of the majority, obstructs
or prevents action by the extreme use of dilatory tactics
such as speaking merely to consume time and so forth.
It is about the fifth definitional use of this word.
I say, most respectfully, that it is a word that is a slang word. It probably has been used to cover many types of procedures that both sides have followed under the rules for many years.
I went back and did some research in this wonderful book. It is entitled ``Senate Cloture Rule, Limitation of Debate in the Congress of the United States, Legislative History of Paragraph 2 of Rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the United States Senate.''
I do not find in this excellent treatise, put out in 1985 by the Library of Congress, printed by the direction of the Rules Committee and Administration of the United States Senate, any instance in which the situation we are faced with today with these nominees is covered. They do refer to the use of the word ``filibuster,'' but loosely.
Ultimately, with all of the confusion surrounding the word ``filibuster,'' I think you have to come down to what it was the Framers intended, what is in this book--the Constitution, which has held this Nation together these 200-plus years, this great Republic of our's.
I say to my colleagues, as Ben Franklin said, we have a Republic, and this debate is determining the ground rules by which we can or cannot keep it.
Clearly, the President has the authority to nominate. Clearly, this body has the authority of advice and consent. But remember, it is to be in a balance of powers between the executive and the legislature. I say if we are to set a precedent here that it requires 60 votes to act upon a nominee, three nominees--
I ask unanimous consent for 1 additional minute.
If we were to set a precedent that nominees reported out of the Judiciary Committee were subjected to a 60 vote requirement, this precedent would disrupt the carefully crafted system of checks and balances embedded in our Constitution by giving the Senate far more power in the judicial selection process than the Executive Branch, the President. These nominees deserve a simple up-or-down vote as provided in the Constitution by the absence of any reference to a supermajority or a 60 vote requirement.
I listened carefully as our distinguished chairman was referring to other nominees who have been acted upon by the distinguished members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. I have been studying extensively the very impressive record of achievement of a number of these individuals who are awaiting action on the floor.
You mentioned Justice Janice Rogers Brown, a distinguished jurist of 25 years on the California Supreme Court. The record shows that she was born to very proud parents but ones of modest means. Sharecropping was their profession.
This distinguished, hard-working young person worked her way through college, worked her way through law school, and has now served the people of California for a quarter of a century, including the last 7 years as a California Supreme Court justice. That is remarkable.
Further, we heard that she was elected or reelected to the California Supreme Court. I think the chairman should explain the distinction between our Supreme Court, which is subject to the process we have been discussing these several days. But in a number of States, they do have a State election. All of us in this Chamber are here by virtue of the support of people in elections. But how many of us have been elected to the Senate with 76 percent? I don't think my distinguished junior colleague from the State of Virginia got that.
Well, I was pretty close to it, I mention to the Senator. But I don't claim 76 percent. That is quite a record. We have heard that she has ruled for the plaintiffs in many civil rights and consumer protection cases. She is supported by her colleagues in California, those who know her best.
But could the distinguished chairman advise the Senate with regard to his opinion with respect to the nomination as it is hopefully brought before the whole Senate?
That is a dream of millions of students all across this country, to have that opportunity to
come up through our system, to gain their degrees, to take their place in society, to stand for the cause of freedom in this great country, and some few do manage to get on the judiciary of the States. I know that Presidents look to the jurists in States, because they have a proven record, to select them for the Federal judiciary.
I do hope this distinguished nominee will fare well and be treated with fairness when that name is brought before the Senate.
She is proud of her African-American heritage. I hope the Senate gives her fair treatment.
Mr. President, I rise this evening to express what might be best described as my disappointment in what has occurred during the past 24 hours, now I understand perhaps another 12 hours. I ask we move…
Mr. President, I rise this evening to express what might be best described as my disappointment in what has occurred during the past 24 hours, now I understand perhaps another 12 hours. I ask we move the process forward.
Mr. President, I rise tonight to express disappointment over what has happened over these past nearly 24 hours, or past 24 hours-plus, and perhaps another 12 hours. I just ask we move the process forward.
I would like to make very clear a few statistics I think are appropriate tonight. We have seen many statistics or many different versions of the same statistics over these past many hours. Tonight I would like to make very clear a few statistics with respect to my voting record on confirmation of judicial nominees, which is really based on the principles I hold as a Member of the Senate.
I voted to invoke cloture 13 times. That is a 100 percent voting record on judicial nominees. To date, I have never voted against invoking cloture on a judicial nominee, not one.
I have voted in favor of confirming all nominees except one, and I voted for cloture to move the process forward, even on a nominee I cannot support.
I have done all these things because I believe in moving the process forward. As Governor of Nebraska, I had the great privilege of appointing judges to the bench. I appointed the entire Nebraska Supreme Court and the entire Court of Appeals over my 8 years, and nearly 50 percent of the judges in Nebraska. I may not be good at it, but I have had a lot of experience.
I would hope we could move forward this process. If we cannot agree, then at least we ought to move on. What is happening right now during these hours of debate is not about moving the process forward. In fact, what is being accomplished seems to me to be just the opposite, setting us back. This debate has served only to further frustrate the work of this body, delayed action on critical legislation that must be addressed, and has further polarized the competing sides on these very controversial appointments.
The question I ask tonight is, Does using a tactic of delay to criticize and attack another tactic of delay cause you to make the point or lose the point?
To add further frustration to this matter, this delay occurred only after we were forced to choose between missing votes on Tuesday, Veterans Day, or cancelling the many obligations most of us made to our constituents to participate in events to honor veterans back home. The leadership basically decided having these hours of debate seemed to be more important than honoring those who fought and died while protecting the freedoms that under ordinary and normal circumstances are debated and defended in this very Chamber every day. By having votes on Veterans Day, I could not participate in that exercise, and I didn't appreciate having to choose between Nebraska veterans and votes on legislation before this body. Like others, I chose to be with my veterans. I missed two votes. I would do it again in a heartbeat.
But it is not only our veterans who were not given the consideration they deserve. It is also our seniors, who are anxiously awaiting a prescription drug benefit. What do I say to George and Lee back home when they ask me, ``Why haven't you been able to get a prescription drug benefit but the Senate could debate on other issues for 30-plus hours''?
It is those who suffer from mesothelioma who desperately await an asbestos reform bill. What do I say to a widow of a recently deceased judge in Nebraska who was waiting to collect money because of the bankruptcy of a particular company? She is unable to collect it, but would have the opportunity, under an asbestos reform proposal, to collect on behalf not only of herself, but on behalf of her young children.
I am just one of 100 in this great legislative body, and I am very honored to be here. Even though I am relatively new to the scene, I think it is very
clear each of us is entitled to his or her own opinion. I have to say some of us are moving the process forward. I find it difficult to explain to others why we cannot be independent in our thinking about judges. Someone might say there is not too much of a difference about this judge or that judge. That is what this process is all about. But when we can't come to an agreement about a particular judge and we can't move forward, we cannot delay in this situation, but we must in fact move on.
I oftentimes try to impress upon myself and my family and my friends and others that reasonable people can and will disagree. But when they are unable to agree, it is unreasonable to expect the process to come to a halt regardless of the rules, but it is important to go ahead and move on. I embrace that philosophy because I too would always like to have everything go my way. I would like to see every bill read exactly as I wish and every nominee be the one I choose. Instead, I do embrace that philosophy because I believe we can have those differences of opinion, hold different views on the issues, serve different constituencies from diverse regions of this great Nation, and we can, in spite of all that, and in many instances because of that, achieve progress in addressing the critical issues of our entire Nation.
I don't believe these hours of debate have helped us move closer to resolving our differences on these 4 nominees. In fact, I am afraid it has achieved just the opposite. I fear this exercise may have poisoned the well, leaving this body with such stark disagreements, and any progress on the issues that matter to my constituents--a prescription drug benefit, an energy policy, asbestos reform, welfare reform--and the bills that run the Government may not be now attainable.
Many Americans question the motives of both sides as this spectacle continues. I am not going to suggest a motive for all of this, but I can surmise a conclusion: These hours have been needlessly carved out while the critical issues remain unresolved. My constituents sent me here to get things done--not to pander, not to be a partisan, not to disrupt, delay, object, or deny, not to waste 30 minutes or 30 hours.
In the interest of moving forward, making progress, and doing good work for the American people, I urge my colleagues, not in any partisan way, to think long and hard about what is being orchestrated here for these hours and what the American public expects of us during the final days of the session--so we can deal with the prescription drug benefit, so we can deal with the energy needs, so those folks who are today worried about the cost of natural gas and the high cost of energy sources in the future know there is a solution in sight.
Drought relief: I can go back to Nebraska and say, Well, we couldn't get a drought bill. I guess it was OK that we debated 30 hours on other issues, but in fact when you are losing your family farm as a result of the continuing drought, that isn't probably going to sell.
Highway reauthorization: Many States today are waiting for the highway reauthorization so they can continue to build and improve their infrastructure, because that relates to jobs--jobs in construction, but also jobs because of the improved infrastructure.
Many States are worried today about FAA reauthorization. I have airports in smaller communities in Nebraska that are worried about being able to build and expand and improve their airports due to part of the reauthorization.
What do I say to them if that doesn't get accomplished? What do I say to those who are waiting for asbestos legislation? What do I say about class action? When are we going to get that accomplished?
When are we going to say enough is enough? If these 30 hours-plus that are now going into more hours had been used to debate health insurance, the full funding of special education, dealing with the Federal unfunded mandates, or some of us had worked previously on State fiscal relief, or in finding more ways to create jobs and improve the jobs and the markets we have today, looking for ways to make trade not only free but fair so we don't export jobs but we do import and export our products at the same time--if we had spent the time on that, then this time could have been productive.
In many ways perhaps there can be a catharsis as we move forward on finding new ways to deal with the judiciary. I have looked back and forth over the years looking at the role of the judiciary to see if there is anything anywhere that ever gives the judge the right to legislate or to make law. The one thing I made clear with every judicial candidate was: Are you going to be in the position of a judge or do you want to be a legislator? Are you going to legislate or are you going to adjudicate? The position of a judge is not to legislate. It is to interpret law, to apply law, and to adjudicate.
To win constituency groups in Presidential elections, the unfortunate thing for some time has been to say I am going to appoint judges to do certain things, to rule certain ways on the Supreme Court bench, to rule in certain ways on certain issues that will appeal to a constituency or to win constituency groups.
Sometimes I think we politicize the judiciary, and that is why we are where we are today. We need to move away from worrying about ideology, political philosophy, and to make sure judicial activism is not a part of what we do. If Presidential candidates say they are going to appoint Supreme Court judges not to be conservative or liberal, but those who will fairly apply the law and those who will do what they think is right under the law, not to make the law, then I think it is important. Politicians do keep promises. In the view of many, maybe not many promises. But politicians do keep promises when they say they will appoint judges of a certain kind. Then they are obligated to constituency groups to do that.
That is the root cause of our problem--moving away from ideology and political philosophy so we only deal with judges who come to the bench with the idea they are there to apply, to interpret the law, not to legislate, not to make the law. Until we do that, we are going to be hopelessly bogged down from time to time. But I am here to move the process forward. If the rest of us can't get together to move the process forward as a body, then we at least ought to move on.
Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor to my colleague from West Virginia.
Mr. President, earlier this week, the Senate, in a 94- 0 vote, went on record expressing its unanimous opposition to last week's decision by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals refusing to review a…
Mr. President, earlier this week, the Senate, in a 94- 0 vote, went on record expressing its unanimous opposition to last week's decision by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals refusing to review a three-judge panel ruling that bars children in public schools from voluntarily reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.
The Pledge decision rendered by the court is not an aberration. It is symptomatic of a court that has become dysfunctional and out-of-touch with American jurisprudence, common sense, and constitutional values. Unfortunately, citizens in the states that are within the Ninth Circuit's jurisdiction have had to contend with the court's idiosyncratic jurisprudence for decades.
One should not be surprised that the full Ninth Circuit refused to reconsider this ill-conceived decision. The recent history of the court suggests a judicial activism that is close to the fringe of legal reasoning. And it is for that reason that the Ninth Circuit has, by far, the highest reversal rate in the country. During the 1990s, almost 90 percent of cases from the Ninth Circuit reviewed by the Supreme Court were reversed. In 1997, a startling 27 of the 28 cases brought before the Supreme Court were reversed--two-thirds by a unanimous vote.
Over the last three years, one-third of all cases reversed by the Supreme Court came from the 9th Circuit. That's three times the number of reversals for the next nearest circuit. And 33 times higher than the reversal rate for the 10th Circuit
Last November, on a single day, the Supreme Court summarily and unanimously reversed three Ninth Circuit decisions. In one of those three cases, the Supreme Court ruled that the circuit had overreached its authority and stated that the Court ``exceed[ed] the limits imposed on federal habeas review substitut[ing] its own judgment for that of the state court.''
One of the reasons the Ninth Circuit is reversed so often is because the circuit has become too large and unwieldy. The Circuit serves a population of more than 54 million people, almost 60 percent more than are served by the next largest circuit. By 2010, the Census Bureau estimates that the Ninth Circuit's population will be more than 63 million.
According to the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts, the Ninth Circuit alone accounts for more than 60 percent of all appeals pending for more than a year. And with its huge caseload, the judges on the Court just do not have the opportunity to keep up with decisions within the circuit, let alone decisions from other circuits
Another problem unique to the Ninth Circuit is that it never speaks with one voice. All other circuits sit as one entity to hear full- court, en banc, cases. The Ninth Circuit sits in panels of 11. Clearly, such a procedure injects unnecessary randomness into decisions. If an en banc case is decided 6 to 5, there is no reason to think it represents the views of the majority of the court's 24 active members.
In fact, some commentators believe a majority of the 24 members of the court may have disagreed with the Pledge decision, but were concerned that a random pick of 11 members of the Court to hear the case, en banc, might have resulted in the decision being affirmed.
It is inconceivable to me that a circuit court could render a decision based on its concern about the potential makeup of an en banc panel. What
kind of jurisprudence is that? Citizens in no other circuit face that type of coin-flip justice. That is fundamentally unfair to every single one of the 54 million people who live within the jurisdiction of the Ninth Circuit and is reason alone to restructure the circuit.
It is time that Congress finally faces the fact that the Ninth Circuit is no longer a viable and functioning circuit. It is for that reason that I am today introducing the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Reorganization Act of 2003. I am pleased to be joined in this effort by Senators, Stevens, Burns, Craig, Crapo, Inhofe, and Smith.
The bill we are introducing today would divide the Ninth Circuit into two independent circuits. The restructured Ninth Circuit would contain California, and Nevada. A new Twelfth Circuit would be composed of Alaska, Hawaii, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, Washington, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands.
Earlier I indicated a number of reasons why I believe the Circuit needs to be reorganized. Let us not forget the scope of this circuit and the 54 million people who live within it. The Ninth Circuit extends from the Arctic Circle to the Mexican border, spans the tropics of Hawaii and across the International Dateline to Guam and the Mariana Islands. Encompassing some 14 million square miles, the Ninth Circuit, by any means of measure, is the largest of all U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeal. It is larger than the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and Eleventh Circuits combined!
Moreover, because of the sheer magnitude of cases brought before the Court, citizens within the court's jurisdiction face unprecedented delays in getting their cases heard. Whereas the national average time to get a final disposition of an appellate case is nearly 11 months, an appeal in the Ninth Circuit takes nearly 50 percent longer--almost one year and four months.
This is not the first time that Congress has recognized that the Ninth Circuit needs restructuring. Numerous proposals to divide the Ninth Circuit were debated in Congress even before World War II.
In 1973, the Congressional Commission on the Revision of the Federal Court of Appellate System Commission, commonly known as the Hruska Commission, recommended that the Ninth Circuit be divided. Also that year, the American Bar Association adopted a resolution in support of dividing the Ninth Circuit.
In 1995, a bill was reported from the Senate Judiciary Committee in which Chairman Orrin Hatch of Utah declared in his Committee's report that the time for a split had arrived: ``The legislative history, in conjunction with available statistics and research concerning the Ninth Circuit, provides an ample record for an informed decision at this point as to whether to divide the Ninth Circuit . . . Upon careful consideration the time has indeed come.''
In 1997, Congress commissioned a report on structural alternatives for the Federal courts of appeals. The Commission, chaired by former Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White, found numerous faults within the Ninth Circuit and recommended major reforms and a fundamental reorganization of the Circuit.
On the day my legislation is enacted into law, the concerns of the White Commission will be addressed. A more cohesive, efficient, and predictable judiciary will emerge.
Many who oppose legislation to reorganize the Ninth Circuit, contend that all the Circuit needs is the appropriation of more Federal dollars for more Federal judges. However, I do not believe more money will solve the inherent problems that exist in a circuit of such magnitude. As former Senator and Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice, Howell Heflin, a Democrat from Alabama, remarked after Congress divided the former Fifth Circuit: ``congress recognized that a point is reached where the addition of judges decreases the effectiveness of the court, complicates the administration of uniform law, and potentially diminishes the quality of justice within a Circuit.'' in the case of the Ninth Circuit, there can be little doubt that we are at that point in time that former Senator Heflin cited.
Former Oregon Senator Bob Packwood believed that a Ninth Circuit split would enable judges to achieve a greater mastery of applicable, but unique, State law and State issues. He believed such mastery was necessary because ``burgeoning conflicts in the area of natural resources and the continuing expansion of international trade efforts will all expand the demand for judicial excellence . . . By reforming our courts now, they will be better able to dispense justice in a fair and expeditious manner.''
I agree with the former Senator. The uniqueness of the Northwest, and in particular, Alaska, cannot be overstated. An effective appellate process demands mastery of State law and State issues relative to the geographic land mass, population and native cultures that are unique to the relevant region. Presently, California is responsible for almost 50 percent of the appellate court's filings, which means that California judges and California judicial philosophy dominate judicial decisions on issues that are fundamentally unique to the Pacific Northwest. This need for greater regional representation is demonstrated by the fact that the East Coast is comprised of five Federal circuits. A division of the Ninth Circuit will enable judges, lawyers and parties to master a more manageable and predictable universe of relevant case law.
Further, a division of the Ninth Circuit would honor Congress' original intent in establishing appellate court boundaries that respect and reflect a regional identity. In spite of efforts to modernize the administration of the Ninth Circuit, its size works against the original purpose of its creation: the uniform, coherent and efficient development and application of Federal law in the region. Establishing a circuit comprised solely of States in the Northwest region would adhere to Congressional intent. And the State of Hawaii should rightfully be included in this circuit, for like Alaska, there are unique issues that are faced by the two States that are not part of the contiguous lower 48.
A new Twelfth Circuit, comprised of states of the Pacific Northwest, would respect the economic, historical, cultural and legal ties which philosophically unite this region.
No single Court can effectively exercise its power in an area that extends from the Arctic Circle to the tropics. Legislation dividing the Ninth Circuit will create a regional commonality that will lead to greater uniformity and consistency in the development of federal law, and will ultimately strengthen the constitutional guarantee of equal justice for all.
It is my hope that this Congress will finally approve this necessary reorganization. It is long overdue.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, earlier this week, the Senate, in a 94- 0 vote, went on record expressing its unanimous opposition to last week's decision by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals refusing to review a…
Mr. President, earlier this week, the Senate, in a 94- 0 vote, went on record expressing its unanimous opposition to last week's decision by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals refusing to review a three-judge panel ruling that bars children in public schools from voluntarily reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.
The Pledge decision rendered by the court is not an aberration. It is symptomatic of a court that has become dysfunctional and out-of-touch with American jurisprudence, common sense, and constitutional values. Unfortunately, citizens in the states that are within the Ninth Circuit's jurisdiction have had to contend with the court's idiosyncratic jurisprudence for decades.
One should not be surprised that the full Ninth Circuit refused to reconsider this ill-conceived decision. The recent history of the court suggests a judicial activism that is close to the fringe of legal reasoning. And it is for that reason that the Ninth Circuit has, by far, the highest reversal rate in the country. During the 1990s, almost 90 percent of cases from the Ninth Circuit reviewed by the Supreme Court were reversed. In 1997, a startling 27 of the 28 cases brought before the Supreme Court were reversed--two-thirds by a unanimous vote.
Over the last three years, one-third of all cases reversed by the Supreme Court came from the 9th Circuit. That's three times the number of reversals for the next nearest circuit. And 33 times higher than the reversal rate for the 10th Circuit
Last November, on a single day, the Supreme Court summarily and unanimously reversed three Ninth Circuit decisions. In one of those three cases, the Supreme Court ruled that the circuit had overreached its authority and stated that the Court ``exceed[ed] the limits imposed on federal habeas review substitut[ing] its own judgment for that of the state court.''
One of the reasons the Ninth Circuit is reversed so often is because the circuit has become too large and unwieldy. The Circuit serves a population of more than 54 million people, almost 60 percent more than are served by the next largest circuit. By 2010, the Census Bureau estimates that the Ninth Circuit's population will be more than 63 million.
According to the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts, the Ninth Circuit alone accounts for more than 60 percent of all appeals pending for more than a year. And with its huge caseload, the judges on the Court just do not have the opportunity to keep up with decisions within the circuit, let alone decisions from other circuits
Another problem unique to the Ninth Circuit is that it never speaks with one voice. All other circuits sit as one entity to hear full- court, en banc, cases. The Ninth Circuit sits in panels of 11. Clearly, such a procedure injects unnecessary randomness into decisions. If an en banc case is decided 6 to 5, there is no reason to think it represents the views of the majority of the court's 24 active members.
In fact, some commentators believe a majority of the 24 members of the court may have disagreed with the Pledge decision, but were concerned that a random pick of 11 members of the Court to hear the case, en banc, might have resulted in the decision being affirmed.
It is inconceivable to me that a circuit court could render a decision based on its concern about the potential makeup of an en banc panel. What
kind of jurisprudence is that? Citizens in no other circuit face that type of coin-flip justice. That is fundamentally unfair to every single one of the 54 million people who live within the jurisdiction of the Ninth Circuit and is reason alone to restructure the circuit.
It is time that Congress finally faces the fact that the Ninth Circuit is no longer a viable and functioning circuit. It is for that reason that I am today introducing the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Reorganization Act of 2003. I am pleased to be joined in this effort by Senators, Stevens, Burns, Craig, Crapo, Inhofe, and Smith.
The bill we are introducing today would divide the Ninth Circuit into two independent circuits. The restructured Ninth Circuit would contain California, and Nevada. A new Twelfth Circuit would be composed of Alaska, Hawaii, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, Washington, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands.
Earlier I indicated a number of reasons why I believe the Circuit needs to be reorganized. Let us not forget the scope of this circuit and the 54 million people who live within it. The Ninth Circuit extends from the Arctic Circle to the Mexican border, spans the tropics of Hawaii and across the International Dateline to Guam and the Mariana Islands. Encompassing some 14 million square miles, the Ninth Circuit, by any means of measure, is the largest of all U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeal. It is larger than the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and Eleventh Circuits combined!
Moreover, because of the sheer magnitude of cases brought before the Court, citizens within the court's jurisdiction face unprecedented delays in getting their cases heard. Whereas the national average time to get a final disposition of an appellate case is nearly 11 months, an appeal in the Ninth Circuit takes nearly 50 percent longer--almost one year and four months.
This is not the first time that Congress has recognized that the Ninth Circuit needs restructuring. Numerous proposals to divide the Ninth Circuit were debated in Congress even before World War II.
In 1973, the Congressional Commission on the Revision of the Federal Court of Appellate System Commission, commonly known as the Hruska Commission, recommended that the Ninth Circuit be divided. Also that year, the American Bar Association adopted a resolution in support of dividing the Ninth Circuit.
In 1995, a bill was reported from the Senate Judiciary Committee in which Chairman Orrin Hatch of Utah declared in his Committee's report that the time for a split had arrived: ``The legislative history, in conjunction with available statistics and research concerning the Ninth Circuit, provides an ample record for an informed decision at this point as to whether to divide the Ninth Circuit . . . Upon careful consideration the time has indeed come.''
In 1997, Congress commissioned a report on structural alternatives for the Federal courts of appeals. The Commission, chaired by former Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White, found numerous faults within the Ninth Circuit and recommended major reforms and a fundamental reorganization of the Circuit.
On the day my legislation is enacted into law, the concerns of the White Commission will be addressed. A more cohesive, efficient, and predictable judiciary will emerge.
Many who oppose legislation to reorganize the Ninth Circuit, contend that all the Circuit needs is the appropriation of more Federal dollars for more Federal judges. However, I do not believe more money will solve the inherent problems that exist in a circuit of such magnitude. As former Senator and Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice, Howell Heflin, a Democrat from Alabama, remarked after Congress divided the former Fifth Circuit: ``congress recognized that a point is reached where the addition of judges decreases the effectiveness of the court, complicates the administration of uniform law, and potentially diminishes the quality of justice within a Circuit.'' in the case of the Ninth Circuit, there can be little doubt that we are at that point in time that former Senator Heflin cited.
Former Oregon Senator Bob Packwood believed that a Ninth Circuit split would enable judges to achieve a greater mastery of applicable, but unique, State law and State issues. He believed such mastery was necessary because ``burgeoning conflicts in the area of natural resources and the continuing expansion of international trade efforts will all expand the demand for judicial excellence . . . By reforming our courts now, they will be better able to dispense justice in a fair and expeditious manner.''
I agree with the former Senator. The uniqueness of the Northwest, and in particular, Alaska, cannot be overstated. An effective appellate process demands mastery of State law and State issues relative to the geographic land mass, population and native cultures that are unique to the relevant region. Presently, California is responsible for almost 50 percent of the appellate court's filings, which means that California judges and California judicial philosophy dominate judicial decisions on issues that are fundamentally unique to the Pacific Northwest. This need for greater regional representation is demonstrated by the fact that the East Coast is comprised of five Federal circuits. A division of the Ninth Circuit will enable judges, lawyers and parties to master a more manageable and predictable universe of relevant case law.
Further, a division of the Ninth Circuit would honor Congress' original intent in establishing appellate court boundaries that respect and reflect a regional identity. In spite of efforts to modernize the administration of the Ninth Circuit, its size works against the original purpose of its creation: the uniform, coherent and efficient development and application of Federal law in the region. Establishing a circuit comprised solely of States in the Northwest region would adhere to Congressional intent. And the State of Hawaii should rightfully be included in this circuit, for like Alaska, there are unique issues that are faced by the two States that are not part of the contiguous lower 48.
A new Twelfth Circuit, comprised of states of the Pacific Northwest, would respect the economic, historical, cultural and legal ties which philosophically unite this region.
No single Court can effectively exercise its power in an area that extends from the Arctic Circle to the tropics. Legislation dividing the Ninth Circuit will create a regional commonality that will lead to greater uniformity and consistency in the development of federal law, and will ultimately strengthen the constitutional guarantee of equal justice for all.
It is my hope that this Congress will finally approve this necessary reorganization. It is long overdue.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, this evening I am pleased to join my fellow Senators--including my good friend from Utah--Judiciary Committee Chairman Hatch--for this ``Justice for Judges'' Marathon. I doubt if…
Mr. President, this evening I am pleased to join my fellow Senators--including my good friend from Utah--Judiciary Committee Chairman Hatch--for this ``Justice for Judges'' Marathon. I doubt if anyone will change their minds, but the debate is one we need to air.
First of all, I would like to thank Senator Hatch for the excellent work he has been doing--just as he consistently does day after day and hearing after hearing--as the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
I also thank Chairman Hatch for his support for another bill I am sponsoring this year, the Law Enforcement Officer's Safety Act of 2003. Every one of our Nation's leading law enforcement organizations-- including the Fraternal Order of Police--consider this bill to be one of their top legislative priorities. I am especially pleased that this bill now enjoys the strong bipartisan support of 66 cosponsors-- including 41 Republicans and 25 Democrats. I also want to point out that Senators Leahy and Hatch are lead original cosponsors of this important legislation, and thank them for their support. Unfortunately, this bill is a perfect example of how the intent of the U.S. Senate can be subverted by the few opposed to a bill.
I also want to point out that even though this bill enjoys bipartisan support, and easily enough to get it passed by the Senate in an up-or- down vote--or even to invoke cloture--it is still being held hostage by a few Senators who have dug in their heels and refuse to let it pass.
It is not fair nor just in a body where fairness and justice is paramount that a minority of a few can hold up the will of 67 Senators.
I want to let my fellow Senators know that I will be pushing for the passage of the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act early next year.
The challenges we are now facing in the form of the unprecedented filibustering of Circuit Court judicial nominees is in no way the result of Senator Hatch's ability as a Chairman or as one of the Senate's great gentlemen.
Unfortunately, we are now facing a situation in which judicial nominees that clearly have the bipartisan support they need to be confirmed by the Senate in an up-or-down vote simply cannot get the vote they deserve.
Repeated refusals to allow Circuit Court nominee Miguel Estrada the straight up-or-down vote he deserved unfortunately led to him withdrawing his nomination.
As a Coloradan, I am not alone in my assessment that an injustice was done, and not just to Miguel Estrada, but to our finely balanced system of Constitutional government as handed down by our Founding Fathers.
We all know the history of Miguel Estrada. He is a great American success story. He is a man of impeccable credentials dedicated to upholding the law. Unfortunately, he has committed the high crime of being a conservative. He does not deserve the insult of being called a ``lemon'' as one Senator has done today. Whether to vote against nominees is each Senator's decision, but they do not deserve insults. On September 10, 2002, the Pueblo Chieftain editorial stated:
One would think that Democrats in the Senate, who claim to
hold diversity in such high esteem, would be amendable to Mr.
Estrada's nomination. But he committed the political sin of
being conservative.
The Pueblo Chieftain went on to say:
For the first time in the Nation's history, Senate
Democrats filibustered the nomination. By doing so they
turned the Senate's historic practice of advice and consent
into a litmus test for liberal interest groups. The Democrats
also have launched filibusters to stall the nominations of a
half-dozen other candidates.
The editorial continues:
Mr. Estrada asked President Bush to withdraw his
nomination, which had languished in the Senate for nearly two
years. Mr. Bush did so, with regret.
Mr. Estrada should have been confirmed. He was just as
qualified as a dozen other judicial nominees who were
eventually confirmed.
But Democrats have resorted to the filibuster to stop those
judicial candidates feared to be opposed to abortion. But
when asked about the Roe v. Wade abortion ruling during
confirmation hearings, Mr. Estrada said, ``It's the law. I
will follow it.''
In the long run, Democrats may have hurt themselves and
their outreach to Hispanic moderates and independents by
denying all Hispanics a historic moment--the first and
highest-ranking Hispanic on the Federal bench who also had
strong backing from a wide range of Hispanic groups.
Mr. President, let me speak about a towering figure in Colorado history. Byron White, a football star and then a conservative U.S. Supreme Court Justice who retired in 1993 after 31 years on the Federal bench. After having lived a long and fruitful life, Justice White passed away on April 15, 2002. I met Justice White. His many achievements made most but not all Coloradans proud.
Justice White was appointed to the Nation's highest court by President John F. Kennedy in 1962. I knew Justice White--he had a handshake that would make you wince, even in his 80's.
Byron White combined physical prowess--as a nationally acclaimed football star in the 1930's who went on to become a Rhodes scholar and, eventually, a leading jurist.
In 1937, Byron ``Whizzer'' White was an All-American football player with the University of Colorado Buffaloes. He led the nation in both scoring and rushing yards while leading an unbeaten team. He never liked his nickname ``Whizzer''. But sports writers did so he was stuck with it.
He also was an outstanding football player in the earliest days of professional football, playing running back for both the Pittsburgh Steelers and the Detroit Lions.
He used his professional football signing bonus to pay his way through Yale Law School. He graduated first in his class.
During World War II he served as an intelligence officer with the U.S. Navy. It was Byron White who wrote the official report on the sinking of John F. Kennedy's patrol boat, the PT-109.
White ``had excelled in everything he had attempted'' President Kennedy said admiringly when he appointed his long-time friend and the Deputy Attorney General as our Nation's 98th Supreme Court Justice in history.
However, despite the outstanding strengths and qualifications, as articulated by President Kennedy, Justice White had some views that most likely would have led to filibuster by today's Senate. In fact, if it had been a Republican President who nominated Byron White in 1965 instead of a Democrat, he probably would not have been confirmed even then.
For instance, he dissented from the historic 1973 ruling that declared that women have a constitutional right to an abortion.
In 1986, he stirred a storm of controversy by writing the Supreme Court's opinion that constitutional protections of privacy do not extend to homosexual conduct.
Justice White consistently opposed restrictions on law enforcement officers, which led him to dissent from the famous 1966 Miranda ruling that police
officers inform a criminal suspect being arrested of their rights.
Justice White also dissented from rulings that outlawed voluntary prayer for children in public schools.
By the late 1980's, Justice White had joined conservatives in opposing ``affirmative action'' programs on the grounds that they amounted to reverse discrimination.
The point is that he was appointed by President John F. Kennedy--but even so--under today's atmosphere, including political correctness and in-your-face special interests--with litmus test approaches to public policy--Justice White would have almost certainly been relentlessly filibustered and would probably not be confirmed.
I am not sure that I would have voted for his confirmation had I been here, because I disagree with some of his decisions, but I would have been given the chance.
The way that today's Senate is treating judicial nominees stands in even starker contrast when it is pointed out that Justice White was confirmed by the Senate by a voice-vote, and without objection. Not one Senator objected--``D'' or ``R.'' That was on April 11, 1962.
A lot has changed since then. Some for the better and some not. One thing that has certainly not gotten better is the way judicial nominees are being treated. Questioning has given way to badgering. Civility has given way to discovery. Playing ``Got Ya'' is a poor substitute for an impartial hearing.
The question is not whether the President's nominees should or shouldn't be confirmed. That is a smokescreen. The question is should we, as duly elected Senators be accorded our constitutional responsibilities of advise and consent by voting on each nominee. The minority is denying me the right to an up-or-down vote through their filibusters--and thereby are denying the people of Colorado the right to be represented through my vote. I have heard time and again from our colleagues on the other side of the aisle that 168 nominees have been confirmed and only four have not. What are they talking about? I haven't been given the chance to even vote on those four. Not a question of numbers. It is a question of fairness.
We need to do what we can do to reverse and correct the emerging practice of filibustering judicial nominees.
There is no question in my mind that many deserving and well- qualified people will refuse the call of public service after watching the kangaroo court they might now face in getting confirmed. It doesn't make any difference who is in the majority. No nominee should have to be verbally flailed in the confirmation process.
Mr. President, it is not too late to turn back, reverse course, and give all judicial nominees the up-or-down votes they deserve.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will provide revolutionary changes to the health insurance choices available for small businesses. This bill, ``The Small Business Health Fairness…
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will provide revolutionary changes to the health insurance choices available for small businesses. This bill, ``The Small Business Health Fairness Act of 2003'' will give small businesses the same market-based advantages and leverage that large employers and unions currently enjoy to provide health insurance for their employees.
One month ago, I convened my first hearing as Chair of the Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship to explore the crisis small businesses are currently facing in their attempts to find affordable health care for their employees. The reason I made this my first hearing was that whenever I spoke to small businesses this is the number one issue they wanted to discuss. Small businesses in my State are literally desperate for more health insurance options; some business owners even say this is keeping them awake at night.
At the hearing small businesses from my home State of Maine made it clear that they have only one choice for their health care. Even when they band together in local purchasing pools, they are unable to attract any other insurance carriers to provide them with less expensive and more flexible options. Even though they have cut back on the coverage and increased the costs to the employees, they are still finding it almost impossible to provide health insurance to their employees. And as the costs to the employees increases, many employees find this too much to absorb, which leaves them uncovered and, therefore, increase the ranks of the employed but uninsured.
Indeed, the Washington Post reported on February 28 that worries about rising health care costs registered higher in a poll conducted by the Kaiser Family Foundation than even concerns over the stock market or terrorist attacks. Thirty-eight percent of the respondents were ``very worried'' that the cost of their health care or health insurance would increase compared to 22 percent who were ``very worried'' about losing their savings in the stock market, or 19 percent who were ``very worried'' about being a victim of a terrorist attack.
With small businesses creating up to 75 percent of net new jobs in America and with a shocking 56 percent of the 41.2 million uninsured in this country already either working a full-time, full-year job or depending on one who does, we have an obligation to ensure that more of these individuals can receive insurance through their employers. So when the Kaiser 2002 Employer Health Benefits Survey reports that only 61 percent of all small businesses are offering health benefits--and that's down from 67 percent just three years ago--is there any question that we're headed in exactly the wrong direction?
This is a crisis, and it's even worse in businesses with fewer than 50 employees. Of those, only 47 percent currently provide health insurance benefits, and the Department of Labor reports that only 24 percent of small businesses that employ ``low-wage'' workers offer health plans.
The fact is, with more than two-thirds of all Americans relying on their employer for health insurance, we can't afford to continue the disturbing trend identified by the Kaiser Family Foundation, where monthly premiums for employer-sponsored health insurance on average rose 11 percent from 2000 to 2001, and then 12.7 percent from 2001 to 2002--the second straight year of double digit increases. As a result, 22 percent of all firms increased employee deductibles in 2002, and 32 percent told Kaiser they are likely to do so this year.
The problem is all the more acute for small businesses. For those with fewer than 10 workers, the employer and employees together pay--on average--about 8 percent more in premiums than the amount paid by larger companies. And for all firms under 200 employees, 84 percent indicated to Kaiser that cost was an important factor in not offering health care.
The result of all this isn't hard to predict. Businesses can and clearly are dropping health benefits. Others struggle onward in providing coverage, but only at the cost of the growth of the business, or offering packages with higher premiums, or a combination of both.
If we can do something that will help more small businesses provide health insurance to their employees, then we can significantly reduce the number of those who are without health insurance in this country.
The Small Business Health Fairness Act of 2003 will improve access to affordable health care for small businesses by giving them the same advantages currently enjoyed by large employers and unions. The bill employs a very basic principle--that volume purchasing of insurance by small businesses will work as it does for any other commodity and for any large business or union that purchases health insurance coverage-- it will help reduce the cost. As President Bush has said, ``It makes no sense in America to isolate small businesses as little health care islands unto themselves. We must have association health plans.''
The Act will allow small businesses to pool together nationally, under the auspices of their bona fide associations, and either purchase their insurance from a provider, or self-insure in the same way that large employers and unions currently do. These association health plans, AHPS, would be monitored and regulated by the Department of Labor's Employee Benefits Security Administration in the same way that more than 275,000 plans offered by large employers and unions are currently regulated.
This agency is currently overseeing plans that cover 72 million people. The Department of Labor released a report last week that reveals high rates of compliance by group health plans with health care laws enacted under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act, ERISA. More importantly, the report and the compliance project that is the subject of the report, are further evidence of the Labor Department's commitment and proven success in effectively monitoring health plans. The report establishes that the Department is prepared to oversee association health plans.
Studies by the Small Business Administration, the General Accounting Office, and the Congressional Budget Office have all found that these types of plans operate with between 13 and 30 percent lower administrative costs. These lower costs can then be translated into reducing costs to subscribers or providing more benefits.
Another reason AHPs will be able to offer less expensive plans, and also greater flexibility, is because they will be exempt from the myriad State benefit regulations. Associations will be able to design their plans to meet the needs of their members and their employees. By administering one national plan, it will further reduce the administrative costs instead of trying to administer a plan subject to the mandates of each State.
Even though the benefit mandates will not be in effect, associations will need to design their plans so that enough members participate in them to attract the necessary employees to make them work. This means that they will naturally provide a full range of benefits similar to what many States currently require. In many cases, the plans offered by large employers and unions, which are also exempt from the State benefit mandates, are the most generous plans available. People will often stay in those jobs specifically to keep their health care coverage.
The Act would also provide extensive new protections to ensure that the health care coverage was there when employees need it. Associations sponsoring these plans would need to be established for at least three years for purposes other than providing health insurance--this is intended to prevent the current epidemic of fraud and abuse that is occurring through sham associations who take money from unsuspecting small businesses and then cease to exist when some files a claim.
In addition, association health plans would be required to have sufficient funds in reserve, specific stop-loss insurances, indemnification insurance, and other funding and certification requirements to make sure the insurance coverage would be available when needed. None of these requirements apply
to any of the plans currently regulated by the Department of Labor, either the large employer plans under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act, ERISA, or the union plans under the Taft-Hartley Act.
The approach of this bill is, I believe, a good one--but I also consider it a starting point. And in that light, I intend to work with all groups and interested parties that are committed to passing this bill so that we can improve this bill and finally provide small businesses with more health insurance options at lower costs. The current situation is simply unacceptable. Those who oppose this bill and believe the status quo only needs to be modified slightly are not paying attention--they are not listening to the millions of small businesses who are desperate for more choices, or the small employers who are unable to get health insurance at any cost.
The time for stalling on providing relief for small businesses unable to get affordable health insurance is over. We must act now, and we must pass the Small Business Health Fairness Act of 2003 to bring small businesses more choices and use the power of competition to bring them better options.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of The Small Business Health Fairness Act of 2003 and an explanation of its provisions be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am honored to follow the Senator from Virginia. I want to return to the Constitutional Convention that he spoke of from 216 years ago. Among the last issues resolved at the…
Mr. President, I am honored to follow the Senator from Virginia. I want to return to the Constitutional Convention that he spoke of from 216 years ago. Among the last issues resolved at the Constitutional Convention was the question of whose job it is to select the members of this third branch of Government that was to be created.
We have an executive branch, the legislative branch with the House and Senate, and a judicial branch. At that time in this country there was a great concern on the part of those framing the Constitution and trying to craft a framework of our Government. Foremost among the concerns they had was the concern that somehow we would unintentionally invest too much power, too much authority in one person. Having dealt with the King of England and not wanting to have to deal with another figure of authority with the kind of powers of a monarch, there was a great debate over what would the powers be for this new President and how would we constrain those powers.
Among the last issues resolved at the Constitutional Convention was the
question of who selects the judges, who selects the members of that third branch of the judiciary. There were plenty at the Convention who thought that in order to make sure we didn't end up with another monarch in this country, a king, the power of selecting the judiciary should lie with the legislative branch. There were those who thought the Senate or the House or some combination thereof should select who the judges would be. There was another school of thought that said, no, maybe we should give the President, our Chief Executive, the power to select who our judges would be. As we all know, the compromise that was struck was one that says the President may nominate with the advice and the consent of the Senate.
Yesterday, as our youngest son came home from school, he shared with his mom and me some good news. He shared with us that while he won't get his report card for another week or so, he had learned the results of his scores, his grade in English language arts. He is in the eighth grade. He came home and he said: I got a 94 for English language arts in this grading period, dad. I get an A. I get an A.
We were delighted. He has a tough teacher. He has worked real hard, and he earned a 94. He is going to get an A. We hope he does as well in his other courses.
On the scorekeeping for how this President is doing with respect to getting his nominees confirmed, I think of the 172 we voted on so far; 168 have been confirmed, 4 have not. That is 98 percent. In my book, in my son's book, that is an A. That ain't bad.
Before I came here to serve in the Senate with my colleagues, I was a Governor. I know some people get tired of hearing me talk about that. But it was a great privilege to be Governor of my State. In our State, Governors nominate people to serve on the bench. The Senate can confirm. Whether it was a judge, supreme court, magistrate court, any commission, I would like to have had every single nominee confirmed. I suspect that most other Governors who similarly make nominations for appointments in their States would like to have all their nominations confirmed as well. Not all of my nominations were confirmed.
There is a give and take with the Senate in my State, just as there is a give and take with the Senate in this city for our National Government. I don't often quote Mick Jagger and Keith Richards, but there was an old song from my youth they used to sing: ``You can't always get what you want, but if you try sometime, you get what you need.''
We need from this President good nominees. I expect they are going to be Republicans. I expect they are going to be conservative. My guess is that of the 98 percent who have been confirmed, they were all Republicans. For the most part they were all conservative. I don't think it is realistic of this President to expect that we are going to confirm 100 percent of his nominees.
It sure wasn't the expectation of his predecessor, Bill Clinton. He got a majority of his nominees confirmed but not 100 percent, not 95 percent, not 90 percent, not 85 percent, but about 80 percent were actually nominated, had hearings, and their names actually ended up on the floor for a confirmation vote. That is a B-minus. Compared to the A-plus that this President is getting with respect to confirmations, I am not sure I understand fully the great dissent and the great disappointment and the great frustration our friends on the other side have shared.
Here is my frustration. I didn't come here to be about partisan politics. I didn't come here to be about gridlock. I didn't come here to pursue that agenda. I came here as one who wants to work with people on the other side of the aisle. I want to get things done.
I have voted with this President more than 75 percent of the time. I am told that only 7 Democrats have voted with this President more than I have in the last 2 years. I have tried to provide leadership on issues that both of my colleagues are concerned with, Senator Leahy and Senator Hatch: class action, asbestos reform, bankruptcy, welfare, a comprehensive energy policy.
Meanwhile, while we are standing here tonight debating on whether or not 98 percent is good enough, we don't have an energy policy. Over half the energy we get that we use in America comes from foreign sources, a lot of it controlled by people who don't like us. We don't have an energy policy. We should be debating an energy policy and adopting it.
Standing here tonight we have a legal system that has lost its sense of balance, whether the issue is class action litigation that is being heard in small, remote courthouses around the country or whether the issue is asbestos and folks sick and dying getting the help they need. Meanwhile, the people who will never be sick will get money from those who need it. We should be debating those issues here tonight.
We have too much sulfur dioxide or nitrogen oxide and mercury in our air, putting out too much carbon dioxide, causing global warming. We should be addressing those issues.
We had a trade deficit last year that exceeded $400 billion. It is getting worse. We have a budget deficit that this year will approach $500 billion in 1 year alone. We are paying today on our national debt, just today, $800 million--plus just in interest on the debt. We ought to be debating how we rein in those budget deficits and trade deficits, not deciding is 98 percent enough or is 97 percent high enough in terms of success in nominations.
As former Governor and someone who was once privileged to chair the National Governors Association, we looked at the States as laboratories of democracy. We looked at the States to provide best practices, whether it was moving people off welfare, helping to make sure people coming out of prison didn't recidivate and go back to prison, what could we do to raise student achievement.
I want to talk about one model that works real well with respect to judicial nominations, and one I know the most about is my State of Delaware. Since 1897, the constitution of my State has called for balance with respect to our judiciary. We have year after year a legal climate and a judiciary that is acknowledged by some of the foremost attorneys who practice in this country as the best--the best legal climate, the fairest of any State in America. We are proud of our judiciary.
In the 8 years I was Governor, I nominated as many Republicans to the bench as I did Democrats. Mike Castle, my predecessor, now a Congressman, when he was Governor, he nominated as many Democrats to the bench as he did Republicans.
In our State, there has to be a symmetry. Essentially, for every Democrat you nominate, the next one has to be a Republican. We have done that for over 100 years and have ended up with a terrific judiciary, widely respected at home, across the country, and even beyond our borders. There is a saying, ``If it ain't broke, don't fix it.'' That is not what we ought to say. We should say if it is not perfect, make it better.
The way we nominate judges in our National Capital for our Federal Government is broken and it needs to be fixed. Whether George Bush is President or Bill Clinton is President, we waste more and more time on judicial nominations. We are bogged down in that. We still haven't passed our spending plan for the new fiscal year, which started a month and a half ago. We are still wrestling with our appropriations bills. This system is broken.
My friends, the solution may be in Delaware, it may be in Vermont, or it may be how they nominate judges in Georgia or in Iowa. There is a better way to do it than what we are doing here. We have to find it and we have to come to some kind of closure around a better plan. When we do, instead of facing the prospect of leaving here without action on class action legislation, action on asbestos, or action on an energy bill, or without action on transportation policy, or early childhood programs, maybe we can do our jobs and even pass appropriations bills on time instead of the kind of mindless--oftentimes mindless debate we devote to judicial nominations.
That having been said, I yield to the former chairman of the Judiciary Committee, the ranking Democrat, Senator Leahy, with my thanks.
Mr. President, this year, due to the rapid and tremendous advancements in our knowledge and in the science of organ transplantation, thousands of Americans will receive a life-saving organ…
Mr. President, this year, due to the rapid and tremendous advancements in our knowledge and in the science of organ transplantation, thousands of Americans will receive a life-saving organ transplant. These advances have allowed us to save the lives of patients who were once not considered candidates for transplantation.
As a heart and lung transplant surgeon, I have had the opportunity to watch the field develop and grow over the past three decades. I remember my own experiences--of conducting some of the first transplants using hearts and lungs--and recognize our tremendous progress since that time. And I also know the hundreds of my own patients who live improved lives due to advances in transplantation.
But I have also shared in the grief of patients who died before they could receive a transplant--a direct result of a large and growing shortage of organ donors. Medical advances have produced a staggering increase in the number of eligible transplant candidates, while the supply of organs fails to keep pace. Today, more than 80,000 patients await a transplant (a four-fold increase from just over a decade ago). At the same time, more patients die each year before they can receive that life-saving organ.
I have also witnessed firsthand how great, lifesaving hope can spring from great tragedy. Earlier this year, I offered my assistance at the scene of a horrible automobile accident in Florida. Most of the family in the accident died--including two young children. While my heart goes out to his family for their terrible loss, from this tragedy has come new life. This family agreed to donate the organs of their loved ones. This gift has saved the life of a boy from the Virgin Islands. We must honor this family, and all other donor families, by redoubling our efforts to increasing organ donation.
There is no need for people to die while awaiting a new organ. In my practice, I carried a card that listed my patients who were waiting on hearts--always aware that several of them would die before a live- saving organ would become available. It was this needless loss of life that was the most painful, most frustrating and most disappointing part of my work.
In 2000, there were almost 23,000 transplants--a significant increase over the roughly 13,000 transplant performed in 1988. Between 1990 and 2001, the number of organ donors almost doubled, mainly as a result of an increase in organs from live donors. In fact, over those ten years, the number of cadaveric donors increased only 35 percent while the demand for transplant has more than tripled.
More must be done. There are simply not enough organ donors; public awareness has not kept up with the rapid advances of transplantation. It is our duty to do all we can to raise awareness about the gift of life.
We must do is work to encourage all Americans to share their desire to be an organ donor with their families.
We must find other ways to improve organ donation--to identify eligible organs and work with families to help them better understand the value of donation. This is a new science--one that I have had the privilege of watching firsthand grow from theories and experiments to accepted medical practice. My mentor, Dr. Norman Shumway, was one of the leaders in the field; and the advent of cyclosporin was critical to its progress. But much remains to be learned, and we must continue to move forward.
That is why one of my first priorities when I came to the Senate in 1995 was
to establish the Congressional Task Force on Organ Donation--to promote awareness of this important issue and encourage a new dialogue seeking answers.
Recent years have witnessed a new emphasis on highlighting public awareness of this need. In particular, I commend Secretary Thompson for making organ donation a top priority at the Department of Health and Human Services.
There also are a number of complementary legislative approaches that we should pursue towards this end.
We should provide funding for innovative and bold demonstration projects to improve donation and recovery rates. As part of this, we should ensure that the projects' results will be evaluated quickly and their lessons be disseminated broadly.
We should provide for the placement and evaluation of organ donation coordinators in hospitals--a model that has worked with success in other countries.
We should expand the authority of the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality to conduct important research on the recovery, preservation and transportation of organs. The science of organ transplantation has been improved and refined since its inception. Yet all too often, organ donation efforts are conducted under the same practices as they were twenty years ago. We must establish a strong evidence-based approach to enhancing organ donation and recovery.
We must encourage living organ donation by reducing potential financial disincentives facing living donors through the reimbursement of travel and other expenses incurred by living donors and their families.
We must also seriously evaluate the long-term health effects of serving as a living donor by asking the Institute of Medicine to report on this issue and by establishing a living donor registry to track the health of individuals who have served as living organ donors.
We must seriously examine and improve the role of organ donor registries. These programs have an important role to play in improving organ donation rates and have been used with different levels of success in some states. However, a number of questions surrounding registries remain unanswered and their effectiveness has not been fully evaluated.
We must undertake a high-level systematic examination of the effectiveness of a range of organ donation approaches. Specifically, the Institute of Medicine should evaluate practices or organ procurement organizations, States, and other countries. This study should examine existing barriers to organ donation, as well as best donation and recovery practices, such as mandated choice and presumed consent. The study should evaluate consent practices, existing state routine notification laws, and the impact of requests for consent where registry listing constitutes express consent under State law. This review should be timely and include recommendations for action necessary to replicate the best practices identified and to otherwise increase organ donation rates.
We must recognize and honor the sacrificial decisions to give consent and give the gift of life made each year by thousands of donors and families. We must do this in such a way as to honor those sharing life through donation and increase public awareness of this issue.
These initiatives are contained within two important pieces of legislation I am introducing today.
The Organ Donation and Recovery Improvement Act is a bipartisan, comprehensive bill that seeks to improve the overall process of organ donation and recovery, enhance our knowledge base in these fields, encourage novel approaches to this growing problem and increase the number of organs available for transplants each year. The bill also seeks to remove potential barriers to donation, while identifying and focusing on best practices in organ donation. I thank Senator Christopher Dodd and Senator Mike Enzi for their assistance on this important bill. I also want to thank the wide range of patient and organ transplantation organizations who have done good work on this bill, including the American Society of Transplantation, American Society of Transplant Surgeons, North American Transplant Coordinators Organization, Tennessee Donor Services, New Mexico Donor Services, and Golden State Donor Services.
The Gift of Life Congressional Medal Act will make each donor or donor family eligible to receive a commemorative Congressional medal. This legislation, which does not cost taxpayers a penny, will recognize the thousands of individuals each year who share the gift of life through organ donation. Moreover, it will encourage potential donors and enhance public awareness of the importance of organ donation to the over 80,000 Americans waiting for a transplant. Representative Pete Stark will soon be introducing the companion bill in the House of Representatives, and I thank him for his dedication in this area.
Organ donation is one of the most important issues before us today. Each year, thousands of donors and families make the important decision to give consent and give the gift of life. We must recognize and honor their sacrifice, and, in so honoring, work to increase donation rates and allow more families to receive this gift of life each year. Hundreds of my own patients are alive today because of this gift. Let us work together to allow more patients and families to experience this miracle.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bills printed in the Record.
Show 11 more
Mr. President, I appreciate the remarks of the distinguished ranking member of the Judiciary Committee. He has been around the Senate and the confirmation process for a long time. He said he wanted…
Mr. President, I appreciate the remarks of the distinguished ranking member of the Judiciary Committee. He has been around the Senate and the confirmation process for a long time.
He said he wanted to apologize for people staying here and having to work tonight. It is unfortunate that we are here. We are here because we have a filibuster organized and sustained by the Democratic leadership against six nominees. We have more in the pipeline to be blocked, so it is not just four. I want to ask, would the Senator want to apologize for his remarks that he made in 1998 when he, Senator Leahy, in the Congressional Record, said:
I cannot recall a judicial nomination being successfully
filibustered. I do recall earlier this year the Republican
chairman of the Judiciary Committee and I noted how improper
it would be to filibuster a nomination.
That was when President Clinton was in office and Chairman Hatch, a Republican, was chairman of the Judiciary Committee. Chairman Hatch said on the floor of the Senate and in committee and in private Republican conferences that a filibuster was not good. Senator Leahy and the Democratic leadership all said filibusters were not good. We did not have those filibusters.
So it is amazing to me, now that within a year or two after making statements such as that, and taking that position, we now have those very same people leading a filibuster. I would say apologies need to come from the other side.
Let me mention a few basics about confirmations under President Clinton: 377 nominees were confirmed, 1 was voted down on this floor in an up-or-down vote, not blocked by a filibuster, and no filibusters were had against those nominations. That is what happened.
There were 41 left pending and unconfirmed. Many of those were nominated late, after the August recess. Some of them had FBI background problems, including drug use or other unresolved issues. So there were 41 left pending and unconfirmed; 18 nominees were withdrawn by President Clinton before the final term. So I guess that is how they get 59, 60 nominees who they say got blocked. But that is what happened.
When former President Bush was President and he left office and the Democrats controlled the Senate, they left 54 of his nominations hanging. So under Senator Hatch's leadership and under Trent Lott's leadership, only 41 were left unconfirmed when President Clinton left office.
They say you blocked them with holds. Holds were put on nominations, just as they are today. Senator Levin has a hold against four circuit judges for the Sixth Circuit. They say they are only holding up four; this is not truth; with the nominees being blocked by Senator Levin they are holding at least eight. In fact, there are 13 circuit judges who are being held up and blocked by the Democrats right now. It just so happens we are only in full-blown filibuster of five, one having withdrawn, making six.
I will say one more thing. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle just blithely and consistently and repeatedly say these nominees are extreme, extreme, extreme. ``Most extreme,'' I believe is the phrase I have heard: Most extreme possible; extreme judicial nominees. As if saying this can make it so.
When we talk about judges, each judge is a human being. Each judge is entitled to a fair and decent consideration on the floor of this Senate and in committee. If they are not extreme, they ought not be called extreme. That is wrong for us to do that.
I know these attack groups, People for the American Way, the Alliance for Justice, the National Abortion Rights League and that crowd are the extremists.
They accuse and call our nominees extreme. That is for sure. These groups are not accountable. The problem is when these extreme notions are picked up by Senators. This should not happen. Senators are the ones who are elected. Senators are the ones who have taken the oath. Senators in this body have a responsibility not to call a nominee such as Priscilla Owen extreme. She got 84 percent of the vote in Texas and was given a unanimously
well-qualified rating by the ABA to be a judge--she is not extreme.
Judge Janice Rogers Brown from California, who got 76 percent of the vote in the State of California, not a conservative State, for justice of the supreme court in that State, is not extreme. And neither is Carolyn Kuhl, who rated the highest rating possible by the American Bar Association, who has received incredible bipartisan support from the hundred or so judges in her area where she practices as a State judge. She was editor of the Duke Law Review and clerked for Justice Anthony Kennedy and is a brilliant nominee of the highest order. These are outstanding nominees. They are not extreme.
The extremists are the groups and the people calling them extreme. These nominees teach Sunday school. They serve on the Altar Guild. They are involved in civic groups in their communities. They have held important positions in their States. They are the kind of people we ought to have on the bench. It is wrong for them to be accused of being out of the mainstream.
President Bush knows what the people want in Federal judges. He has nominated that kind of Federal judge. The people will support him on that, and it is very disturbing to hear them called extremists when they are mainstream and effective judges and nominees.
I now recognize the Senator from Colorado. I believe he is prepared to make some remarks.
I thank the Senator from Colorado for his remarks. It is true, we need to treat these nominees with civility. That is the least we can do in this body.
I believe we have one more Senator to speak, the Senator from Wyoming, and we have about 14 minutes.
Mr. President, the Senator from Montana is here and I know he would like to finish up.
The Senator from Virginia.
Will the Senator yield for a question?
Addressing the distinguished chairman of the Judiciary Committee, who has served so ably for so many years on these matters, I would like to follow up on that question that was just asked.
During your tenure as chairman of the Judiciary Committee when President Clinton was President, and he was nominating judges that sometimes would not have been our choice, or your choice for a judge, did you have occasion to express your opinion as to whether a filibuster was appropriate or not?
I hate to interpret the Senator, but his microphone is distorting pretty badly. Maybe the cord is broken?
Will the Senator yield for a further question?
I remember that very well. I remember you speaking clearly that the filibuster was inappropriate. You both said it publicly and in the Republican conference when the issue was raised by people who did not have your experience in this matter. Trent Lott, the Republican leader in debate--I voted to end debate, Trent Lott voted to end debate, you voted to end debate and allow an up-or-down vote, and when that occurred I voted against the nominee. But I agree with your argument that a filibuster was not sound.
Let me ask you this. At that time, when Senator Daschle was the Democratic leader and Senator Leahy was ranking member on the Judiciary Committee, did they take a public position that a filibuster of Clinton judges was not appropriate?
Let me follow up. Now that President Bush is in the White House and he is sending judges over, has your position on whether a filibuster is appropriate or not changed in any way?
Will the Senator yield for one following question?
Senator Hatch, so it is clear to me, it is your position, the position of Trent Lott, has not changed as to whether a filibuster was appropriate, and neither has that of our majority leader, Bill Frist?
Let me ask you with regard to Tom Daschle, the Democratic leader, and Senator Leahy, the ranking member on the Judiciary Committee, who argued so aggressively against filibusters just 2 or 3 years ago, has their position changed today? Are they, in fact, participating in an unprecedented procedure, an unprecedented filibuster of judicial nominees?
I thank the Senator for his leadership. I asked those questions because it was suggested last night in debate that somehow those on this side had changed our view. I think it is quite crystal clear the only views that have changed and only positions
that have been changed are those on the other side. Unfortunately, it has changed the historical principles of this Senate with regard to filibusters of nominees.
Mr. President, today I rise to introduce the Emergency Communications and Competition Act, ECCA, along with my colleague from New Hampshire, Senator Sununu. We are joined by twelve of our colleagues,…
Mr. President, today I rise to introduce the Emergency Communications and Competition Act, ECCA, along with my colleague from New Hampshire, Senator Sununu. We are joined by twelve of our colleagues, led by Senator Burns, the distinguished chairman of the Commerce Communications Subcommittee, as well as Senators Dodd, Gregg, Hutchison, Inouye, Jeffords, Lott, Kennedy, Leahy, Lieberman, Mikulski, and Miller.
The bill we introduce today is identical to S. 2922, the measure which Senator Burns and I co-authored in the 107th Congress. I was very pleased and grateful for the tremendous support this legislation received from local television broadcasters and a wide range of public interest groups that speak for consumers, minority groups, rural Americans, health care, public safety, and property rights.
This bill will ensure that consumers will soon be able to avail themselves of an innovative new wireless technology that has been approved by the Federal Communications Commission. It is called the Multichannel Video Distribution and Data Service, MVDDS, a title which accurately describes what this new service will provide consumers: cable competition and high speed access to the Internet.
As I indicated in my introductory remarks to S. 2922 last September, unless Congress enacts this legislation, it may be years before MVDDS is actually deployed to the public. That would be a lost opportunity for consumers. We need to improve our communications infrastructure, not only for greater access to cable and the Internet, but also for public safety purposes. MVDDS technology can address all of these needs, and we should remove unnecessary and counterproductive regulatory obstacles that prevent its swift deployment.
The Consumers Union, like many, has supported ECCA because it will help ensure that competition rapidly emerges for video programming as well as high speed Internet services. Earlier this year, the Consumers Union issued a report, ``Cable Mergers, Monopoly Power and Price Increases,'' which documents the most recent steep rate increases imposed by cable operators. The report noted, for instance, that cable rates in Baton Rouge soared 7 percent last November. This was typical of rate increases throughout the country.
According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, cable rates rose 11.4 percent in just the last two years. This compares to a 3.8 percent increase in the Consumer Price Index over the same period. According to the FCC, just one percent of cable communities enjoy ``effective competition.'' I submit that this startling lack of competition, more than anything else, explains why local cable rates have increased at three times the inflation rate.
If MVDDS can go head-to-head with incumbent cable systems in all parts of the country, I believe that this good old fashioned competition will result in lower prices and better service for consumers--even for those who don't choose to subscribe to MVDDS.
Rural organizations recognize the extraordinary opportunity this new wireless technology can offer rural Americans. They understand that the FCC's Order, which authorized MVDDS, will likely fail to ensure this new technology will indeed adequately serve rural America.
Local television broadcasters support this measure because it will ensure consumers in their markets can view all local television stations. Today, satellite operators DirecTV and EchoStar do not carry over 1,000 local TV channels--and no stations from ten States: Alaska, Arkansas, Idaho, Maine, Montana, Mississippi, North and South Dakota, West Virginia, and Wyoming. As you know, the satellite operators sought to merge so that they would have sufficient capacity to carry all local TV stations, but federal regulators rejected the merger on anticompetitive grounds.
The Emergency Communications and Competition Act, which we are re- introducing today, will restore fairness in the FCC licensing process, and in so doing, speed the deployment of MVDDS to applicants that are ready to launch service to the public now.
The bill provides that MVDDS applicants will be licensed in the same manner as satellite companies who applied on the same day to share the same spectrum. Currently, the FCC plans to subject only MVDDS applicants to an auction process. This would impose a discriminatory tax on an innovative new technology. Unfortunately, this is more of the same burdensome regulation that I believe has contributed to the collapse of the telecommunications sector. Government regulation is necessary, certainly, but we must be smart in how we regulate business. We must ensure that our laws and regulations are technologically neutral so
that government policies don't replace the role of the marketplace in determining the fate of consumer products and services.
In an Order released last month, the FCC recognized the need to prevent disparity in licensing when it authorized certain satellite spectrum to be re-used for mobile terrestrial service without requiring a spectrum auction. Similarly, the ECCA would prohibit the FCC from conducting an auction for licenses that re-use satellite spectrum for fixed terrrestrial operations.
Furthermore, an action would drastically delay the introduction of service to the public. Mr. President, this is quite the opposite of what spectrum auctions are supposed to do. In this case, industry incumbents can abuse the auction process to block the introduction of new competition. A company with vast resources available could easily trounce a small startup in an auction--and then, under the terms of the FCC's Order, it would not have to deploy service for 10 years. Consumers cannot and should not have to wait while this spectrum is ``shelved'' for an entire decade.
The ECCA solves this problem by ensuring that only qualified applicants will be licensed. That is, within six months of enactment, the FCC would issue licenses to any applicant that can demonstrate through independent testing that it will employ a technology that won't cause harmful interference to DBS operators with whom they would share spectrum. Then, to be sure that service is in fact deployed, the ECCA requires licensees to provide service to consumers within five rather than ten years.
This legislation also requires that parties who apply for licenses under this provision must assume specific public interest obligations in exchange for their prompt licensing. The bill requires full must- carry of local television stations, and an additional set aside of 4 percent of system capacity for other pubic interest purposes such as telemedicine and distance learning. I can assure my colleagues that these are issues particularly important in rural areas in states like Louisiana.
The ECCA will also promote public safety, in two ways. First, it will require MVDDS licensees to air Emergency Alert System warnings, including AMBER alerts for missing children. EAS warnings are presently carried by cable systems and over-the-air broadcasters, but they are not seen by those who get their programming from DBS unless the viewer happens to be watching a local channel. Obviously, the need for greater dissemination of EAS warnings is particularly important for the ten states in which no local stations are carried via satellite.
Second, this legislation requires MVDDS licensees to make their transmission systems available to national security and emergency preparedness personnel on a top-priority basis in times of need. We all know that when emergencies strike, the need for public safety personnel to communicate with one another skyrockets. MVDDS wireless networks, which will be deployed ubiquitously throughout the country, can help alleviate this thirst for spectrum.
For these reasons, I believe that Congress should act on this matter as soon as possible. I urge my colleagues to support his bill and vote for enactment. I as, unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senators Inouye and Thomas in introducing key legislation to help stop Indian land fractionation. One of the most enduring and damaging legacies of…
Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senators Inouye and Thomas in introducing key legislation to help stop Indian land fractionation.
One of the most enduring and damaging legacies of late-19th century Federal Indian policy is the continuing fractionation of Indian trust lands.
The results of this ever-growing problem make it nearly impossible for affected Indian tribes to devise economic development strategies.
By attempting to ``break up the tribal landmass'' and turning Indians into yeoman farmers, the Dawes Act of 1887 resulted in millions of acres of land transferred out of Indian ownership.
By virtue of Indian heirship and probate rules and the steady march of time, millions more acres have passed from their original Indian allottees to thousands of descendants with undivided interests in parcels of land.
In strict economic terms, these interests are practically worthless.
Congressional efforts to counter this problem have focused on the Indian Land Consolidation Act and amendments made to the Act.
Key escheat sections designed to return individual-owned fractionated lands to tribal ownership have been held unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1987, Hodel v. Irving, and in 1997, Babbitt v. Youpee.
Congress and the Administration have also sought to return these interests to tribal ownership through voluntary purchase.
The ``Indian Land Consolidation Program'' was enacted as part of the Fiscal Year 1999 Omnibus Appropriation and has proven a success.
In 1999 I introduced amendments to the ILCA to limit disposition of Indian lands to Indian heirs, life estates to non-Indian heirs, or the tribe with jurisdiction over the lands.
The bill I am re-introducing today was considered by the Committee on Indian Affairs and passed by the Senate last session. In light of this, it is my intention to expedite consideration of the measure.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important bill.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am re-introducing a bill that is important to the State of Colorado, the Southern Ute Indian Tribe and all Coloradans that live in the southwest corner of our beautiful State.
More than thirty years of experience with environmental laws shows us that local design and implementation of such laws almost always trumps the ``one size fits all'' approach advocated by many in Washington,
Mr. President today I am pleased to be joined by Senators Inouye and McCain in introducing two bills vitally important to the health of Native Americans: the ``Indian Health Care Improvement Act Reauthorization of 2003''.
It is an unfortunate fact that the health status of Native people in the United States is poor. In fact, in the western hemisphere only the people of Haiti are in worse shape.
Alcohol, drug abuse, and mental illness, tuberculosis, cancer, obesity and diabetes, heart disease, infant mortality, and a host of related pathologies plague Native people.
Last fall's reauthorization of the Special Indian Diabetes Program showed the Federal commitment to ending the scourge of diabetes in Native communities.
The ``Indian Health Care Improvement Act Reauthorization of 2003'' will reauthorize the programs administered by the Indian Health Service and will increase the direct management of health care services by tribes, Native Alaskans and Urban Indian health centers.
This bill is the product of intense consultation between tribes, Native Alaskan health providers, and Urban Indian health centers, and relevant Federal agencies and representatives of the public and private health care sectors.
The efforts of the IHS and Native health providers have been successful in improving the health status of Native people. Just in the last 10 years, infant and maternal mortality rates have declined by 30 percent and 40 percent, respectively. Similarly, tuberculosis mortality rates have also been reduced 53 percent. Other indicia of Native health status have also shown marked improvement.
Even with modest increases in recent spending bills, funding for Native health care continues to lag far behind the level of need.
To help close this gap, we must be creative and tap other sources of funds for Native health including the private, tribal and non-profit sectors of our economy.
The second bill I am introducing will do just that and will facilitate the contribution of funds for purposes of Native health care by establishing a non-profit, charitable foundation to receive funds and in-kind contributions for such purposes.
This is not a radical step as similar foundations have been established for other purposes. In recent years Congress has created both the American Indian Education Foundation and the Fish and Wildlife Foundation, which have proven to be very successful in achieving their purposes.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting these important bills.
I ask unanimous consent that copies of the bills be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Commercial Driver's License Devolution Act of 2003. This bill is identical to that which I introduced in the 107th Congress as a companion bill to language originally brought to the floor of the House of Representatives by my friend from North Carolina, Representative Howard Coble.
I believe it is no secret to my colleagues here in the Senate, that I support small business and returning power to the States. The traditional, one-size-fits-all approach to governing has done more harm than good, and this bill is an attempt to remedy some of that.
This legislation will give States the option to establish their own commercial driver's license, CDL, requirements for intrastate drivers. It will return power to the States by giving them the option to license intrastate drivers of commercial motor vehicles based upon testing standards determined by the individual States. And I stress, it will be an ``option.''
I want to emphasize that this legislation is not a Federal mandate imposed on States. States that choose not to participate would remain under Federal guidelines. A State that chooses to exercise this option would in no way diminish the role of the CDL in the long-haul trucking industry. Additionally, this legislation effectively precludes two or more States from using this option as the basis for an interstate compact.
As I am sure my colleagues are aware, the Commercial Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 1986, CMVSA, required States to establish a new and uniform program of testing and licensure for all operators of commercial vehicles both intra and interstate. The principal objectives of the Act have been met, and would not be harmed by this legislation I'm introducing here today.
I have no issue with the CMVSA. It is a good law, and at the time the provisions it contained were necessary and timely for improving the standards of performance for long-haul truck drivers in this country. However, I, like my counterpart in the House, believe the CMVSA was imposed upon intrastate commerce where the operation of trucks may be a small but necessary part of an individual's job. Therefore, the reality was that Washington imposed its will on thousands of small businesses across this country who aren't involved in long-haul trucking and we expected them to adjust to any circumstance that might arise. That's unfair and not what government is supposed to be about.
When you have conditions such as these, I believe it should be within a State's discretion to determine what kind of commercial vehicle licensure and testing is required for commerce taking place solely within its borders.
This legislation is important to our nation's small businesses, especially those dependent upon commercial truck travel, which means it's important to the consumers. I urge my colleagues in the Senate to support it.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to join my colleague from Illinois in reintroducing this legislation to recognize and promote bicycling's important impact on energy savings and public health. With…
Mr. President, I am pleased to join my colleague from Illinois in reintroducing this legislation to recognize and promote bicycling's important impact on energy savings and public health.
With America becoming more and more dependent on foreign oil, it is vital that we look to the contribution that bike travel can make toward solving our Nation's energy challenges.
This legislation would establish a Conserve by Bike pilot program that would oversee pilot projects throughout the country designed to conserve energy resources by providing education and marketing tools to convert car trips to bike trips. Right now, fewer than one trip in one hundred is by bicycle. If we could increase this statistic to one and a half trips per hundred, we would save over 462 million gallons of gasoline in a year, worth over $721 million.
While more bike trips would benefit our energy conservation efforts, that would also help improve the public's health. According to the U.S. Surgeon General, fewer than one-third of Americans meet Federal recommendations to engage in at least 30 minutes of moderate physical activity at least 5 days a week. Even more disturbing is the fact that approximately 300,000 U.S. death a year are associated with being obese or overweight. By promoting biking, we are working to ensue that Americans will increase their physical activity.
The Conserve by Bike Act has received widespread support on the national, state, and local level, and I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Civil Rights Tax Relief Act of 2003, a bill designed to promote the fair and equitable settlement of civil rights claims. I am very pleased to be joined today by Senators Grassley, Daschle, Bingaman, Cochran, and Sarbanes.
The primary purpose of this bill is to remedy an unintended consequence of the Small Business Job Protection Act of 1996, which made damage awards that are not based on ``physical injuries or physical sickness'' part of a plaintiff's taxable income. Because most acts of employment discrimination and civil rights violations do not cause physical injuries, this provision has had a direct and negative impact on plaintiffs who successfully prove that they have been subjected to intentional employment discrimination or other intentional violations of their civil rights.
The problem is compounded by the fact that plaintiffs are now taxed on the entirety of their settlements or damage awards in civil rights cases, despite the fact that a portion of a settlement or award must be paid to the plaintiff's attorney, who in turn is taxed on the same funds. This double taxation of attorneys' fees awards penalizes Americans who win their civil rights cases.
I would like to share one example of how individuals can be harmed by the current taxation scheme, and even discouraged from challenging workplace discrimination. The example was brought to my attention by David Webbert, an attorney who practices in Augusta, ME--my State's capital. In one of his cases, David represented a person who successfully challenged a business' policy of discriminating against persons with a particular type of disability. As a result of the case, the discriminatory policy was declared illegal and was ended. Although the plaintiff did not receive any monetary damages in the case, the law did provide for payment of attorney's fees, which were paid by the defendant's insurance company. Because of the current law's double taxation of attorney's fees, they were taxable to the plaintiff in this case, despite the fact that they were also taxable to the attorney. In short, plaintiffs in civil rights cases like this could have to pay taxes even though they receive no monetary award. Or, in other words, under current law, a plaintiff can actually be penalized financially for bringing a meritorious case against a company's discriminatory policies.
Our bill would eliminate the unfair taxation of civil rights victims' settlements and court awards--taxation that adds insult to a civil rights victim's injury and serves as a barrier to the just settlement of civil rights claims.
Our bill would change the taxation of awards received by individuals that result from judgments in or settlements of employment discrimination cases. First, the bill excludes from gross income amounts awarded other than for punitive damages and compensation attributable to services that were to be performed, known as ``backpay,'' or that would have been performed but for a claimed violation of law by the employer, known as ``frontpay.'' Second, award amounts for frontpay or backpay would be included in income, but would be eligible for income averaging according to the time period covered by the award. This correction would allow individuals to pay taxes at the same marginal rates that would have applied to them had they not suffered discrimination. Third, the bill would change the tax code so that people who bring civil rights cases are not taxed on the portion of any award paid as fees to their attorney. This provision would eliminate the double-taxation of such fees, which would still be taxable income to the attorney.
The Civil Rights Tax Relief Act would encourage the fair settlement of costly and protracted litigation of employment discrimination claims. Our legislation would allow both plaintiffs and defendants to settle claims based on the damages suffered, not on the excessive taxes that are now levied.
Our bill has been endorsed by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, AARP, the National Employment Lawyers Association, the No FEAR Coalition, the Religious Action Committee for Reform Judaism, the Society for Human Resource Management, and others. This bill is a ``win-win'' for civil rights plaintiffs and defendant businesses. I invite my colleagues to join in support of this common sense legislation.
Mr. President, I wish to speak about some statements that have been made in the past and the inconsistency of these statements with the ones we are hearing today. Let me quote for my colleagues some…
Mr. President, I wish to speak about some statements that have been made in the past and the inconsistency of these statements with the ones we are hearing today.
Let me quote for my colleagues some sentiments with which I very much agree, and I then I will ask you all to guess who said it: ``I find it simply baffling that a Senator would vote against even voting on a judicial nomination. Let the Senate vote on every nomination.''
Here is another quote. See if you can figure out who said this: ``I don't know how Members tell the Hispanic community we are being equally as fair with them as we are with all non-Hispanic judges when that simply is not true. Hispanic or non-Hispanic, African-American or non- African-American, woman or man, it is wrong not to have a vote on the Senate floor. What are they afraid of? What are they afraid of? What is wrong with a vote?''
Another quote from one of our colleagues who quoted Chief Justice Rehnquist: ``As Chief Justice Rehnquist has recognized, the Senate is surely under no obligation to confirm any particular nominee but after the necessary time for inquiry it should vote them up or vote them down. An up-or-down vote that is all we ask.''
Have you guessed the speaker yet? No, that is not Orrin Hatch; it is not Senator Sessions; it is not Senator Enzi and it is not me. That is Senator Tom Daschle, the Democratic Minority Leader. These quotes are from October 5, 1999 and October 28, 1999.
Senator Kennedy said nominees deserve a vote. He said: ``If our Republican colleagues don't like them, vote against them. But give them a vote. Don't just sit on them. That is obstruction of justice.''
My goodness. Senator Daschle and Senator Kennedy certainly had the right idea 3 years ago.
Senator Daschle also said that Senators ``have a constitutional outlet for antipathy against a judicial nominee. Vote against that nominee.''
Senator Daschle, the Democrat leader in all of this obstruction and delay, said in 1998: ``All we are asking of our Republican colleagues is to give these nominees a vote and hopefully the fair consideration they deserve. We will press this issue every day and at every opportunity until they get the vote.''
Doesn't that sound familiar as to what we have been trying to do for the last several years?
Senator Daschle is also on record complaining about how long it took for some cases and decisions that had been pending for months. He said for ``anyone to be held that long is just an extraordinary unfairness not only to the nominees but to the system itself.''
If I may, with consent, have 2 minutes that is attributed to our time at 9 o'clock.
I would like to close with a final quote from Senator Daschle that he made in September 1999: ``It is so incredibly unfair to me that they would continue to persist in the determination not to allow these very qualified people to even have a vote.''
Mr. President, that is what all of this is about. Tomorrow morning we will have a chance to end debate on these nominees and allow for fair up or down votes. In addition we will be able to determine the veracity, truth, and sincerity of our colleagues that I have previously quoted. If they were willing to tell the truth 3 or 4 years ago, they will have an opportunity to stop this spiral of unfair actions and delays which only bring more retaliation and more delays.
Senators will then be upholding the Constitution and will be accounting to their constituents, as well as giving fairness to the nominees.
I thank the President and I thank my colleagues.
Far from it.
Mr. President, following up on my esteemed colleague from Virginia's comments and observations on Justice Janice Rogers Brown, she is the first African-American woman to serve on the California Supreme Court, having come from segregated schools in the South, worked her way up.
I find it very interesting that the following quote was made a few years ago: Whether it is Hispanic or non-Hispanic, African American or non-African American, woman or man, it is wrong not to have a vote on the Senate floor. What are they afraid of? What are they afraid of? What is wrong with a vote?
Tomorrow the person who made that statement on October 28, 1999, Senator Tom Daschle, Democratic leader, is going to lead a filibuster against Justice Janice Rogers Brown.
Clearly, a prior inconsistent statement showing duplicity. I would ask, when you referred to some of their arguments that she is out of the mainstream, I was looking at the record from the hearings. I understand Justice Brown was criticized for a single ruling she made on a parental consent case. We have parental consent laws in Virginia. The vast majority of people, even some who consider themselves pro-choice, recognize that if an unwed minor daughter is going through the trauma of an abortion, that at least the mother or father ought to be notified, ought to be involved, because it is a medical procedure that even for ear piercing or tonsils being taken out, you need consent. So for something as traumatic as the surgery of abortion, which is physical obviously, but also something that is emotional, parents should know when their 17, 16, 15-year-old daughter is going through such a procedure.
She is being criticized for that. I don't find that, at least from Virginia standards, or if the Senator could share with us, do you consider that out of the mainstream? From what I can see from surveys, 80 percent-plus of all Americans, regardless of the color of their skin or their ethnicity or gender, think parents ought to be involved when their unwed minor daughter is contemplating such a procedure.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Homeland Protection and Tax Hike Prevention Act of 2003. As I speak, State governments face a budget gap of $80 billion in 2004, according to the National…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Homeland Protection and Tax Hike Prevention Act of 2003.
As I speak, State governments face a budget gap of $80 billion in 2004, according to the National Governors Association. My own State of North Carolina must close a $2 billion deficit this year, the third year in a row that we have faced a deficit of $1 billion or more. There is an additional $30 billion deficit in 2003 that, for most States, must be closed before the fiscal year ends in June. Cities and towns face a similar budget pinch. The likely result in many States will be steep tax increases and budget cuts.
Because most States have seen two or three lean years in a row, the easiest cuts and sources of revenue have already been tapped. States already closed nearly $50 billion in deficits for 2003. According to Standard and Poor's, ``With rainy day funds having been depleted rapidly over the past three years, few options remain other than tough cuts or revenue increases.''
The State and local budget crisis is a serious threat to our economy. State spending cuts and tax increases equaling $100 billion would directly lower GDP growth by one percentage point, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. According to the Center, ``The only way this blow to the economy can be mitigated is through federal fiscal relief for the states.''
Millions of Americans across the Nation will be directly affected by State tax increases and budget cuts. For example, Kansas is considering new taxes on hair stylists, theaters, and doctors. Missouri is now taxing pharmacies. In fact, policymakers in 15 States are already calling for tax increases of approximately $14 billion in 2004.
New York budget proposals would raise class sizes and cut 43,000 early education slots in New York City. Florida may take away medical coverage for 26,000 low-income people. In California, hundreds of nursing homes are in danger of bankruptcy, according to the Washington Post. San Diego may close fire stations.
Portland, OR, will likely trim its school year by 24 days. Oregon State police are laying off 129 troopers and abandoning 24-hour patrols. The Multnomah county jail will release as many as 500 inmates early. Medical benefits will be eliminated for 8,000 elderly and disabled people.
This is wrong. It's wrong for the people being hurt. And it is wrong for our economy. That's why I am proposing the Homeland Protection and Tax Hike Prevention Act of 2003. This bill would enacts a State relief plan I first described last November. It gives States and cities a total of $50 billion, allowing them to avoid raising taxes and protect critical priorities in public safety, education, and health care.
First, my legislation would provide $10 billion to states and major cities to strengthen homeland security. We have a whole range of homeland security priorities that we ought to be meeting but we haven't. Although our domestic readiness begins with first responders, they are not getting the training and equipment they need to respond to an attack with speed, skill, and strength. Our public health system isn't fully prepared to respond to biological attacks. We need to modernize an emergency warning system that is terribly out of date so we can reach Americans at any time, day or night.
Our infrastructure is exposed. There are 500 large skyscrapers, 250 major arenas and stadiums, and countless train, subway, and automobile bridges and tunnels. Many of these facilities have vulnerable ventilation systems, poor emergency exits, and inadequate fire retardants and blast-resistant materials. Security at nuclear and chemical plants and over shipments is still too lax. At 123 chemical plants, a toxic chemical release would endanger a million people or more.
We need to meet all these priorities, and we can ought to meet them through a partnership between Washington, states, and local communities. This bill goes a long way toward doing that by providing $10 billion for homeland security.
Next, today's bill would provide States $10 billion through higher Medicaid reimbursements. Higher Medicaid reimbursements can dramatically help State budgets. It can also address serious inequities in the way Medicaid funds are distributed today. The legislation is based on Senator Rockefeller's excellent proposal. It maintains last year's Medicaid matching rate where rates are declining and provides an additional modest, temporary increase in the matching rate. This short- lived relief will help states balance their budgets and protect children and seniors who rely on Medicaid.
Last but not least, my bill will give States and local governments $30 billion in general relief. In return for this aid, State and local governments must agree not to cut K-12 education funding or raise college tuition faster than inflation for low- and middle-income families.
Across the Nation, States and cities are struggling with more needs and less revenue. Washington is not doing its part to help. Instead, we have created new demands through the No Child Left Behind education reform law and the Federal special education laws, without delivering the resources needed to meet those demands. We ought to help States and localities meet those demands, and this bill will do that.
The Homeland Protection and Tax Hike Protection Act will strengthen our homeland security and prevent states and cities from raising taxes and cutting schools and health care. I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting it.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, for tragic reasons, organ donation has been in the spotlight of late. On Saturday, February 23, 2002, 17-year-old Jessica Santillan died after receiving organs from a donor with an…
Mr. President, for tragic reasons, organ donation has been in the spotlight of late. On Saturday, February 23, 2002, 17-year-old Jessica Santillan died after receiving organs from a donor with an incompatible blood type. I would like to take this opportunity to express my heartfelt condolences to Jessica's family and friends.
While it is critical to understand how mistakes led to Jessica's death, and how they can be avoided in the future, this tragic incident should not diminish our commitment to organ donation--a procedure that saves thousand of lives each year, and was in fact Jessica's only chance for survival. Instead, we should make a commitment to increasing our donation rates and saving even more lives.
Today, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation with Senator Bill Frist to do just that. The Organ Donation and Recovery Improvement Act, which Senator Frist and I originally introduced last Congress, will bring positive attention to this critical public health issue by increasing resources and coordinating efforts to improve organ donation and recovery. I am proud to be working with my friend and colleague, Senator Frist, whose leadership and professional experience as a heart and lung transplant surgeon has been critical in making this issue a priority.
At this very moment, more than 80,000 people are waiting for an organ transplant, and one person is added to this list every thirteen minutes. This list has increased from 19,095 people a decade ago. Unfortunately, the discrepancy between the need and the number of available organs is growing exponentially. From 1999 to 2000, transplant waiting lists grew by 10.2 percent, while the total increase in donations grew by 5.3 percent. Tragically, in 2000, approximately 5,500 wait-listed patients died waiting for an organ.
Undoubtedly, the task before our nation in caring for these patients seems daunting. However, each person who makes the decision to donate can save as many as three lives. None of us wants to imagine the anguish of watching a family member or a friend wait for an organ transplant hoping that their name reaches the top of the list before their damaged organ fails or having to bear the emotional, physical, or financial costs of undergoing a transplant procedure. For those that do, and for all of those that will, we must improve and strengthen our systems of organ donation and recovery. The legislation that Senator Frist and I are introducing today represents a significant step towards this goal. It would establish a task force to evaluate and improve federal efforts relating to organ donation and transplantation research, and would also authorize $3 million in fiscal year 2004 and such sums as may be necessary in fiscal years 2005 through 2008 for grants to Organ Procurement Organizations to coordinate donation activities between hospitals.
A vital part of increasing donations lies in education and public awareness initiatives. This legislation would authorize $5 million in fiscal year 2004 and such sums as may be necessary in fiscal years 2005 through 2008 to educate the public about issues surrounding organ donation, as well as train health care providers and other appropriate professionals in the best methods to use when approaching possible donors and their families. This funding could also be used for other demonstration projects to increase organ donation and recovery rates. In addition, an equal amount is authorized to expand the Agency for Health Care Research and Quality's authority to improve organ donation practices.
We must also work to remove the barriers that stand in a donor's way as he or she seeks to help another person continue life. Our bill would seek to expand living donation by authorizing $5 million in fiscal year 2004 and such sums as may be necessary in fiscal years 2005 through 2008 for the reimbursement of related expenses incurred by the donor. In addition, this legislation requests an Institute of Medicine report on living donation practices and potential long-term health risks.
Finally, we must work to improve the science of donation and recovery, and address legal issues relating to donation, including consent. More than 20 states currently have registries that may prove indispensable in ensuring that we honor a donor's wishes. This bill would establish an advisory committee to study the benefits, and potential shortcomings, of these arrangements and work to create a national sense of urgency that matches the national need for donors.
I would like to recognize the invaluable support and guidance we received in drafting this bill from the American Society of Transplantation, the American Liver Foundation, the Patient Access to Transplantation Coalition, the North American Transplant Coordinators Organization, and the National Kidney Foundation. I would be remiss not to also mention the Association of Organ Procurement Organizations, whose members nationwide have worked so tirelessly to bridge the gap between the immense need for and the inadequate supply of donated organs. In my home state of Connecticut, we are well-served by the tremendous work of the Northeast Organ Procurement Organization and the New England Organ Bank.
Finally, I look forward to working with my colleagues, including Senator Kennedy, Senator Gregg, and Senator Durbin, whose commitment to this issue has been unparalleled. I urge Congress to take swift action on this bipartisan legislation aimed at increasing organ donation and saving lives.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Alzheimer's Disease Research, Prevention, and Care Act of 2003. I am pleased that Senators Bond, Kennedy, Lincoln, Breaux, and Dodd are joining me as original…
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Alzheimer's Disease Research, Prevention, and Care Act of 2003. I am pleased that Senators Bond, Kennedy, Lincoln, Breaux, and Dodd are joining me as original cosponsors of this legislation. This bill expands research on Alzheimer's disease at the National Institute on Aging and reauthorizes the Alzheimer's Demonstration Grant Program that helps patients and families get services like respite care and adult day care.
I believe that ``honor thy mother and father'' is not only a good commandment to live by, it's also a good policy to govern by. That's why I authored the Alzheimer's Disease Research, Prevention, and Care Act--to put values into action and get behind our Nation's families.
In 1998, the Federal Government was spending just $323 million on Alzheimer's disease research, a disease that affects about 4 million Americans. I fought for more funding for Alzheimer's disease and the National Institute on Aging. Not just an incremental increase--I fought to double the funding. I am proud that the National Institute on Aging was funded at $1 billion this year. That's double what it was 5 years ago. The Federal Government will spend more than $600 million on Alzheimer's research this year.
This investment in Alzheimer's disease research is paying off. Scientists have found evidence that a cholesterol-lowering drug may prevent Alzheimer's. Researchers are testing a vaccine on mice that may prevent the disease in humans. Seven clinical trials are currently underway to find out whether estrogen, vitamin E, gingko biloba, and aspirin can prevent the disease.
Even with these victories, there is still a lot more to do. Alzheimer's disease is a devastating illness. Four million Americans suffer from Alzheimer's, including one in ten people over age 65 and nearly half of those over age 85. Nineteen million Americans say they have a family member with the disease. The Medicare program alone spent $31.9 billion for the care of people with Alzheimer's disease in the year 2000. Without a cure, the number of Alzheimer's patients will more than triple in the next 50 years. Fourteen million Americans will suffer from Alzheimer's by 2050. If science can help delay the onset of Alzheimer's by even five years, it would improve the lives of millions of families and save billions of dollars.
This legislation is about more than just statistics--it's about helping to meet the day-to-day needs of patients with Alzheimer's and the long range needs of the nation. Last year, I chaired a hearing at the Gerontology Research Center at the Johns Hopkins Bayview Medical center in Baltimore. I heard from Peter Savage, a Baltimore man caring for his wife, Ina. Mrs. Savage was diagnosed with early onset Alzheimer's disease at just 53 years old. I heard Mr. Savage's pain and frustration as he told the Subcommittee on Aging about his family's long struggle: watching his wife's slow decline; trying to care for Mrs. Savage by himself and with the help of daughters; the difficulty of finding someone to help them when the caregiving responsibilities were more than the family alone could bear; and the looming costs of nursing home care.
The bill I am introducing gets behind families like the Savages and millions of others struggling with this disease. My bill reauthorizes and expands the Alzheimer's Demonstration grant Program. This program helps patients and families get support services like respite care and home health care. These
grants connect help states leverage private resources to fill in gaps in existing services and make sure that programs reach the most vulnerable families. This important program needs to be renewed this year. I'm fighting to expand this program to nearly every state, to keep our promises to America's families.
This bill also helps to meet the long-range needs of our Nation by increasing the Federal Government's commitment to Alzheimer's disease research at the National Institutes of Health and the National Institute on Aging. It puts the Alzheimer's Disease Prevention Initiative in our Federal law books to speed up the discovery of new ways to prevent the disease. My bill sets up a cooperative clinical research program to stretch our Federal research dollars, by making it easier for researchers across the country to share data and enroll patients in clinical trials. It also authorizes research on ways to improve the health of Alzheimer's caregivers--and ease some of their burden.
This bill gets behind our Nation's families--both in the lab and in the community. I look forward to working with my colleagues to pass this important legislation.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce The Paleontological Resources Preservation Act to protect and preserve the Nation's important fossil record for the benefit of our citizens. I am pleased to…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce The Paleontological Resources Preservation Act to protect and preserve the Nation's important fossil record for the benefit of our citizens. I am pleased to have Senators Baucus, Campbell, Durbin, Feinstein, Leahy, and Roberts join me as original cosponsors on this significant legislation.
This bill was reported favorably by the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, and approved by unanimous consent during the 107th Congress. I plan to work closely with my colleagues to enact this bill during the 108th Congress.
In 1999, Congress requested that the Secretary of the Interior review and report on the Federal policy concerning paleontological resources on Federal lands. In its request, Congress noted that no unified Federal policy existed regarding the treatment of fossils by Federal land management agencies, and emphasized Congress's concerns that lack of appropriate standards
would lead to the deterioration or loss of fossils, which are valuable scientific resources.
In response, seven Federal agencies and the Smithsonian Institution released a report in May 2000 entitled ``Assessment of Fossil Management on Federal and Indian Lands.'' This assessment outlined governing principles for the management of fossils on Federal lands. The report recommended that penalties for fossil theft be strengthened and that Federal fossil collections be preserved and available for research and public education. The interagency group also stated that fossils on Federal lands are rare and a part of America's heritage and that effective stewardship requires accurate information and inventories.
The Paleontological Resources Preservation Act embodies these principles, and provides the paleontological equivalent of protections found in the Archeological Resources Preservation Act. The bill finds that fossil resources on Federal lands are an irreplaceable part of the heritage of the United States. It affirms that reasonable access to fossil resources should be provided for scientific, educational, and recreational purposes. The bill acknowledges the value of amateur collecting, but protects vertebrate fossils found on Federal lands under a system of permits.
I would like to emphasize that this bill in no way affects archaeological or cultural resources under the Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979 or the Native American Graves Protection and Rehabilitation Act. They are exempted. This bill covers paleontological remains--fossils on Federal lands only.
As we look toward the future, public access to fossil resources will take on a new meaning as digital images of fossils become available worldwide. The National Museum of Natural History, one of the premier Smithsonian museums, already has an online catalogue of 9 million specimens, some of which include digital images. Museums will be able to provide global access for researchers, collectors, and educators to study fossil collections through online catalogs and images. Many scientists in developing countries currently lack vital information about fossils because they cannot afford travel costs to museums. This digital advance will truly make fossils a global resource for the public.
Discoveries in paleontology are made more frequently than we realize. They shape how we learn about the world around us. In January of this year, Nature reported that Chinese scientists at Beijing's Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology discovered several four- winged dinosaur fossils. This discovery is providing us with critical insight into the phenomenon of flight. The Paleontological Resources Preservation Act would create a legacy of scientific knowledge for future generations.
The protections offered in this Act are not new. Federal land management agencies have individual regulations prohibiting theft of government property. However, the reality is that U.S. Attorneys are reluctant to prosecute cases involving fossil theft because they are difficult. Congress has not provided a clear statute stating the value of paleontological resources to our Nation, as has been provided for archeological resources. Fossils are too valuable to be left within the general theft provisions that are difficult to prosecute, and they are too valuable to the education of our children not to ensure public access. We need to work together to make sure that we fulfill our responsibility as stewards of public lands, and as protectors of our Nation's natural resources.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Sunshine in the Courtroom Act of 2003, a bill to allow media coverage of court proceedings. This legislation will provide Federal judges with the…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Sunshine in the Courtroom Act of 2003, a bill to allow media coverage of court proceedings. This legislation will provide Federal judges with the statutory authority to exercise their discretion to allow the photographing, electronic recording, broadcasting and televising of federal court proceedings.
During the 107th Congress, the Judiciary Committee reported identical legislation favorably, by a vote of 12 to 7. It's my hope that the full Senate will have the opportunity to act on this bill as early as possible in the 108th Congress.
Sunshine bill will help the American people to become better informed about the judicial process. Moreover, this bill will help to produce a better judiciary. Increased public awareness and scrutiny will bring about greater accountability and help judges to do a better job.
Allowing cameras in the Federal courts is consistent with the intent of our Nation's Founders that trials should be held in front of as many people as choose to attend them. In my view, the First Amendment to the Constitution requires that court proceedings must be open to the public and, by extension, to the news media. As the Supreme Court has said, ``what transpires in the courtroom is public property.''
Clearly, the basic American values of openness and education are served by allowing electronic media access to Federal courtrooms. There are many beneficial and no substantial detrimental effects to allowing greater public access to the inner workings of our federal courts. Fifteen States have conducted studies aimed specifically at the educational benefits that are derived from camera access to courtrooms. They all determined that camera coverage contributes to greater public understanding of the judicial system.
Moroever, the experience of the States with electronic media access to judicial proceedings demonstrate that still and video cameras can be used without any problems, and that procedural discipline is preserved. According to the National Center for State Courts, all fifty States allow at least some degree of camera access to judicial proceedings under a wide variety of rules and conditions. My own State of Iowa, for example, has operated successfully in this open manner for more than 20 years.
Furthermore, at the Federal level, the Federal Judicial Center conducted a pilot program in 1994 that studied the effects of allowing camera access to courtrooms. The study found ``small or no effects of camera presence on participants in judicial proceedings, courtroom decorum, or the administration of justice.''
Based on the experience of the States, as well as state and Federal studies, Senator Schumer and I are introducing this bill with a well- founded confidence that it represents sound public policy. Nevertheless, in order to provide a mechanism for Congress to study the effects of this legislation on our judiciary before making this change permanent, we have included a three-year sunset provision in our bill.
The Supreme Court of the United States has recognized that there is a strong public interest in electronic media access to important court cases. At my urging and that of Senator Schumer, Chief Justice Rehnquist permitted the delayed audio broadcasting of the oral arguments before the Supreme Court in the historic 2000 presidential election dispute. The Supreme Court's response to our request was a major step in the right direction.
It is important to emphasize, that this bill does not require any Federal judge in any Federal court to allow camera access to judicial proceedings. Rather, it simply gives Federal judges the discretion to allow cameras or other electronic media access if they see fit. The bill also protects the privacy and safety of non-party witnesses by giving them the right to have their faces and voices obscured.
This piece of sunshine legislation will bring greater openness and accountability to the Nation's Federal courts. The best way to maintain confidence in our Federal judiciary, which has tremendous power, is to let the sun shine in by allowing judges to exercise their discretion in opening Federal courtrooms to public view through the broadcasting and televising of judicial proceedings. I urge my colleagues to join me in co-sponsoring the Sunshine in the Courtroom Act.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Conserve by Bike Act to promote energy conservation and improve public health. I am pleased to be joined by my colleagues from Maine, Senator Susan…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Conserve by Bike Act to promote energy conservation and improve public health. I am pleased to be joined by my colleagues from Maine, Senator Susan Collins, in introducing this measure. This legislation addresses one part of our Nation's energy challenges. Although there is no single solution, every possible approach must be considered in order to solve our energy problems.
Our Nation would realize several benefits from the increased use of bicycle transportation, including lessened dependence on foreign oil and prevention of harmful air emissions. Currently, less than one trip in one hundred, .88 percent, is by bicycle. If we can raise our level of cycling to one and a half trips per hundred, which is less than one bike trip every two weeks for the average person, we will save more than 462 million gallons of gasoline in a year, worth more than $721 million. That is the equivalent of one day a year we will not need to import any foreign oil.
In addition to fostering greater independence from foreign oil supplies, this bill will help mitigate air quality challenges, which can be harmful to public health and the environment. Unlike automotive transportation, bicycling is emissions-free.
The Conserve by Bike Act encourages bicycling through two key components: a pilot program and a research project. The Conserve by Bike Pilot Program established by this legislation would be implemented by the U.S. Department of Transportation. The Department would fund up to ten pilots throughout the country that would utilize education and marketing tools to encourage people to convert some of their car trips to bike trips. Each of these pilot projects must: 1. document project results and energy conserved; 2. facilitate partnerships among stakeholders in two or more of the following fields: transportation, law enforcement, education, public health, and the environment; 3. maximize current bicycle facility investments; 4. demonstrate methods that can be replicated in other locations; and 5. produce ongoing programs that are sustained by local resources.
This legislation also directs the Transportation Research Board of the National Academy of Sciences to conduct a research project on converting car trips to bike trips. The study will consider: 1. what car trips Americans can reasonably be expected to make by bike, given such factors as weather, land use, and traffic patterns, carrying capacity of bicycles, and bicycle infrastructure; 2. what energy savings would result, or how much energy could be conserved, if these trips were converted from car to bike; 3. the cost-benefit analysis of bicycle infrastructure investments; and 4. what factors could encourage more car trips to be replaced with bike trips. The study also will identify lessons we can learn from the documented results of the pilot programs.
The Conserve by Bike Program is a small investment that has the potential to produce significant returns: greater independence from foreign oil and a healthier environment and population. The Conserve by Bike Act authorizes a total of $6.2 million to carry out the pilot programs and research. A total of $5,150,000 will be used to implement the pilot projects; $300,000 will be used by the Department of Transportation to coordinate, publicize, and disseminate the results of the program; and $750,000 will be utilized for the research study.
The provisions in this bill enjoy strong, bipartisan support and passed as an amendment to last year's Senate energy bill. The measure is endorsed by the League of American Bicyclists, which has over 300,000 affiliates, as well as the Association of Pedestrian and Bicycle Professionals, Rails to Trails Conservancy, Thunderhead Alliance, Bikes Belong Coalition, Adventure Cycling, International Mountain Bicycling Association, Chicagoland Bicycle Federation, and the League of Illinois Bicyclists.
By enacting the Conserve by Bike Act, we can reduce our energy dependence, reduce harmful air emissions, and improve public health. I urge my colleagues to cosponsor the Conserve by Bike Act and join me in making a responsible investment in cleaner, healthier and more energy efficient future.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 562 Introduced in Senate (IS)]
108th CONGRESS
1st Session
S. 562
To amend chapter 3 of title 28, United States Code, to divide the Ninth
Judicial Circuit of the United States into 2 circuits, and for other
purposes.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
March 6, 2003
Ms. Murkowski (for herself, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Burns, Mr. Craig, Mr.
Crapo, Mr. Inhofe, and Mr. Smith) introduced the following bill; which
was read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To amend chapter 3 of title 28, United States Code, to divide the Ninth
Judicial Circuit of the United States into 2 circuits, and for other
purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals
Reorganization Act of 2003''.
SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Former ninth circuit.--The term ``former ninth
circuit'' means the ninth judicial circuit of the United States
as in existence on the day before the effective date of this
Act.
(2) New ninth circuit.--The term ``new ninth circuit''
means the ninth judicial circuit of the United States
established by the amendment made by section 3(2)(A).
(3) Twelfth circuit.--The term ``twelfth circuit'' means
the twelfth judicial circuit of the United States established
by the amendment made by section 3(2)(C).
SEC. 3. NUMBER AND COMPOSITION OF CIRCUITS.
Section 41 of title 28, United States Code, is amended--
(1) in the matter before the table, by striking
``thirteen'' and inserting ``fourteen''; and
(2) in the table--
(A) by striking the item relating to the ninth
circuit and inserting the following:
``Ninth................ California, Nevada.'';
and
(B) by inserting between the last 2 items the
following:
``Twelfth.............. Alaska, Arizona, Guam, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Northern Mariana Islands,
Oregon, Washington.''.
SEC. 4. NUMBER OF CIRCUIT JUDGES.
The table in section 44(a) of title 28, United States Code, is
amended--
(1) by striking the item relating to the ninth circuit and
inserting the following:
``Ninth....................................... 25'';
and
(2) by inserting between the last 2 items the following:
``Twelfth..................................... 13.''
SEC. 5. PLACES OF CIRCUIT COURT.
The table in section 48(a) of title 28, United States Code, is
amended--
(1) by striking the item relating to the ninth circuit and
inserting the following:
``Ninth................ San Francisco, Los Angeles.'';
and
(2) by inserting between the last 2 items at the end the
following:
``Twelfth.............. Portland, Seattle.''.
SEC. 6. ELECTION OF ASSIGNMENT BY CIRCUIT JUDGES.
(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b) and
notwithstanding section 44(c) of title 28, United States Code, each
circuit judge who is in regular active service, and each judge who is a
senior judge, of the former ninth circuit on the day before the
effective date of this Act may elect to be assigned to the new ninth
circuit or to the twelfth circuit and shall notify the Director of the
Administrative Office of the United States Courts of such election.
SEC. 7. SENIORITY OF JUDGES.
The seniority of each judge who elects to be assigned under section
6 shall run from the date of commission of such judge as a judge of the
former ninth circuit.
SEC. 8. APPLICATION TO CASES.
(a) In General.--The provisions of the following paragraphs of this
subsection apply to any case in which, on the day before the effective
date of this Act, an appeal or other proceeding has been filed with the
former ninth circuit:
(1) If the matter has been submitted for decision, further
proceedings in respect of the matter shall be had in the same
manner and with the same effect as if this Act had not been
enacted.
(2) If the matter has not been submitted for decision, the
appeal or proceeding, together with the original papers,
printed records, and record entries duly certified, shall, by
appropriate orders, be transferred to the court to which the
matter would have been submitted had this Act been in full
force and effect at the time such appeal was taken or other
proceeding commenced, and further proceedings in respect of the
case shall be had in the same manner and with the same effect
as if the appeal or other proceeding had been filed in such
court.
(3) A petition for rehearing or a petition for re-hearing
en banc in a matter decided before the effective date of this
Act, or submitted before the effective date of this Act and
decided on or after the effective date as provided in paragraph
(1), shall be treated in the same manner and with the same
effect as though this Act had not been enacted. If a petition
for rehearing en banc is granted, the matter shall be reheard
by a court comprised as though this Act had not been enacted.
SEC. 9. ADMINISTRATION.
(a) Actions.--The former ninth circuit as constituted on the day
before the effective date of this Act may take such administrative
actions as may be required to carry out this Act and the amendments
made by this Act.
(b) Termination.--The former ninth circuit shall cease to exist for
administrative purposes on July 1, 2005.
(c) Meetings.--During the 10 years following the date of enactment
of this Act, the new ninth circuit and the twelfth circuit may meet in
either circuit's jurisdiction.
SEC. 10. EFFECTIVE DATE.
This Act and the amendments made by this Act shall become effective
on October 1, 2003.
<all>