A resolution condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison, urging a full and complete investigation to ensure justice is served, and expressing support for all Americans serving nobly in Iraq.
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Resolution agreed to in Senate without amendment and with a preamble by Yea-Nay Vote. 92 - 0. Record Vote Number: 86.
May 21, 2004
View full timeline
Introduced in Senate
May 10, 2004
Submitted in the Senate.
May 10, 2004
Measure laid before Senate by unanimous consent.
May 10, 2004
Resolution agreed to in Senate without amendment and with a preamble by Yea-Nay Vote. 92 - 0. Record Vote Number: 86.
May 21, 2004
Voting History
1 vote recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about S.Res. 356 on the floor
TS
BLD
RCB
HR
PM+15
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about S.Res. 356 on the floor
Madam President, because of the circumstances, I really don't have a prepared statement. I wish to outline for the Senate how we intend to proceed. We have been working for some time trying to obtain…
Madam President, because of the circumstances, I really don't have a prepared statement. I wish to outline for the Senate how we intend to proceed. We have been working for some time trying to obtain a process by which we could proceed to act on the 11 appropriations bills for the fiscal year 2003 which were not completed by the end of the last Congress.
I commend my good friend from West Virginia and his staff for assistance in working with us to work out this procedure. These bills that will soon be included in an omnibus amendment to
this continuing resolution are familiar to the Senate. We worked on them throughout the last year. And I wish to say that to the best of my knowledge the components of this bill, except for one portion, were worked on on a bipartisan basis by the staffs of the 11 subcommittees that handled these 11 bills. I can't say that there has been total agreement on the part of anybody as to what we have done, but we have proceeded to reduce the 11 bills that were involved to the amount of the President's request, which was $750.5 billion, plus an amount that is represented by a budget request for the fire items that are included in the bill of $825 million. In doing so, we come down considerably in many of these bills.
But I point out to the Senate that the Government has been operating under the CRs that have been passed since October 1. All of the agencies affected by these bills have been operating on the basis of the 2002 appropriations level--the enacted level of funds for those agencies. If we do not finish these bills now, they will continue to act under the 2002 level until obviously we do something to take us down to the end of this fiscal year.
I have taken the position that the sooner we can enact these 11 bills the better off all the agencies are, and the better off the Congress is because our job is to turn to the requirements of the law to deal with the fiscal year 2004 bills through the budget process and through the consideration of the 13 bills that we have in the Appropriations Committee through the individual subcommittees and get them done this year--God willing--according to the normal schedule and before September 30. We cannot do that if we labor over these bills intensively for a period of time.
I am pleased to say that everyone concerned has been very cooperative, and, above all, the members of the Appropriations Committee on both sides of the aisle have worked hard to get us where we are today.
The amendment that I will soon present contains not only that portion that I mentioned in terms of a series of bills but it contains the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies appropriations for fiscal year 2003. It provides budget authority for Agriculture, rural development, and the nutritional programs.
There is in this bill $670.4 million--more than the President's request--and more than $1.1 billion more than 2002.
I have a whole series of highlights on this bill. I don't want to take the time of the Senate to outline the individual ones. We will do that as we proceed on the bill. There are definitely needs for the programs for each of these items.
The second bill we have is the Commerce, State, Justice and related agencies appropriations bill. Again, this is the recommendation of the subcommittee as adjusted by the process I just outlined. It is approximately $2.5 billion above the 2002 enacted funding level.
These, of course, are a series of highlights. I may later ask to put them all in the Record as part of my opening statement. I want to review these outlines later. I do not make that request now.
We also have the District of Columbia appropriations bill. It makes appropriations for the District of Columbia. It is an item that is substantially higher than the President's request. It is a total of $512 million in discretionary budget authority for the District of Columbia.
We have the energy and water appropriations bill. It recommends $26.164 billion for 2003. It exceeds the President's request by $649 million, and it exceeds the 2002 level by $900 million.
We have the foreign operations bill among the 11 included in this amendment. This bill is $221 million below the President's request. It is also below the fiscal year 2002 level by $73.5 million.
The Department of the Interior bill provides $19.18 billion in total discretionary budget authority--an increase of $641 million over the enacted level of 2002. It is $36 million over the President's budget request for 2003.
The Labor-Health and Human Services bill deals with the President's request, which was $131.9 billion. This bill as recommended by my amendment will be $131.3 billion. The details will be in the items that I will put in the Record.
On the Department of Transportation and related agencies, we recommend $64.6 billion for 2003. This is $9.4 billion more than the President's request of $55.2 billion. I do not have a figure above the 2002 level. I will put it in the Record later.
We have the Treasury and general government appropriations bill. This provision is in the bill at $34.5 billion. The President's request was $34.2 billion, and the 2002 level was $32.8 billion. This is another area where it is above the President's request.
The last section is the section that deals with items that have been added to the 13 bills. One is to fund the election reform bill that was enacted in the last Congress. The maximum authorized level for that program for 12 months for fiscal 2003 was $2.35 billion. For the remainder of the bill, this amendment that I offer will fund election reform at $1.5 billion.
For drought relief, we have set a target of $3.1 billion. The provisions of the bill as presented by the Agriculture Committee and others will adjust the mandatory programs in order to provide relief for the drought that has occurred.
We also have a provision dealing with Medicare adjustments, dealing with physicians' payments and payments for rural hospitals. The total amount would be $1.6 billion. These items would be offset by a 1.6- percent across-the-board cut on the other 11 bills.
We have done our best to present to the Senate--I have, working with the members of the committee and their staffs--a bill to meet the requirements of the administration, to meet the requirements of the agencies, and to present a bill that can be taken to conference and worked out with the House in conference.
Madam President, I point out, the House has not passed any bills. The House has passed this continuing resolution, to give us a House-passed bill, to return this bill to the House for their consideration. We are hopeful that the House will enact its own version and send it to conference. As has been outlined already by the unanimous consent agreement that is in place, we will seek a conference with the House at the earliest possible time.
I urge Senators to consider the problem we face, and that is the problem of catching up with the bills we should have enacted last year. I point no fingers as to reasons we did not. The Senate Appropriations Committee, under the chairmanship of Senator Byrd, did report out all the bills. We were prepared to act, but circumstances at that time made it impossible for us to pass those bills.
Under the circumstances now, we cannot afford the process of passing separate bills, facing vetoes or veto threats, and having bills go back and forth between the Houses. If we are going to catch up and start the process of dealing with the 2004 appropriations, as is our duty in this new Congress, we must put these requests of the past, for the remainder of this fiscal year, in place. We must pass this amendment or something similar to it as soon as is possible, as soon as the Congress can agree and the President will concur with our actions.
I will say, I have discussed this at length with the Office of Management and Budget. I cannot say they approve of what we are doing, but I can say they approve of the fact that we are doing something. So that is what I am asking the Senate to do tonight, to start the process of doing something on these accumulated items that must be faced by this Congress as quickly as possible.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record summaries from which I read partially.
Madam President, again, I thank my friend from West Virginia for his courtesy. I know that while I have been working on these other matters, my friend has had a very erudite statement prepared, and I am prepared to listen to it.
I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I believe under the unanimous consent request that now is the time for me to offer my amendment.
Amendment No. 1
Mr. President, there is an amendment at the desk.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
The Senator from West Virginia has an amendment to offer. I thank him for his comments. We are in substantial agreement, except in the conclusion. We both feel that the Government of the United States should not operate under a continuing resolution. What it means is that our agencies are not moving forward in 2003 at the rate actually requested by the President in 2001 for the fiscal year 2002.
Times have changed. They have changed considerably. Each of these agencies are subject to new laws that were passed both in 2001 and 2002 with regard to the programs that they administer. They cannot do those new programs without new money.
As the Senator from West Virginia said, they are currently operating on autopilot. I am an old pilot and autopilot is a wonderful thing to have, but it doesn't know how to change course unless someone turns the dials. Autopilot cannot take you off or land you. It only continues on the course that it is on. It will fly right into a mountain if you don't change the course. There is a mountain ahead of us, which is the mountain of unfulfilled commitments in the Federal Government, which both the President and Congress have made and changes that were made since the President first conceived the budget of 2002.
I do believe that the Senator is right. I would have joined him last year in proceeding as we did with the bill as reported. But it is different now. We are ready to start a new Congress. We, hopefully, will have our organization resolution soon, and we will be working toward complying with the laws that we work under--the Budget Act--and the requirement that we pass 13 appropriations bills for 2004.
We cannot get there if we pass these bills separately. As I said before, we
will face the prospect of disagreement with the House and endless conferences on 11 bills, and possibilities of vetoes and motions to override, and all the time it will take. Mr. President, it will be June before we get down to the business of this Congress if we do not follow the recommendation to proceed that has been made now by me on behalf of the President and on behalf, I believe, of all the members of our committee.
We have differences on what should be in the bill, but the main thing is that we should proceed. I await the offering of the Senator's amendment. I know pretty well what is in it, and I regret that I cannot join him this year in supporting it.
Is the amendment now pending before the Senate, Mr. President?
I yield to the Senator from West Virginia.
Amendment No. 2
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, the distinguished Senator from West Virginia, Mr. Byrd, presented a chart showing the major elements of the $5 billion homeland security package. Eventually, this homeland security money, since it is money that people involved in that area want, we will address not only this year, in this 2003 bill, not only in the 2004 bill, but out into 2005. This Homeland Security Department has not even formed yet, as we know. There are several components in the existing Government that will be transferred into homeland security, and they have funding in this amendment I have offered.
For instance, Senator Byrd wants to add to this amendment I have offered $1.4 billion for State and local assistance to combat terrorism, but we already have spread throughout the 11 bills $2.2 billion to deal with the same concepts. We have money for first responder radio equipment. We have money for emergency planning and training.
Last year, I supported this money that Senator Byrd wants in his amendment for this bill--in a series of bills, as a matter of fact. The problem we face now is, should we continue to operate at the 2002 level until we can find an agreement with the President as to the amounts Senator Byrd wants to add to the President's request or should we move forward through the way we allocated money in the bill for the various elements of homeland security in the existing Departments? The money we put in the existing Departments will be transferred to Homeland Security as that Department is formed.
Senator Byrd wants to put up an additional $1.8 billion for border security. Again, in the period ahead we will spend money like that, but in these bills already is a total of $4.3 billion, and we are looking at a period of less than 8 months to spend that money.
I have presented the amendment that is before the Senate now because we want to find a way to work with the President to close the books on the 2003 appropriations. We cannot do that if we continue to battle with the administration and try to give them money beyond what they believe is necessary.
At the time we were looking at this last year, we thought the Homeland Security Department would have been created before September 30 of last year. We wanted to put up money so it would be there for the Homeland Security Department to be transferred to start spending in October. This money would be started to be spent in late February or March.
I am trying to make a point. Take airport security; Senator Byrd wants an additional $720 million. We have already appropriated substantial monies that are in the supplemental from last year for airport security. We have tried to fund the needs of the Transportation Security Administration. We already have an additional $374 million in these separate portions of the amendment I have offered.
I am trying to emphasize the fact that we do not need to give this Department of Homeland Security more money beyond what has been asked.
On nuclear and energy security, I do not disagree with the statements that have been made about the needs for additional money. In this amendment I have offered is $1.650 billion for that function. Senator Byrd wants to add another $296 million. I understand he is trying to fully fund the estimated needs of homeland security for the future, which is a laudable goal, but we are trying to stay within some sort of budget constraint.
As I said, let's finish the job of getting the books closed on how much the agencies have to spend in the remainder of fiscal year 2003.
On Federal law enforcement with the FBI, Senator Byrd wants to add $212 million to the $1.2 billion already in the bill. I am urging the Senate to listen in terms of the concepts we have worked out. Stop this battle with the President over how much is needed for the agency that has not even been established yet. The various components of that agency, the Homeland Security Department, will have enough money coming into this new Department to fully fund whatever they can do by the time they get organized as a Department.
I urge the Senate to oppose the amendment offered by the Senator from West Virginia--not because he is not right at estimating the future needs of homeland security--because we believe we are right in saying, let's fund now the money that can be spent before the end of this fiscal year, be spent before September 30. I am confident we have sufficient moneys in this amendment that we have offered in the 11 separate sections which would normally be separate appropriations bills, enough money to deal with the problems of homeland security.
Beyond that, I remind the Senate the President still has some money left from the $20 billion we gave him after 9/11. If there are any defects here, he has more than $5 billion in that account and can allocate it if it is necessary to establish Homeland Security so long as it is working toward establishing the facilities and entities we need to prevent further repetition of the catastrophe of September 11.
I hope the Senate will listen. To adopt the Byrd amendment will be to prolong the conference. If it was in a bill that would go to the President, he would veto it. Then where are we? Maybe I am too pragmatic about this, but it is time to get this job done. The amendment I have offered will get the job done. There will still be some differences with the House. As a matter of fact, there will still be some differences with the administration because we have increased some items that they do not want to see increased and we have decreased some they do not want decreased. But overall, we are within the total limit and parameters of the requests of the President.
I hope tomorrow the Senate will be looking at this. There will be further debate tomorrow morning. The leader will, of course, state what the procedure will be. We expect a vote sometime around noon or soon thereafter on the Byrd amendment. I am hopeful that the Senate will work with us to try and understand my job now is to get this amendment to conference.
As I told the Senate Members, the House has not passed any of these bills. It passed some of them last year. We did not act on them. We passed some last year and they did not act on them. We are trying to restart the 2003 conference and there will be an overall conference on all 11 bills at one time if the Senate will give us the support to pass this bill and take it to conference.
There will be individual differences as far as amendments are concerned. As a matter of fact, there are some things in this amendment I personally would change, but they have been brought here by the work of the subcommittee chairmen and ranking Members of the individual areas covered by these bills. I think it is the best course to follow, to take this amendment to conference, to go to the House and say, let's get these 11 bills finished so the agencies will know for certain the money they have. Even the homeland security bill was not passed when we originally contemplated passing the appropriations to fund it.
I am confident we have done the best we can under the circumstance. Again, I do not criticize Senator Byrd. Eventually, we will spend more than $5 billion in addition to what we have in the amendment before the Senate. However, we do not need it now. I sat through all the hearings that have been mentioned, that Senator Byrd had on the needs for homeland security across the Nation. I remember going to small towns in my State when the mayor told me they needed a new fire truck. They needed a new fire truck? They have never had a fire truck. There is not anyone in the country that does not want some of this homeland security money. The question is, what is needed now to go on with the job and protect the country. I believe our amendment does it.
I send to the desk a statement prepared by the individual subcommittees that goes along with 11 components of this bill. Had we had the meetings of
the separate subcommittees and reported separate bills, we would have prepared 11 reports. Instead, I am submitting for the Record to be printed the overview and summary of each of the components so there will be no question in the future of what is intended by the provisions of the amendment I have offered if it is enacted. I ask unanimous consent it be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I rise to support the amendment offered by the distinguished chairman, perhaps ranking member,…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I rise to support the amendment offered by the distinguished chairman, perhaps ranking member, depending on the time of the month in January of this year, of the Senate Appropriations Committee. He has led the fight in the Senate on these issues dealing with homeland security, an extremely important subject for this Senate.
I wish to talk about why his amendment is a very important choice for us to make. This is, after all, about making choices. It is not a case that there is not the money to do one thing or the other; it is a matter of making the choices of what the right things are for this country's future. Emerson once said that common sense is genius dressed in work clothes. Common sense with respect to homeland security to me is to understand that post-9/11, we are in an urgent situation to protect our country at home. We are prosecuting the war against terrorists here and abroad, and we have an urgent requirement to protect our homeland.
The head of the CIA just a couple months ago said to the Nation that we are as vulnerable today to a terrorist attack as we were on September 10, the day before that devastating terrorist attack on our Nation. The head of the CIA said: We are as vulnerable today as we were the day before that devastating attack.
If that is the case, then the question is, What more do we need to do and how soon must we do it to give a measure of assurance to the American people that we are doing everything possible to thwart those terrorists who would attack our country?
I wish to talk about a couple areas of homeland security that my colleague, Senator Byrd, has spoken about previously and spoke about again this evening, and addresses in his amendment. I wish to talk about the security of our country's ports.
I come from a State that does not have any ports. North Dakota is not surrounded by oceans, so we do not have ports. I did recently tour one of our large ports in this country. That follows on the heels of a tour I did several years previous. I was curious as to what kind of security exists in America's ports.
I know we get 5.7 million containers coming into this country every year stacked on container ships. These 5.7 million containers pull up to a dock at 2 miles an hour, then are offloaded on to 18-wheel trucks, and they motor off to the rest of the country. I also know of the 5.7 million containers that come into our country every year, 100,000 of them are inspected, 5.6 million are not.
One asks the question: We spend a lot of money and time talking about an antiballistic missile program or a missile defense system to protect against an incoming ballistic missile or a ballistic missile traveling 10 or 15,000 miles an hour. So we spend $8 billion creating a ballistic missile defense system.
How much money do we spend protecting against the threat of a ship with a container carrying a weapon of mass destruction coming to a dock at 2 miles an hour at one of America's major ports in America's major cities? The answer is we do not spend nearly enough.
I recently, with the Customs Service and others, toured one of our country's major ports. This is a port that gets a great deal of freight and commerce from Asia. I was very impressed with the men and women who worked there. I was very impressed with what they do there. I took a look at their x-ray technology in which they x-ray containers that are on an 18-wheel truck, having been taken from the deck of a ship. This technology is remarkable. What they are doing at the Customs Service is extraordinary, but they are desperately short of funds. They are incapable, in my judgment, of assuring the American people that of these 5.7 million containers reaching America's ports, they are able to inspect a sufficient number to give us a measure of confidence that terrorists will not use these containers with which to attack our country.
We might all remember the story about a fellow who was a suspected terrorist who actually put himself in one of those large containers. In that container, he included a heater, a cot, water supply, a GPS system, a computer--he had all the comforts of home locked with him in a container, shipping himself from the Middle East to Canada, presumably then to go from Canada into the United States.
If someone decides to ship a weapon of mass destruction in a container aimed at this country with only 2 percent of the containers being inspected at our docks, how confident are we that we have the homeland security and homeland protection we need and deserve at this point?
Senator Byrd includes in this amendment the resources that are necessary to add to that measure of confidence, to create more inspections, to provide more security at America's ports, and that is important.
He also in this amendment deals with the issue of border security. I do represent a State that has a long and common border with the country of Canada. Just a couple of months ago, there were concerns across our country about five men, suspected terrorists, who apparently entered the U.S. through Canada. We did not know who they were. We did not know where they entered our country. We did not know what they planned to do. But there was a national manhunt for five men from those parts of the world from which terrorists have originated who entered our country, and we were searching for these individuals. Apparently they were never found.
The point is, they were supposed to have entered our country through Canada. How would one do that? Along the border between the United States and Canada, we have a great many ports of entry where we have very little security, as a matter of fact. Prior to our Appropriations Committee adding some money in the last year and a half, at many ports of entry in North Dakota, when the ports of entry closed because they are open only a certain portion of the day, at the end of the day, at 9 o'clock or 10 o'clock at night, they put up an orange rubber cone, and that was the security to keep terrorists out of this country or to keep out those who are not supposed to enter this country.
The polite ones who enter this country illegally say they would get out of the car, remove the cone, drive into this country, and replace the orange cone. Those not so polite would shred that cone at 60 or 70 miles an hour, with nothing to stop them.
We changed some of that at ports of entry, but we have a 4,000-mile border. There is not a ghost of a chance that the Border Patrol and others who are required to provide the security on this country's northern border can possibly do all that is necessary to keep terrorists from entering our country.
Despite that, we have the Immigration Service, the Customs Service, the Border Patrol, and others doing heroic work, but they need more resources. They are short of money. And that also is included in Senator Byrd's proposal.
Last July in Congress, we on the Appropriations Committee passed by a wide margin a supplemental appropriations bill that included $2.5 billion for homeland defense, port security, as I mentioned, the security of nuclear plants in our country, airport security, cyber security, and training for police and fire personnel, the first responders for any terrorist attack. Yet the President decided he would not use that $2.5 billion. He blocked it, and this amendment restores much of those funds.
I know earlier today we had people come to the Chamber and talk about those who want to spend money. There are those who say this is all about spending money. This is a rather small amount compared to what we did for Defense, for example, in this year.
The President asked for and we agreed to increase Defense spending nearly $45 billion in this year. We face some very significant challenges in Iraq, North Korea, terrorists. We call on young men and women in this country to put on their uniform and, in a moment's notice, be called up, put on a ship or airplane and shipped to the farthest points of the world to protect our country. We increased that spending in a very significant way.
Just a year ago--in fact, a year ago this week--I was in central Asia. I was in Afghanistan and Uzbekistan and toured those areas where our young men and women--American soldiers--were defending our liberty and freedom.
I do not think anyone will ever want to shortchange them in what we do to spend money to protect them, and I commend Senator Byrd, Senator Stevens, and Senator Inouye for their leadership in making certain we make that investment. But it is not only with respect to this Nation's defense that we must make investment. We also must make those investments in our homeland security. If we fail to do that, there will be a time, after some additional national tragedy as a result of a terrorist attack, when we will ask the question: Why did we not plug that hole? Why did we not add those resources? Why did we not have those additional inspections?
We can avoid all of that if we simply make wise and prudent investments in homeland security in this legislation. I prefer we not be required to spend any money on homeland security. I prefer we live in a world in which there is not a terrorist threat, in which those who have evil in their hearts, such as Saddam Hussein and others, would not exist and we would live in peace and harmony and not have to worry about protecting our homeland. But the attacks of 9/11, which killed thousands of innocent Americans, by those holed up in caves in the mountains of Afghanistan plotting the murder of innocent people tell us we can never again be sure that that kind of world will exist.
We must understand that terrorists want to do damage to this country and kill innocent Americans. As a result,
we simply must have adequate homeland security and adequate protection. That is all this amendment offered by Senator Byrd does.
We will have an opportunity to discuss other issues with respect to the omnibus bill. Although I have been talking about homeland security, I fully agree with Senator Stevens and Senator Byrd that we should handle these appropriations bills this way. It is the only way we can solve this issue of getting the eleven bills done, getting to a conference, getting them to the President, and getting them signed. So there is no disagreement about that. Senator Byrd and Senator Stevens are absolutely correct. This is what we should do. We should do it this month and get these priorities funded. But as I say that, the question is: What priorities? What choices?
I have not yet seen the entire amendment or the entire omnibus bill that has been offered. I expect I will be able to review some of it this evening and perhaps tomorrow. But this is significant legislation. I know what part of it is. Chairing one of the subcommittees on appropriations, I know what is in that subcommittee. With Senator Campbell and me working closely together, I know what is in that particular part, but the rest of it I am not aware of, and I think most Members would not be aware of the specific provisions. We need to work together in the coming days to make sure the choices we make in terms of priorities are the right choices.
I will have a lot to say on a couple of other issues, but I want to specifically say to Senator Byrd, I think this amendment makes eminent good sense. It is an important amendment, an urgent amendment, and represents one of our first priorities: Making the right investment for homeland security.
There is a part in this omnibus bill that deals with disaster legislation, drought relief, for farmers. I do not know this for sure, but my understanding is the money for that actually comes out of the agricultural spending base, which in my judgment should not happen. Second, it is only about half the size of what is needed.
By a very wide margin, we passed last year a $5.9 billion disaster relief bill for drought relief for a major part of the country's agricultural producers. That is about what we need. In my judgment, we are going to have to amend this provision.
My understanding also is that in order to get part of this money, there is an across-the-board reduction, and I believe there are certain areas where we cannot do across-the-board reductions. Having said all of that, we need to debate those amendment by amendment. This first amendment is an important amendment. As Senator Byrd said, and let me hasten to say as well because I serve on this committee, the leadership of Senator Stevens is exemplary. I am proud to be on this committee, whether under his leadership or Senator Byrd's. Our differences in choices with respect to both the White House and those who support this amendment are not meant to be disrespectful but are an assertive difference, representing what we believe to be an urgent priority.
There is no greater priority than to make sure we have done what we can do to thwart the efforts of terrorists to attack this country, and in a number of areas we are markedly and substantially deficient in homeland security investment. We have known that for some long while. This is the time to correct it. It is not spending, it is an investment, just as it is an investment in this country when we make the kind of appropriations we need to make for defense. We have done that. Now we need to make the same judgment with respect to homeland security.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, first, I thank my esteemed colleague and dear friend, Senator Ted Stevens, for his characteristic courtesy, and for his friendship, and for the cooperation he has shown to me over…
Madam President, first, I thank my esteemed colleague and dear
friend, Senator Ted Stevens, for his characteristic courtesy, and for his friendship, and for the cooperation he has shown to me over many years of working together.
I thank him for joining with me, last year, in reporting out of our committee all appropriations bills before the close of July.
I thank all of the Republican members as well as the Democratic members of my committee who voted unanimously to report those 13 bills out of the Appropriations Committee, without a single vote cast against those bills.
I am sorry that the situation has developed, as it has, when I must oppose the distinguished Senator's amendment. I always do whatever I have to do to meet my own conscience and to deal with requirements that are incumbent upon me as the chairman of the committee or as the ranking member of the committee, whichever is my role at the particular time.
I do not like to be in a position of differing with my friend from Alaska, but there are times when we do have to differ. In this case, I find myself at odds with him, but I want to say here that it is only for the purposes of advancing this bill. It certainly does not cut across our friendship, as far as I am concerned, when I have to differ with Senator Stevens, and differ with him vigorously. He is still my friend.
I understand what he has to do, as he sees his responsibilities. And I have to do what I have to do as I see my responsibilities. Our friendship is unaffected. I want to assure him of that, as far as I am concerned.
Last July, almost 6 months ago, the Senate Appropriations Committee completed action on all 13 of our appropriations bills, each on a bipartisan unanimous vote. These bills restored essential funding for programs that the President proposed to cut.
We provided $1.1 billion more than the President requested for veterans medical care. We restored the $8.6 billion cut proposed by the President in highway funding. The President proposed only a 1 percent increase for education programs. He would have turned the No Child Left Behind bill into another unfunded mandate. Our bill provided a 6 percent increase for education, including key funding to reduce class size.
We included sufficient funding to keep Amtrak operating. We restored over $1 billion of cuts that the President proposed for State and local law enforcement programs.
We fully funded the President's proposed increases for homeland security programs, but we provided the funds through existing programs that our Nation's fire and police organizations support. We provided a significant increase for the Securities and Exchange Commission in order to investigate corporate fraud. We provided $400 million for election reform.
Now this White House believes that these increases represent wasteful and unnecessary spending. Last year this White House worked with the House Republican leadership to slow the appropriations process down. The House has not passed a regular appropriations bill in nearly 6 months.
Let me repeat that. The House of Representatives has not passed a regular appropriations bill in nearly 6 months.
The domestic agencies of the Government are now operating under the sixth--the sixth--continuing resolution, which expires on Friday, January 31.
My friend, Senator Ted Stevens--who is the very able ranking minority member of the Appropriations Committee, who will soon succeed me as chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, and who has already succeeded me as President pro tempore of the Senate--and I worked together to produce those 13 bi-partisan bills last summer. Each of those 13 appropriations bills was reported by the Senate Appropriations Committee with a unanimous vote--not a single vote cast against any one of the 13 appropriations bills.
After the election, however, the President indicated his determination to limit discretionary spending to the arbitrary figure of $751.3 billion. This level will necessitate cuts of $9.8 billion from 11 of the bills approved last July. After providing for modest increases for homeland security programs, the substitute that Senator Stevens is forced to offer provides for a virtual freeze in all other domestic spending.
I oppose the $9.8 billion cut that is contained in the substitute. The needs of the American people for homeland security, for education, for transportation, for veterans, for public health, and for other programs have not gone away. The needs are still there as plain as ever.
I am not being critical of my colleague, Senator Stevens. I am not being critical of the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, Mr. Young of Florida. However, the President has now thrown down the gauntlet and is insisting on a $9.8 billion reduction, resulting in cuts in priority programs designed for what? Designed to defend our homeland, to educate our children, to improve our transportation systems, and strengthen our law enforcement programs.
I am extremely disappointed, not with Senator Stevens or the other members of the Senate Appropriations Committee or my friend, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, Mr. Young, or his ranking member, Mr. Obey, but with this administration, with this White House and its lack of vision and knowledge regarding the needs of the people of this country.
With great fanfare, the President signed numerous authorization bills this year that would increase spending demands for many of these same important programs. Last January he signed the No Child Left Behind Act with great fanfare. The President signed the No Child Left Behind Act which had passed the Senate 87 to 10 and which endorsed additional resources in important education programs for our children. Last May, the President, Mr. Bush, signed a border security bill with great fanfare, which had passed the Senate 97 to nothing, which authorized strengthening glaring and dangerous weaknesses in our border security. Last July, President Bush signed the Sarbanes-Oxley Act which had passed the Senate 89 to nothing, and which addressed shameful corporate fraud that bilks innocent people. In October, Mr. Bush signed the election reform bill with great fanfare which had passed the Senate 92 to 2 to help State governments overhaul the Nation's outdated and corruptible electoral system. In November, President Bush signed legislation which had passed the Senate 95 to nothing to improve security at our ports.
Yet in order to reduce our bills by $9.8 billion, the omnibus legislation that we will consider this week will cut education by $1.5 billion. It will cut homeland security programs by $1 billion, including cuts of $627 million for border security, $23 million from port security and $132 million from first responder funds. It will cut Securities and Exchange Commission funding below the levels in Senator Hollings' bill by $94 million.
This omnibus legislation will reduce Head Start funding by $202 million. It will reduce job training by $534 million. It will reduce low income home energy assistance by $300 million.
The new omnibus bill will cut Amtrak funding by $374 million, a level that will result, I am told, in the termination of Amtrak service.
In addition, the bill includes 1.6 percent across the board cut on all domestic programs. This represents a $435 million cut in the National Institutes of Health. It represents a $182 million cut to Education for the Disadvantaged. It represents a $372 million cut in Veterans Medical Care. On top of these cuts, every homeland security initiative in this package is reduced by 1.6 percent. This is no way to govern. We must move forward on this legislation. As much as I chafe about these mindless cuts, we cannot allow the domestic agencies of our government to continue operating on automatic pilot for the rest of the fiscal year. The people elected us to make choices about how we invest their tax dollars. There will be amendments offered in the coming days to restore some of the cuts contained in the substitute to be offered by Senator Stevens for homeland security, for education, and for other worthy programs. I urge Members to consider these amendments carefully and to ponder the impact of the reductions in this bill.
These should not be up or down party-line votes. When the Congress
passed, with broad bi-partisan votes, and President Bush signed, authorization bills for homeland security, for port security, for border security, for investigating corporate fraud, and for No Child Left Behind, we all recognized that these programs required adequate resources. We did not vote to address these critical problems with rhetoric alone. We have heard plenty of rhetoric. We collectively decided that these were real problems that needed real solutions. To solve these problems requires resources, not empty promises. I urge every Member to reflect on their support of these authorization bills as they decide how to vote on amendments that will be offered in the coming days. Let's make the rhetoric match the resolve.
While I oppose the $9.8 billion in cuts which are being required by the administration as the price to move these bills, I recognize that an even worse alternative is to fail in our duty to enact appropriation bills and allow the United States Government to operate without sufficient funding for the remainder of this fiscal year. I believe my colleague, Senator Stevens, is of a similar frame of mind. He is doing what he sees as his duty. He is a good soldier. He has my profound empathy.
This is the U.S. Senate. We are 100 Senators who have taken an oath of office to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. We serve with Presidents. We don't serve under any President, I have served with 11 Presidents, not under any President. The votes that we will take on this important legislation, especially those relating to the defense of our homeland and the education of our children, are not about politics. They are about doing what is right and what was promised to the people of this country.
I ask unanimous consent that a summary of the $9.8 billion of cuts contained in the substitute compared to the fiscal year 2003 bills reported last July by unanimous vote in the full Appropriations Committee, be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I send to the desk an amendment.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, this Nation faces a turning point as we are challenged once again by the threat of attack on our shores. We know that terrorists live among us. Yet we do not know where they will strike, or when, or how they will strike. With endless warnings in mind, and with a clear realization of our many homeland security gaps, it is time that Congress invest the necessary resources in homeland security to match its rhetoric and to match the rhetoric of this administration. So I have offered an amendment that would accomplish three goals:
First, it would restore the $1 billion in reductions in homeland security initiatives made from the original committee-passed appropriations bills and for which every member of the Appropriations Committee voted--every member, 29 members of the Appropriations Committee, with 15 Democrats and 14 Republicans.
Second, it would restore much of the $2.5 billion in emergency homeland security funds that passed this Congress overwhelmingly in the summer of last year, but which was rejected by this White House.
Finally, this amendment would fund the priorities that Congress has found so necessary and that President Bush has signed into law. This amendment would fund the Airport Security Act that created the Transportation Security Administration and placed rigorous, new safety standards on the Nation's airports. This amendment would fund the border security authorization bill that passed the Senate by a vote of 97 to 0 and that President Bush signed into law last May. This amendment would fund the port security authorization bill that passed the Senate by a vote of 95 to 0 and that President Bush signed into law last November.
These dollars address our Nation's most critical needs. These funds would help to shore up our Nation's defenses and save lives at home.
The Congress has voted to create the Department of Homeland Security, but that Department is months--if not years--away. I read in the Washington Post today about the slowdown in the fulfillment of that dream, but that Department is months--if not years--away from being a strong defense against terrorist attacks. There are many details to be worked out. We cannot wait to address gaps in our Nation's defenses while this new Department is organized. Terrorists will not wait to attack. We cannot afford delay. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
I ask unanimous consent that a summary of the amendment be printed in the Record at this point so that all Senators, members of the press, and the people at large may read on tomorrow the contents of the amendment.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, Senator Byrd has offered an amendment. I would like to address that amendment. Senator Byrd has…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, Senator Byrd has offered an amendment. I would like to address that amendment.
Senator Byrd has been an advocate, for many months now, of doing something to properly fund homeland security. One member of our caucus referred to it as hometown security. The Senator from Nebraska, Mr. Nelson, referred to it as hometown security, and that is really what it is. It is to make sure the cities and towns in our States have the protection that is necessary as a result of the terrible events of September 11.
The bill I am interested in is part of S. 11 from the Energy and Water Subcommittee. For the next half hour or so, I will be the chairman of that committee. That will change sometime this evening.
Senator Domenici and I have had a longtime relationship on this subcommittee. I have been chairman; he has been chairman; we really have worked extremely well together. He has been, from my perspective, extremely good to work with. He is an absolute expert on numbers, having been the chairman of the Budget Committee and having been so long with the Appropriations Committee. It has been a pleasure to work with him.
But Senator Domenici, I am sure, recognized that this bill, our bill, should have more money--more money as it relates to homeland security. During last year's consideration of the supplemental spending bill for homeland security, when we were in the majority, we included hundreds of millions of dollars for nuclear security, funding that had been requested by the administration and by the Department of Energy but was rejected by the Office of Management and Budget. During final negotiations on that supplemental, we agreed to provide funding for these activities on a contingency basis. In essence, we provided the money but gave the President the opportunity to accept it or not. He decided not to accept it. I think that is really wrong. I am disappointed and sorry that is the case. I believe it was unreasonable that the President declined to request emergency funding for nuclear security for which his own Department of Energy was screaming. We didn't invent this. This came from his own Department of Energy.
So this evening Senator Byrd has offered it again and is making another effort to give this administration the funds they need to keep nuclear and other deadly material safe and secure in this country. As always, I am grateful to Senator Byrd for his leadership in this area.
The bill Senator Domenici and I have brought to the floor for many years is a big bill, approximately $24- or $25 billion, and it is all discretionary. It is the only subcommittee in which the money is discretionary, all of it. It has many important components. Tonight we are only going to talk about that part relating to nuclear security.
This amendment provides $25 million to enhance the safety and security of nuclear and other materials at the Department of Energy Office of Science Laboratories, nationwide; another $25 million for the National Nuclear Security Administration, to enhance security during the transport of nuclear weapons and materials nationwide; and $35 million for construction and renovation activities of the National Center for Combating Terrorism, again funding that the Department of Energy asked the White House to provide.
Again, we didn't dream it up, saying this would be great for New Mexico because they have a lot of things goings on there, or Nevada, or Idaho, or Mississippi, where a lot of these activities take place. The Department of Energy came forward with this recommendation. Again, the White House refused the recommendation that its own Department brought forward.
We are also requesting $90 million for increased safeguards and security needs throughout the nuclear weapons complex. Funding is provided for explosive detection equipment, protective force support, hardened perimeter barriers, and consolidation of special nuclear materials and complex-wide security improvements. A minimum of $25 million is provided for cybersecurity activities.
Just reading this off should give every person within the sound of my voice pause. Why have we been asked this by the Department of Energy? We have been asked to do this because we need safeguards throughout the nuclear weapons complex that are not now there.
Funding is provided for explosive detection equipment. We don't have that
equipment. I hate to say it here on the Senate floor, but we don't. We are lacking.
Protective force support. That means we don't have enough people making sure the materials are safe, that the facilities are safe.
Hardened perimeter barriers. It seems to me, if we have been told by the Department of Energy that we should have hardened perimeter barriers, that means that what we have now is inadequate.
Consolidation of special nuclear materials, and complex-wide security improvements.
Also, $56 million is provided for the Defense Environmental Administration Restoration and Waste Management Program at the Department of Energy to enhance safeguards and security at nuclear and weapons cleanup sites at Savannah River in South Carolina, Hanford in Washington, Idaho, and in Tennessee.
Mr. President, you, as a new Senator, did not come and say: Senator Domenici, Senator Reid, will you give us some money for Oak Ridge, in Tennessee? You didn't do that. The Department of Energy recognized there were needs at that very important facility, important for this country, and that is why Senator Byrd has stuck in this amendment before this body, $56 million, part of which would go to Oak Ridge to make sure there is enhancement of safeguards and security at nuclear weapons cleanup sites, at this facility and these facilities.
There is $14 million for the Defense Facilities Closure Projects, the program at DOE, to enhance the safeguard and security of these sites nationwide.
The amendment also provides $25 million for the National Infrastructure Simulation and Analysis Center in New Mexico and $25 million for the National Energy Laboratory to conduct critical infrastructure assessments at critical energy supply facilities nationwide.
The funds provided in the Byrd amendment for nuclear safety are critical for ensuring the safety of the American people in the post-9/ 11 era. I don't expect the White House to take my word for it. They should, however, listen to their own Department of Energy. I did, and the nuclear safety language in the Byrd amendment reflects what we were told, what they said was needed.
We also have some new information that has come out. We have a report that has been done, and we know there are some Nuclear Regulatory Commission employees who worry that safety training requirements for the nuclear facilities are outdated and ``leave the security of the nuclear sites . . . vulnerable to sabotage.''
Should we not go forward with this work? Yes, we should. It is extremely important that we provide this money. If there were ever an emergency need in the history of this country, it would be to take care of the nuclear facilities.
They have inadequate security guards. One security company is working at one facility and another, which has the lowest bid, at another facility. It simply is not the way to do business.
All over America we have 101 nuclear powerplants. There are workers who are questioning the safety of these facilities. A recent survey commissioned by the NRC found that a third of its employees question the agency's commitment to safety, and almost one-half say they are afraid to speak up at the NRC. Employees who are designated to protect these plants from terrorists and others are afraid to speak up for fear they will get fired or their jobs will be changed or they will be transferred.
According to the survey conducted by an outside firm, these people complained that the NRC is influenced by the nuclear industry and that its regulatory powers have atrophied. The poll was based on surveys completed by one-half of the agency's employees. The most dramatic findings came up when pollsters sorted responders by rank. Although almost 90 percent of the agency's executive-level employees answered favorably on the questions regarding the Commissions's commitment to safety, less than two-thirds of those in the midlevel ranks answered that they were afraid.
The study said those differences point to the political influence of the nuclear industry. NRC officials declined comment.
We should be very concerned about workers at the NRC who are afraid to come forward and say: We do not have proper safety standards, and we are afraid to come forward and tell our own bosses what is wrong. Why? Because they are so driven by the nuclear power industry.
It has been nearly a year since the President warned us in his last State of the Union Address how vulnerable our nuclear facilities are. But the NRC has still not taken any clear steps to secure the safety and security of our Nation's nuclear powerplants. That is not acceptable.
We know the inspector general of the NRC paints a very bleak picture of their safety and security. A few days ago, the NRC's inspector general released a survey of the employees. I have talked about that to some extent.
This amendment is a very important amendment if we are concerned--I know everyone is concerned--about the safety and security of our nuclear-generating facilities.
Senator Byrd is to be commended for asking us to support him in making sure that we have adequate resources to protect our nuclear facilities.
I repeat what I said earlier when I talked about some of the things that the Department of Energy has said is so important. If we ignore them, and if the administration ignores them, it is simply not right.
This money enhances the safety and security of nuclear and other materials. It will enhance security during the transport of nuclear weapons and materials. There is money for construction and renovation activities of the National Center for Combating Terrorism; for increased safeguards and security needs throughout the nuclear weapons complex. Funding is provided for explosive detection equipment, protective force support, hardened perimeter barriers, consolidation of special nuclear materials, and complex-wide security improvements.
I see the Senator from Washington is on the floor. There is $56 million, as I have mentioned, for the Defense Environmental Restoration and Waste Management Program to enhance safeguards and security at nuclear and weapons cleanup sites, such as the one at Hanford in Washington. I would place it throughout our complex.
There is money for the Defense Facilities Closure Projects Program to enhance safeguards and security at these sites. This is important. If we pass the Byrd amendment for no other reason--and there are lots of other reasons to talk about--money is provided in my subcommittee of appropriations for making our nuclear weapons facilities throughout the country and our nuclear powerplants throughout our country safe and secure. They are not safe and secure now. That should be of concern for every American.
Mr. President, I rise this evening in strong support of the homeland security amendment that was offered earlier this evening by Senator Byrd. I am pleased that I had the opportunity to work closely…
Mr. President, I rise this evening in strong support of the homeland security amendment that was offered earlier this evening by Senator Byrd. I am pleased that I had the opportunity to work closely with Senator Byrd on the details of the amendment because it impacts the security of our transportation system.
Before I start, I wish to align myself with the very thoughtful and important remarks of the Senator from North Dakota made earlier regarding the northern border. Senator Dorgan has brought some real attention to the northern border issues that are so important to my home State of Washington. This work must continue despite the President's cuts to the border security initiative that the Senate previously approved.
This amendment represents months of work on behalf of Senator Byrd and the Appropriations Committee. Senator Byrd, as chairman of the Appropriations Committee, convened a series of hearings last spring to discuss homeland security needs. We heard from numerous Cabinet Secretaries, including Secretary Powell, Secretary Rumsfeld, and Secretary Mineta. Several respective national security experts gave us very valuable testimony. We also heard from several Governors, including Governor Locke from Washington State. Mayors appeared before the Appropriations Committee as did fire chiefs, health department officials, and water and sewer authorities.
Senator Byrd and the Appropriations Committee worked very hard to identify real needs for homeland security. The Byrd homeland security amendment is in large part the result of those hearings and our continued efforts to work with the true first responders.
Homeland security is an enormous task. We all know this. It is going to be enormously expensive. We all know this. Sadly, the administration has not requested adequate funding for homeland security needs throughout our country. The President refused to spend homeland security money previously approved in a bipartisan fashion by this Congress.
The bill before us today, at the President's insistence, makes further cuts in homeland security funding.
Homeland security is about our entire country. However, I must tell you that this issue is tremendously important to Washington State. Already, thanks to an alert Customs agent, we arrested a terrorist suspect crossing into Washington State with explosive materials.
We are an international State with vulnerabilities in our ports, our rail and highway infrastructure, and our international airports.
We are a trade State with an economy that is closely linked to the world. We have significant military assets, nuclear facilities, and many popular tourist-gathering points. My State is aggressively moving forward to protect Washingtonians. We need a partner in the President and the Federal Government. Unfortunately, the underlying bill does not address all of our homeland security needs. Homeland security should not be an unfunded mandate.
As a nation, we are working hard to close the security gaps that still exist. We know the transportation systems are a frequent target of terrorist attack. In fact, when you look at the worldwide statistics, one-third of terrorist attacks that take place around the world target transportation systems, including aircraft, highways, rail systems, subways, commercial ships, and ferries.
As many have observed, our security is only as strong as our weakest link. This amendment offered by Senator Byrd will help strengthen some of our weakest links in port security, aviation, and mass transit.
Let me start with port security. We have a lot of work to do to protect our Nation's ports. As my colleagues will recall, we passed the Maritime Transportation Security Act 95 to 0. That act puts new requirements on our ports. However, effectively no funds have been provided to our Nation's port authorities to implement those new requirements, which will cost billions of dollars.
The underlying bill that we are looking at this evening, provides very little money to enhance port security. So I am really, pleased that the Byrd amendment would dramatically increase the security funds available to our ports.
I ask Senators to reflect for a moment on what a terrorist incident in our Nation's ports would mean to our Nation's economy.
Just look at what happened this past fall, when West Coast dockworkers were locked out of their jobs. It is estimated that the lockout cost our economy $1 billion a day.
A terrorist attack on our ports--or an attack carried out through our cargo container system--would undermine our Nation's confidence in the hundreds of thousands of containers that crisscross our country every single day.
And beyond the human toll--an attack on, or through, our ports would have a dramatic economic impact and could bring the flow of commerce to a dead stop.
It is not enough just to pass an authorization bill saying that we have better secured our ports. We have to actually provide the resources to make our ports more secure.
The Byrd amendment boosts--by almost half a billion dollars--the amount of grant money available to our public port authorities. I commend the Senator for his vision and leadership on this critical challenge.
Another way to secure our ports is through Operation Safe Commerce, an initiative that I started in last year's emergency supplemental appropriations bill. This TSA initiative was launched with the cooperation of the Customs Service. For the first time, it provides us a mechanism to track containers from their point of origin to their point of destination. As a result, we will have much better information about where the container came from, what is in it, and whether or not it requires either x-ray or further inspection.
With the initial funding that we provided for this initiative--and the $30 million that is included in the underlying bill--we have had to limit these grants to the three major container ports in our country. Those three ports take in roughly three-quarters of all the containers entering the United States. With the additional funding provided under Senator Byrd's amendment, we will be able to greatly expand the number of ports that can participate in this important initiative.
Finally, as I talk about port security, I want to talk about the new demands being placed on our Coast Guard. For a long time I have been very concerned that these new homeland security requirements mean the Coast Guard isn't getting adequate resources--or paying adequate attention--to its traditional missions, such as search and rescue, fisheries enforcement, and marine environmental protection.
In order to get the Coast Guard the kind of assets it needs to conduct port security, Senator Byrd's amendment includes sufficient funds to boost the Coast Guard's inventory of coastal patrol boats. These are the ideal platform for the Coast Guard's homeland security mission. Unfortunately the Coast Guard has not been able to buy enough of them, in part because of other major contract obligations that are outstanding.
We cannot continue to burden the Coast Guard with additional missions without providing them with the resources and the tools they need to do their job. I am pleased the Byrd amendment provides these resources.
Another weak link this amendment will address concerns mass transit. I think we should all recognize that the majority of fatalities resulting from transportation terrorist incidents have been in the area of mass transit, specifically from buses.
The challenge in securing our mass transit systems is daunting. By their very nature, transit systems are designed to be open and accessible and to accommodate many people in a very short period of time. It is a real challenge, but we have to address it.
The amendment that Senator Byrd has offered states that we are not going to shrink away from this vulnerability. It says we will better protect the millions of citizens who commute to their jobs every day. The $300 million included in this amendment will make a serious downpayment and get our Nation's transit systems focused on mechanisms that will simultaneously protect their passengers without clogging our transit systems.
I commend Senator Byrd for recognizing this vulnerability and for addressing it.
Finally, I want to talk about aviation security. I commend the Senator for including an additional $250 million for our Nation's airports.
As my colleagues know, the Aviation Transportation Security Act mandated that we check all passengers' checked baggage for explosives. Just a few weeks ago, the Transportation Security Administration met that deadline. But the truth is, there is a huge amount of construction that needs to be done to transition our Nation's airports from the interim explosive detection solutions to more permanent and efficient systems to check all bags for explosives.
From the very first day that this requirement was put into law, the Transportation Security Administration has consistently refused to request adequate funds to compensate the airports for these costs. They have consistently underestimated the true costs to implement these massive retrofits in order to leave our airports ``holding the bag'' for these costs.
The amendment offered by Senator Byrd provides an extra $200 million--over and above the $250 million included in the underlying bill--to more accurately reflect the real cost of this initiative in fiscal year 2003.
We will be paying the cost to implement the Transportation Security Act for many years to come. Our airports do not have easy access to the kind of resources that will be needed to make
these very necessary investments. The airlines--which the airports depend on for rates and charges--are almost uniformly in serious financial difficulty. Many airports have already extended about as many bonds as they can currently afford to pay off. So this amendment would provide very critical support.
I am proud of the progress this amendment makes in adequately funding port security, mass transit, and aviation security. I commend Chairman Byrd for this amendment, and I urge all my colleagues to support it.
We cannot let the protection of the American people be ignored because an OMB director--a few blocks down the road--has said that discretionary spending will not exceed a certain arbitrary figure.
We have serious security needs in this country, and this amendment will help us meet them.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Show 8 more
Mr. President, I rise today to offer my strong support for a Senate resolution condemning the abuses in United States detention facilities in Iraq. This resolution makes clear that the abusive…
Mr. President, I rise today to offer my strong support for a Senate resolution condemning the abuses in United States detention facilities in Iraq.
This resolution makes clear that the abusive behavior we have seen graphically portrayed in photographs, detailed in the report of MG Antonio Taguba, and described by Secretary Rumsfeld in testimony last week, are unacceptable.
Such conduct is wrong, un-American, and inconsistent with the history and tradition of our military services. It is critical that the Senate voices its absolute rejection of the conduct, and this resolution does just that.
It must be understood that this resolution, however, is narrow and focused. It is confined to expressing our views on the specific conduct at issue. It does not purport to be a comprehensive view
on the implications of this growing scandal, nor a conclusive statement of a congressional investigation into this incident, and its ramifications.
I believe that such an investigation is necessary and should be undertaken as soon as possible. We need to know why the Geneva Convention appears to have been ignored. We need to understand how such a debacle could have happened, and what orders were given by who, and when, which governed the prison at Abu Ghraib. We need to know why the reports of the Red Cross and others were not responded to in a comprehensive and timely manner. And why was this problem concealed for months from the Congress and the American people.
If the conflict in Iraq is seen as a battle for the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people, then it is unfathomable how such a devastating failure in that battle could be allowed to happen. This is not just about personal accountability, or abuse--it is about the conduct of a conflict upon which the future of our security may depend.
It is also important to recognize that planning and implementing a military detention and interrogation operation is a necessary and important part of a competent and professional war plan. There are three reasons why this is so:
First, the information gained from proper interrogation is critical to protect our warfighters--it allows us to deal with the tactical risk on the ground in Iraq. Simply put, military interrogation is part of the overall intelligence-gathering mechanism which is designed to provide timely, accurate information to front line troops and strategic planners. Done correctly, a well-run, properly administered military detention system will yield information that will keep our men and women in uniform alive in the face of an increasingly violent insurgency.
Second, detention and interrogation is inherently risky, and that risk is a moral risk. It is not easy to run prisons, interrogate detainees, and maintain order in a manner consistent with our Nation's moral values. There are certainly some guides to help manage this risk: the Geneva Convention, for instance, provides a well-established set of guidelines that can not only allow American soldiers to adhere to international law, but help them ensure that their conduct is acceptable to Americans and to our moral code.
Third, it should be apparent that the administration of a military prison system inside Iraq is a clear danger point in the context of our strategic goals--prisons pose a necessary, but important, strategic risk. Failure to adhere to the highest standards of conduct will fuel the increasingly hostile view of Americans and American policy in Iraq and the Middle East.
I have reviewed Secretary Rumsfeld's testimony, as well as other information provided in public statements of the administration and private briefings.
I am becoming increasingly concerned that the Secretary, and the Administration, are missing the point of this growing scandal.
Of course there is a need to investigate individual wrongdoing and hold people accountable for their acts according to the Code of Military Justice. But much more needs to be done. I see little evidence that there has been adequate planning for the management and function of military detention facilities in Iraq, and this failure needs to be addressed now.
This is critical for the three reasons I outlined above. In essence, military detention facilities should be looked upon exactly like other elements of war-planning--necessary to fight successfully, but carrying risks to our soldiers and to our mission.
I am concerned that this function has not been adequately planned. It does not surprise me that we see the lack of planning becoming apparent in the revelation of individual misconduct, but I think it is critical that the Department of Defense take on the larger issue, and take it on immediately.
The situation is grim. Each of the three risks I mentioned have come to be.
Some of our soldiers, inadequately supervised and poorly commanded, have succumbed to the moral hazards of running a prison. I do not excuse their actions, and they will be held accountable for their actions. But it is predictable that without adequate command and control such conduct will happen in a prison, and for that Secretary Rumsfeld and senior Army commanders are responsible.
It is clear that the potentially valuable source of tactical intelligence that could have been gained through the competent and professional administration of military detention facilities was wantonly thrown away by allowing those facilities to degenerate into a chaotic and ungoverned free-for-all.
It is my view that there is a place for properly conducted interrogation in the context of a military detention facility.
But it seems to me that what we have seen is not overly aggressive interrogation, but wanton cruelty and abuse, unconnected with any doctrinally acceptable method of prisoner interrogation.
We will never know what potentially valuable tactical intelligence was lost in the chaos of Abu Ghraib prison, but I am confident that whatever intelligence was there was unlikely to have been elicited in that environment.
Again, Secretary Rumsfeld and senior commanders are responsible for this failure, and I call upon them to immediately remedy this situation.
We have troops on the ground, under fire, and we cannot afford to abandon a mechanism for gathering intelligence which could help make our troops safer.
Finally, the failure to run this element of our war effort competently has resulted in a catastrophic setback to our strategic interests.
It should have been self-evident that failure to run U.S. detention facilities in a professional, competent and lawful manner would, when made public, adversely affect our prospects in Iraq and in the region.
Simply put, American soldiers will come under increasing fire because of the failure to run the prisons correctly, and whatever prospects remain for peacefully transferring power to an Iraqi government have been diminished.
In sum, it is important to recognize that planning for detention and interrogation of prisoners is as much a part of war planning as making sure that there is enough gas for tanks, enough ammunition for guns and armor for our soldiers.
I am concerned that the failure to plan for this aspect of the war is consistent with a general pattern at the Pentagon--an unwillingness to plan for the realities of Iraq and the Middle East. We will all pay for that failure.
One key part of the resolution speaks to the roll of the Congress, noting that ``the best interests of the United States and the American people will be served by a full investigation by the appropriate Committees of the United States Senate exercising their oversight responsibilities.'' This is a critical point. This body must immediately begin its task of addressing this issue.
There are a few particular questions upon which I hope we will focus:
Whether, and to what extent, the conditions and procedures in Abu Ghraib and other prisons came about because of particular policy decisions by senior officials. For instance, who made the decision, reported in the media, to use prison guards to ``set the conditions'' for interrogations?
Why was the critical task of administering Abu Gharaib entrusted to soldiers without adequate training or guidance?
Who in the command structure is responsible for maintaining and administering our military program to detain and interrogate prisoners in Iraq and elsewhere?
I hope we can answer these, and other questions, and make the changes necessary to make our nation safer.
Madam President, I am pleased we have this resolution before us. I think all of us share the same thoughts about this whole Iraqi prisoner abuse issue. We are all very disappointed and very troubled…
Madam President, I am pleased we have this resolution before us. I think all of us share the same thoughts about this whole Iraqi prisoner abuse issue. We are all very disappointed and very troubled about the events in the prison. We need to move forward to resolve this issue. We need to do what needs to be done as a followup. We do not need to make it into a political operation for the next week because we have other things to do in Iraq. But we must take care of this issue because we, as Americans, hold ourselves to a higher standard.
These are appalling actions of those responsible for the treatment of the detainees in Iraq. It falls far short of any of those standards. Our credibility has been called into question in the eyes of those we are trying to help, as well as the rest of the world. These incidents of cruelty and mistreatment at the hands of American service men and women are inexcusable, and certainly it is a very small group of our service people. Unfortunately, the foolish actions of a few have cast a pall on thousands of our military. All of us know that is not the case, and all of us who have served in the military know these are not the kinds of activities we are ordered to do.
There have been mistakes, and we need to determine how those happened and see they do not happen again so our folks can continue at the very hard job they have.
These terrible events have dealt a blow to what we are seeking to do. I want to say again our task is to win in Iraq, and this is a deterrent from that, but we can overcome it and move on with the task.
This also makes it more important that we win at home. With the media and the emphasis that has been put on this issue, it detracts from our job. We cannot let that happen. If we are really as strong in our feeling about our service people overseas, we ought to make sure we support what they are doing and continue to give them that support.
We as a nation must deliberately correct the situation and ensure it does not happen again. All of us want to do that.
Democracies hold themselves accountable. That is our task. We can do
it, and we will do it. We acknowledge we have done wrong, and we will move to correct it. That is what this resolution is about. That is what the hearings are about. That is what holding people in authority responsible is about. We need to move on that initiative. We need to get the facts. We need to make the whole effort more transparent in the future, of course, as all Government activities should be transparent.
The process needs to move swiftly and decisively. We need to do this job and get on with the rest of the job.
For those who committed the acts and those who enabled them, we need to do all we can in determining if there is involvement in the chain of command.
I do not think anyone denies that is what we need to do. These things that have happened are certainly fundamentally contradictory to American values. The eyes of the world are focused now on how we will react, and we have reacted. The President has reacted. The Secretary has reacted. The Congress will react. We need to ensure that it continues, but I do warn that we ought not divert all of our attention to this issue, taking it away from the overall issue that still exists. We need to be there. The stakes are simply too high to play politics with this issue, and unfortunately that might well happen.
So we need to proceed. We need to make everyone understand that these are not the kinds of things that the United States will live with and let happen. We will do something about it. We need to bring those to justice who were involved. We will go forward and we will win in Iraq. First, we must win in the United States.
Energy Policy
Earlier, I listened to the assistant minority leader talk about energy and say that the things we are doing now have nothing to do with an energy bill. I think that is absolutely wrong. What we are talking about is an energy policy that will last somewhat over time but is designed to change some of the things that we are doing in energy and energy use that are causing us part of the problems today. Will they reflect some change in the next day or two? Of course not. But we need to be working forward at doing something about the long-term impact of energy.
I will briefly talk about a few of the things that need to be done because it is just impossible to say they do not have an impact. Keep in mind that we have had an energy bill now last year and this year, and we tried to bring it up on the Senate floor. It passed here, went to conference, came back, and would not be accepted again. We have been obstructed and cannot move forward in doing something with the broad energy bill that has to do with energy efficiency. Again, it is going to take some time to do that, but it is very clear that consumption has gone up faster than has production. If we continue to do so, this will be the case. Even more importantly, our consumption will grow and our production--if we keep it as it is--will soon be overcome and will not grow. So we have to talk about issues like renewable energy. We have to talk about alternative energy. Those things are in the bill. That is what we are talking about doing, seeing if we can do some things differently than we have in the past.
We also have some incentives to continue like in marginal wells. Marginal wells, even with the price as high as it is, if there is not some incentive for a well that only delivers two, three, or four barrels a day, we do not produce them, but in total they still have a large impact on what we are doing.
We need to make some changes in the way we use energy. We are using oil, for example, to heat homes. We are using oil to do a lot of things other than make gasoline. We have other energy sources that could be used for that purpose. The same is true with natural gas. We are using natural gas for many things. For instance, the electric-generating plants that have been built in the last 10 or 15 years have all been natural gas plants. Natural gas is so much more flexible for other uses: we ought to be using coal; we ought to be using nuclear for the generation of electricity so we can use natural gas for other purposes.
So to say this bill has nothing to do with our problems with energy is absolutely without merit. It does have a great deal to do with it.
We talked about some things that would have a pretty immediate impact, such as doing something on the Indian reservations to promote production. They would like to do that, but we have not really been able to make it happen. We are talking about doing something with hydrogen, fairly short term, to make hydrogen part of automobile fuel, and use coal and make hydrogen for automobiles.
We can talk about the price of gas next week. I would love to be able to do something about that, and hopefully maybe we can, but the real thoughtful question is, where are we going to be in 5, 10, or 15 years from now to meet the needs which will constantly be growing? We need to have a plan. We need to have a policy. This Congress has absolutely refused to move forward with the policy, along with many other things, and has strictly been obstructed from moving forward. So every week we are going through the same things because we cannot get them passed. Something needs to be done.
I think we have some very important issues before us. First of all, we have this resolution. I favor the resolution, which says very clearly how we feel about what happened in the prisons in Iraq. It says very clearly what we ought to be doing about those responsible for those acts. It says very clearly that we ought to make sure that does not happen in the future and that we can go back to doing what we are supposed to be doing. I hope we do not make such an issue in terms of accomplishing things that we detract from the real purpose of our being in Iraq, and that is to win freedom for the Iraqi people, do something about terrorism, and be able to bring our men and women back to the United States after the victory.
I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
I ask unanimous consent that the time in the quorum call be equally divided between the two sides.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I understand we are now on the Byrd amendment to the appropriations measure before us; is that…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I understand we are now on the Byrd amendment to the appropriations measure before us; is that correct?
I thank the Presiding Officer.
First, I thank Senator Byrd for offering this important amendment which provides much-needed funding for our homeland security.
Secondly, I thank Senator Byrd for including funding in his amendment to help States implement the President's plan for inoculating our first responders against the smallpox virus. A month ago, on December 13, President Bush announced his policy for vaccinating U.S. citizens against smallpox. He had a tough decision to make, and I support that decision.
That same day, the Government began inoculating 500,000 armed services personnel and other Government officials working overseas, people who are most likely to encounter the smallpox virus.
The second phase involves inoculating on a voluntary basis first responders and health care workers across the United States against smallpox. It is estimated that up to about 10 million Americans may fall into this category. Senator Specter and I have worked with the administration and Senators Byrd and Stevens since the events of September 11 to provide sufficient funds to produce the smallpox vaccine necessary to inoculate every American against smallpox if that becomes necessary. That money has been appropriated, and I understand the production of vaccine is well underway and that sufficient vaccine will be available by the end of the year. That was a good first step.
It is one thing to produce the vaccine, but the administration of the vaccine also costs money. That financial burden will fall on our State and local public health departments. Local public health departments will absorb the costs of the needles and personnel to administer the vaccine. But then again, personnel and equipment and needles only represent a part of the cost to local health departments. That is because the smallpox vaccination is a far more resource-intensive activity than any other type of vaccination activity.
For example, costs include specialized training for the vaccinators. You cannot just have someone off the street doing the vaccinating; they have to be specially trained. And since we have not administered the smallpox vaccine for a number of years, people would have to be trained. There would also have to be prevaccination screening for individuals to make sure you don't have something else that might interfere with the vaccination. It will also include postvaccination monitoring because it is estimated that 1,000 out of every 1 million vaccinated will experience a serious adverse effect. Then you add to those costs the cost of extra security for the vaccine.
I have received estimates from those involved in public health that the cost of administering the vaccine to State and local health departments under the President's plan may be $85 a person, or $850 million to inoculate 10 million first responders and health care personnel.
The amendment before us--the Byrd amendment--includes that $850 million appropriated to HHS for distribution to the States for this first 10 million first responders' vaccination.
When I first saw this figure of $85 a person, I thought that was pretty expensive. I remember when I was a kid and got my smallpox vaccination in school. They lined you up, and the public health nurse gave you your vaccination. I cannot believe it costs, in equivalent dollars, $85 to get that vaccination. So I think we here on the Appropriations Committee and on the Oversight Committee and those at Health and Human Services under Secretary Thompson really need to look at this and to make sure these estimates are valid estimates.
Again, I know that, as I said, there are other things we have to do, such as prescreening and training of inoculators; there has to be postvaccination monitoring and safety. There are other considerations that perhaps we didn't have maybe 50 years ago when I got my smallpox vaccination.
I do think we are going to have to be careful stewards of the public's money to make sure we are getting our money's worth and to make sure every dime is accounted.
Some may say we have already provided significant new funding to State and local health departments since the events of September 11, and that is true. Senator Specter and I and the Appropriations Committees have worked hard to provide those funds, and those funds were sorely needed because we had let our public health departments stagnate over the years.
The money we provided over the last couple of years was just to begin to repair the benign neglect of our public health system, to upgrade public health monitoring, to increase the lab capacity in our State labs to identify possible bioterrorism agents, to improve communications between CDC, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, health departments, and other health providers. That was just a few of the needed improvements that, again, had been consigned to benign neglect over the years.
I guess what I am saying is, we should not put a stop to those improvements by forcing our local public health departments to use those funds to administer the smallpox vaccine. We are making strides in this country to bring our public health resources back up to where they should be. We should not be robbing those resources to administer the smallpox vaccine.
Local health departments are concerned that the financial burden of administering the smallpox vaccine will force them to make cuts in other areas. For example, Dr. Floyd Novak, president of the New York State Association of County Health Officials and the commissioner of health of the county that includes Syracuse, said, according to an article in the New York Times:
We have to transfer staff from other functions to do this.
It just cannot be absorbed as business as usual. We need more
resources.
Dr. Novak said his department would conduct 221 fewer screening tests for breast and cervical cancer and 835 fewer pediatric dental examinations, among other lost services, in the 2 months when vaccinations are to be performed. That is why the amendment we have before us is so crucial.
The Byrd amendment we are considering includes funds not only for smallpox vaccinations but also for other important homeland security needs, and it means that Dr. Novak in New York and other county health officials throughout the United States will not have to stop the important functions of breast and cervical cancer screening, pediatric dental examinations, and other functions we sorely need, in order to conduct the smallpox vaccinations.
I urge my colleagues to support this much-needed amendment. Of the $5 billion amendment that Senator Byrd has proposed, $850 million will go to make sure we have the needed resources to inoculate the 10 million estimated first responders--police, fire, emergency personnel, guardsmen, and others who will be our first responders in this country. These resources would, indeed, ensure we can do that without
robbing or stopping the other needed services of our public health departments.
Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, the 2004 Summer Olympic Games in Athens, which took place between August 13-29, have added a vivid and memorable chapter to the Olympic tradition, which first took shape in Greece…
Mr. President, the 2004 Summer Olympic Games in Athens, which took place between August 13-29, have added a vivid and memorable chapter to the Olympic tradition, which first took shape in Greece nearly three millennia ago, and which in its modern form dates back to 1896. The Athens 2004 Organizing Committee, the U.S. Olympic Committee, the International Olympic Committee and dozens of other organizations, the U.S. Olympic Team and thousands of athletes from all over the world, the unwavering determination to meet unprecedented challenges and the good will and hard work of the people of Greece all contributed to assuring the success of the Games. In tribute to their magnificent achievement, today I am joined by a number of my colleagues in introducing a resolution to express our gratitude and congratulations.
Greece took on a daunting challenge when, in 1997, the nation was designated by the International Olympic Committee to serve as host to the 2004 Summer Games. With the exception of Finland, where the 1952 Games took place, in terms of population Greece is the smallest Olympic host ever. To prepare for the return of the Games to Athens, where the first modern Olympics were held in 1896, the whole nation came together in a great common effort. The President and Managing Director of the Athens 2004 Organizing Committee for the Olympic and Paralympic Games and their associates worked closely with the Mayor of Athens, the Ministries of Public Works and Culture and other government agencies to assure a setting and facilities uniquely appropriate to the great events. The people of Greece, in Athens and also in communities around the Nation, gave their full support to the preparatory efforts and opened their hearts to the athletes.
The events of September 11, 2001 raised the challenge of preparing for the Olympic Games to unprecedented heights, for they fundamentally changed the security and logistical context for all major international events--and indeed, as we know from our recent political conventions, for all large gatherings. As the Athens Games were the first summer Games to occur after 9/11, Greece had neither precedents nor guidelines upon which to rely in planning for the security of some 10,500 Olympic athletes, 5,500 team officials and literally millions of visitors. The challenges were all the more formidable because many of the events, including soccer and shot put, were held in places as distant from Athens as Thessaloniki and ancient Olympia.
Greece undertook to do everything ``humanly possible'' to ensure the safety and success of the Games. The Athens 2004 Organizing Committee carried out a careful study and analysis of the security arrangements for the somewhat smaller Winter Games that had taken place in 2002, in Salt Lake City.
A specially trained security force of 45,000 men and women was deployed, which included military and air force personnel, coast guards, fire fighters, law enforcement officials and private security contractors. The government of Greece worked in close collaboration with the United States, Britain, Israel, France, Germany, Australia, and Spain, along with NATO, guided by two principles: every single nation had an interest in having its athletes compete safely, and all nations working toward a common objective--the ultimate success of the Games--would provide the most effective deterrent to a terrorist act. As a result, while security measures were comprehensive and complex they were expertly and unobtrusively carried out, in no way detracting from the spirit of the Games. Athletes and visitors alike moved about unimpeded, and competition went forward in the finest Olympic tradition.
Major investments in infrastructure also contributed significantly to the smooth functioning of the Games. Athens today is a city transformed. Since 1997, when the International Olympic Committee designated Greece as the host country for the 2004 Games, transportation and telecommunications systems have been expanded and modernized. The investments Greece has made in connection with the Olympics have created unprecedented opportunities for the future. The Olympic stadium complex, which includes the aquatic and tennis center, as well as the indoor arena and main stadium, will serve as major training facilities for many years to come. The soccer facilities will be highly sought after for international soccer events. Overall, infrastructure improvements have laid a sound foundation for economic growth and prosperity nationwide. Having met a daunting challenge, Greece is now poised to take on new responsibilities in an expanded European Union, and in the broad international community. Where the cherished tradition of the Summer Olympics is concerned, Greece has shown what can be accomplished. The experience in Athens will surely prove invaluable to China, which fours years from now will play host to the Games in Beijing.
As a Marylander, I am especially proud of the signal accomplishments of Maryland athletes, and I am sure my colleagues take similar pride in the athletes from their respective states. The performance of the U.S. Olympic Team members in one stirring event after another will long be remembered, as anyone fortunate enough to have witnessed the competition firsthand will attest.
Above and beyond the excitement and the triumphs of the different events, however, the Athens Olympics gave us something more. The 2004 Games showed that even in uncertain and turbulent times, it is possible with determination and planning and foresight to bring together men and women of good will from every corner of the globe in a great common endeavor. This is for all of us a both a reminder and an inspiration.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that several articles be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I just returned from my home State of Florida, and I cannot state the number of people who came…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I just returned from my home State of Florida, and I cannot state the number of people who came up to me over the course of the weekend to ask me about the situation in the prison in Baghdad and the question of what should be done with Secretary Rumsfeld.
My reaction is, we have an ongoing investigation. I would like to see some more results of that investigation, in addition to what we have already been shocked with in the graphic photographs--although I understand we have ``not seen nothing yet,'' that we are going to get more graphic photographs, including some videos that are fairly descriptive of behavior that is clearly not behavior approved in the normal course of the standards of Americans.
Of course, offensive conduct by Americans is made all the more difficult as we are in unsettled parts of the world in a place of Arab culture and the Muslim religion.
Often, my response has been specifically about Secretary Rumsfeld; that this issue is much greater than any one Secretary of Defense. The issue comes down to how America has planned for the postwar occupation. We did not do a very good job of planning for the postwar occupation.
This Senator happens to be a Democrat from Florida, but that does not have anything to do with this. What I am about to say is very bipartisan, or nonpartisan. One of the committees on
which I have the privilege of serving is the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The chairman is a Republican and his name is Dick Lugar of Indiana. He has been saying very similar things to what I am about to say, as has his ranking Republican member, Senator Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, and certainly the ranking Democrat and former chairman, Senator Joe Biden of Delaware. It is this: We had a brilliant military campaign in Afghanistan and again in Iraq, led, by the way, by a Floridian, GEN Tommy Franks.
To give credit where credit is due, I include Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld. He ought to be given credit. It was a brilliant military campaign, blending the use of military forces--specifically, special operations forces in Afghanistan--with other agencies, such as the CIA. The CIA was first in Afghanistan. The first American killed in Afghanistan was Mike Spann, a CIA agent detailed out of Uzbekistan.
So, too, in the runup to the military campaign in Iraq, a brilliant military planning in the war effort. We took Iraq in much fewer days than General Franks had ever planned. Of course, that is what he is supposed to do as a combatant commander, plan for the worst and be very conservative in the planning. The military campaign was spectacular.
The problem was, before the war in Iraq, in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, over and over we asked the administration--who is ``we''? It is all of those Senators I just talked about, the bipartisan leadership of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--asking over and over, peppering the administration with questions: What are your plans? Well, we do not have them. Well, bring them to us. And they would come back with some cursory plan.
Of course, we are now seeing the results.
The prison problems are a manifestation of just one element of the lack of a plan, of what it is to be an occupier in a Muslim country and then not planning for the sensitivities of being an occupier in a Muslim country.
What do we do now? The criminal investigation will go forward. The rest of the reporting is going to go forward, and we will find out what to do with regard to the prisons. But what we ought to be doing, and I think we are hearing this chorus from a number of Members in a bipartisan way, coming out of the several committees--not the least of which is the Foreign Relations Committee--the President ought to convene the major countries of the world, along with the Arab neighbors of Iraq in the region, and they should forge consensus. When somebody says that consensus cannot be reached, all you have to do is explain to those countries it is in their naked self-interest to try to get a stabilized Iraq.
France, for example, has a Muslim population somewhere between 8 and 12 percent. Convene those nations and then invite in a NATO force led by the United States. Go to the United Nations, get a senior international diplomat to come in and start working after June 30 to build Iraq with the institutions so it can go to elections.
We will be there a long time. Anyone who doubts that, we are in the ninth year in Bosnia. It will take a lot of troops. Eventually, we will see our troops will have to be more than what we are planning for now with the 130,000 that we have there.
With those few short comments prior to the voting on this resolution, I thank the Senate for the privilege of addressing the Senate.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this Senate resolution expressing our clear condemnation of the despicable abuses of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison. Nearly a week ago, I called on…
Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this Senate resolution expressing our clear condemnation of the despicable abuses of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison.
Nearly a week ago, I called on the Senate to clearly and forthrightly condemn the despicable acts perpetrated at Abu Ghraib prison.
The pictures and description of the treatment inflicted on Iraqi detainees was too brutal, too inconsistent with what this country stands for, and far too consequential for our troops for this body to stay silent.
Given the severe consequences on our troops and our efforts in Iraq, it is important that the Senate say to the world that:
No. 1, the Senate commends the American forces serving honorably in Iraq;
No. 2, the Senate condemns the mistreatment of Iraqi detainees and apologizes to the victims of this abuse;
No. 3, the Senate is prepared to exercise its oversight responsibility and fully investigate these incidents; and
No. 4, the United States government--both the executive branch and the legislative branch--will hold accountable all of those responsible for these despicable acts.
This resolution does each of these and makes clear that the Senate will fulfill its responsibility in the face of these troubling revelations.
That's what the resolution does. Let me say a few words, Mr. President, about what it does not do.
The resolution does not spell the end of our work, In fact, the Senate is just getting down to the business of investigating what happened and how widespread these practices are.
The Armed Services Committee has another hearing tomorrow. We look forward to hearing the testimony of General Taguba, someone who had the courage to fully document these abuses not just in Iraq but Afghanistan as well and bring them to the attention of his civilian and military superiors.
The hearing also comes as news agencies publish reports of even wider spread abuse practices in Iraq, all of which apparently began in Guantanamo when senior administration officials adopted a policy to permit interrogation tactics that this country has never before allowed. So we are at the beginning of this effort, not the end.
Nor does this resolution limit in any way whom or what Congress should and must investigate. As horrendous as they are, we are now told that these pictures may only be the tip of the iceberg. And we learned today that the International Committee of the Red Cross was expressing concerns directly to the administration as early as March 2003--over a year ago.
Lastly, this resolution does not absolve anyone. We will have done a great disservice in this investigation if only a handful of enlisted men and women are held accountable and the actions and decisions of those higher up in the military and civilian chain of command are ignored. Anyone who ordered these actions, tolerated these abuses, or contributed to an atmosphere that led to this mistreatment must be held accountable.
I join with several of my colleagues--Republican and Democrat--who have made clear that we need to ensure that the entire chain of command is held accountable for these despicable acts, and we will have failed the American people if we do otherwise.
Like most Americans, we learned about these horrific acts on national television. And like the overwhelming majority of Americans, we were shocked at the brutality the pictures depicted.
The simple truth is that America stands for democracy and the unalienable rights of individuals, and the vast majority of Americans serving in Iraq embody those principles--and do so under unimaginably difficult and dangerous circumstances.
In order to uphold the service and sacrifices of these fine men and women and to demonstrate to the world--yet again--what America truly stands for, we must send this clear message.
The stakes here could not be higher. We are at a dangerous and difficult crossroads in Iraq. If these pictures go unanswered, the consequences could not be more grave for our troops and their security, for our goal of a free and unified Iraq, and for our hope for a stable Middle East.
I thank the Chair. (The remarks of Mr. Hatch pertaining to the introduction of S. 2398 are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills and Joint Resolutions.'') Mr. President, I…
I thank the Chair.
(The remarks of Mr. Hatch pertaining to the introduction of S. 2398 are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills and Joint Resolutions.'')
Mr. President, I rise today to echo the horror that all of our citizens felt when we first viewed the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib prison. It is a stain upon the honor of our nation and the actions of these few individuals have undermined many of the substantial gains and sacrifices that our service men and women have achieved since the events of September 11th.
At the same time, it is important to remember that these are the disgraceful actions of a few and by no means do they represent the hard work and honorable service of the 138,000 soldiers, sailors, airman, marines, and coast guardsman that are serving our country in Iraq and surrounding countries.
During this trying time, I am also reminded that one of our troops' primary responsibilities is to do what is necessary to minimize civilian casualties. As some of my colleagues have mentioned on numerous occasions, one of their most vivid memories of the war was when a young American service member ran out onto an exposed bridge in order to save a young Iraqi woman. This is just one of many examples of the high personal, professional and moral conduct that is displayed every day by our Nation's service members.
The question then arises, how do we remove this stain on our honor? Our commander-in-chief, the President, as always, is leading the way by expressing his outrage over these actions and has apologized to the world.
The Department of Defense has followed the President's example.
In his very forthcoming and candid comments before the Senate Armed Services Committee, the Secretary of Defense apologized and took full responsibility for these mistakes.
The statements by President Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld were the hallmarks of leadership and show the world what is best about the United States. It is the sign of a great nation to acknowledge openly when laws have been broken, bring those violators to justice, and apply the law equally to all. We are working with the Iraqi people to use these same legal principles as the cornerstone of their developing legal system. Therefore, it is my hope that the results of the trials to come will form the real enduring image in minds of the Iraqi people.
I strongly support the resolution that is before the Senate. It adds our apology to those offered by the President and the Secretary of Defense; it rightly commends the vast majority of service members who are serving nobly abroad to support liberty; and it reiterates our commitment to bring to justice those who broke the law.
It is a beginning to set things right.
However, I am dismayed to learn that some have taken this opportunity to make a political point. They have called on the Secretary to resign. It is troubling that some would take advantage of these horrific acts in order to achieve a political gain during an election year.
This is a Secretary of Defense who has continued to show that he is a man of honor by taking direct responsibility for the actions of a few rogue individuals.
Secretary Rumsfeld has proven conclusively time and again that he is a positive agent for change at the Department of Defense. I know of no other individual who will engage in a more aggressive investigation of the events that have occurred and will institute whatever changes are necessary to prevent these violations from ever happening again.
We have much to do to repair our credibility.
The President's apology, followed by the acceptance of responsibility by Secretary Rumsfeld and the actions of the Senate today, begin this process.
However, this process will also require a rigorous investigation. There is one man who I know who is up for that challenge and it is Secretary Rumsfeld. This great Nation must stand behind him.
(At the request of Mr. Daschle, the following statement was ordered to be printed in the Record.)
Mr. President, I have sought recognition to submit a resolution reauthorizing the John Heinz Senate Fellowship Program. This Congressional fellowship program, created in 1992, is a fitting tribute to…
Mr. President, I have sought recognition to submit a resolution reauthorizing the John Heinz Senate Fellowship Program. This Congressional fellowship program, created in 1992, is a fitting tribute to my late colleague and dear friend, United States Senator John Heinz. Senator Heinz dedicated his life and much of his Congressional career to improving the lives of senior citizens. He believed that Congress has a special responsibility to serve as a guardian for those who cannot protect themselves. This fellowship program, which focuses on aging issues, honors the life and continues the legacy of Senator Heinz.
During his 20 years in the Congress, John Heinz compiled an enviable record of accomplishments. While he was successful in many areas, he built a national reputation for his strong commitment to improving the quality of life of our Nation' s elderly. Pennsylvania, with nearly 2 million citizens aged 65 or older--over 15 percent of the population-- houses the second largest elderly population nationwide. As John traveled throughout the State, he listened to the concerns of this important constituency and came back to Washington to address their needs through policy and legislation.
Senator Heinz led the fight against age discrimination by championing legislation to eliminate the requirement that older Americans must retire at age 65, and by ensuring full retirement pay for older workers employed by factories forced to close. During his Chairmanship of the Senate Special Committee on Aging from 1981-1986 and his tenure as Ranking Minority Member from 1987-1991, Senator Heinz used his position to improve health care accessibility and affordability for senior citizens and to reduce fraud and abuse within Federal health care programs. Congress enacted his legislation to provide Medicare recipients a lower cost alternative to fee-for-service medicine, as well as his legislation to add a hospice benefit to the Medicare program.
John also recognized the great need for nursing home reforms. He was successful in passing legislation mandating that safety measures be implemented in nursing homes and ensuring that nursing home residents cannot be bound and tied to their beds or wheelchairs.
The John Heinz Senate Fellowship Program will help continue the efforts of Senator Heinz to give our Nation's elderly the quality of life they deserve. The program encourages the identification and training of new leadership in aging policy by awarding fellowships to qualified candidates to serve in a Senate office or with a Senate Committee. The goal of this program is to advance the development of public policy in issues affecting senior citizens. Administered by the Heinz Family Foundation in conjunction with the Secretary of the Senate, the program allows fellows to bring their firsthand experience in aging issues to the work of Congress. Heinz fellows who are advocates for aging issues spend a year to help us learn about the effects of Federal policies on our elderly citizens, those who are social workers help us find better ways to protect our nation's elderly from abuse and neglect, and those who are health care providers help us to build a strong health care system that addresses the unique needs of our seniors.
The Heinz fellowship enables us to train new leaders in senior citizen advocacy and aging policy. The fellows return to their respective careers with a new understanding about how to work effectively with government, so they may better fulfill their goals as senior citizen advocates.
The John Heinz Senate Fellowship Program has been a valuable tool for Congress and our communities since its establishment in 1992. The continuation of this vital program will signal a sustained commitment to our nation's elderly. I urge my colleagues to join me in cosponsoring this resolution, and urge its swift adoption.
Show 11 more
Mr. President, I want to join my colleagues and so many others around the country and around the world to condemn the treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. What happened there is…
Mr. President, I want to join my colleagues and so many others around the country and around the world to condemn the treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. What happened there is deplorable. It is despicable, and it is dishonorable. It does not reflect the values of the United States of America or the code of conduct for the United States military that so many of our brave men and women live by every day.
This has been a terrible blow for the vast majority of our troops who go by the book, serve America with honor, and put their lives on the line every day to promote and protect the democratic principles that we hold dear. It is also a terrible blow for America's standing around the world. Today, our troops are less secure. Instead of winning hearts and minds on the road to a free and democratic Iraq, our troops must now overcome tremendous anger and mistrust.
That is why we must take immediate steps to: investigate these abuses, hold accountable those responsible, commend those who did the right thing, and correct the problems quickly and thoroughly.
First, there must be thorough and rigorous investigations. Congress and independent investigators in the military and the intelligence community must get the facts: what are the abuses, how widespread are they, how did they come to happen, and what did the military and civilian leadership do, or not do, to correct them. On charges of such a grave nature--that are so detrimental to America's standing in the world--there cannot be enough transparency and public scrutiny.
The result of these investigations must be accountability at all levels of the military and civilian chain of command--up to the highest levels. Why do the Privates and Specialists face prosecution, but the Generals get letters of reprimand? Those who participated or were complicit in abuses--or created a climate that allowed them to occur-- must be held accountable, no matter their rank or title.
The world has witnessed shameful acts committed by people who represent the United States in Iraq. Now America must show the world how United States of America exercises the true principles of democracy--upholding the rule of law by administering justice in a swift, transparent and fair manner.
We should also commend those who did the right thing, like Specialist Darby, who reported the abuses, General Sanchez, who launched an investigation, and General Taguba, who issued a no-holds-barred report.
The problems that led to this must be corrected quickly and thoroughly. Our soldiers in Iraq must get the training and supervision they need to do their jobs with honor and in accordance with international law. And if heads need to roll to correct the problem, so be it. The world must know that America holds to the highest standards of military conduct and human rights protections. Anything less is unacceptable.
The resolution we will vote on this evening commends our soldiers, condemns the abuses and calls for swift justice and accountability. Yet it should go further and demand accountability at all levels.
Mr. President, I hope the Senate will speak with one voice by unanimously supporting this resolution.
Mr. President, although I must be necessarily absent for the vote this afternoon, I want to express my support for this important resolution and briefly speak on the issue that has shocked all of us…
Mr. President, although I must be necessarily absent for the vote this afternoon, I want to express my support for this important resolution and briefly speak on the issue that has shocked all of us during the past two weeks--the horrific abuse sustained by the prisoners and detainees in Iraq.
All of us condemn what has happened in Iraq's prisons. The acts the world has now seen are deplorable; they are inhumane; they are appalling. Every day brings new evidence of horrors. These actions are completely inconsistent with our values, and completely counterproductive to our efforts to help the Iraqi people achieve security, stability, and freedom.
These images cast a dark shadow on all our efforts in Iraq, and they make the work of our brave military men and women in Iraq only harder. These shameful acts of a few have put many in harm's way. As we condemn these acts and punish those responsible all the way up the chain of command, we must continue to support our soldiers in Iraq and around the world. We cannot let the images and stories from the last week--and the images and stories that will certainly emerge in the coming weeks-- distort the fact that the vast majority of men and women serving their country today in Iraq and elsewhere are doing so with great dignity, skill and patriotism.
This is not just a major setback for our efforts in Iraq. Just think about the damage that these acts have done to America and our authority to promote peaceful, democratic change around the world. At the same time when we are trying to reach out to Arab countries--and to help their societies develop more opportunities so their people can live in greater freedom--these photographs and the behavior they depict do tremendous harm to America's ability to lead.
That is why we must stand together today to condemn these actions in the strongest terms. But our words will not be enough. We must follow up our words with deeds. There must be a full investigation into how these acts were allowed to happen, and an exhaustive effort to see that measures are put in place so that they never happen again. Many questions must be answered, and we must have the administration's full cooperation. The American people--and the Iraqi people--deserve answers. We must hold accountable those responsible all the way up the military chain of command, and they must be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
I also believe that these acts reveal such a fundamental failure of leadership that we need to have accountability here in Washington. We cannot just blame this on the individual soldiers involved. We must show the world that no one can shirk responsibility no matter how high that responsibility goes, or what office one might hold.
So if we want to signal to the rest of the world that we in fact emphatically reject what happened; if we want to send the message that what happened in that prison was inconsistent with American values; if we want to say to the rest of the world that we as a nation want to change course here, then we need to hold our leadership at the highest levels accountable.
Mr. President, I am unavoidably absent from the Senate this afternoon, but would like to express my strong support for S. Res. 356. The photos and reports of abuse at Abu Ghraib prison that have…
Mr. President, I am unavoidably absent from the Senate this afternoon, but would like to express my strong support for S. Res. 356.
The photos and reports of abuse at Abu Ghraib prison that have emerged over the past week defy description. I condemn, as must all Americans, these horrific acts. It saddens and shames our country to see Americans perpetrate these abuses on other human beings. Their actions do not reflect the principles for which this country stands.
We have fought to liberate Iraq, and to free the Iraqi people from the murderous rule of Saddam Hussein. We have achieved great things in Iraq, but
we have much work to do. The sickening images of abuse that have emerged in the media threaten to undermine much of the good we have done. These incidents have marred the reputation of our country abroad, and have made the tasks of the brave Americans fighting and working in Iraq harder. But I am confident that the vast majority of men and women working to bring freedom to Iraq will conduct their noble mission with integrity and distinction.
Toward that end, we need to have all the facts about the abuses at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere, and we need them immediately. We cannot wait months for a new commission to issue a report, nor for new photos and details to dribble out over weeks. The American people need to know, at once, the abuses committed, punish those guilty of these crimes, and ensure that they never again occur. We must also ensure that similar abuses are not occurring elsewhere in detention centers outside Iraq. Our venture in Iraq is moral, and must be conducted with moral means. We must ensure that we are treating all prisoners and detainees humanely and in accordance with U.S. and international laws and regulations.
Mr. President, as Americans we are defined not just by the way in which we deal with our friends but by how we treat our enemies. I know that in many countries around the world, abuse of prisoners is commonplace and brutal interrogation is the norm, rather than the exception. But American, a Nation that was founded on the idea of liberty and justice for all, must hold itself to a higher standard. We liberate, not torture, and we free, not oppress.
Burned into our minds are terrible images: a hooded man standing on a box, a prisoner on a leash. These photos represent humanity at its worst, and represent everything that America is not. We must show the country and the world another image--that of Americans working with Iraqis to topple the statute of Saddam Hussein, to free the Iraqi people--truly represents who we are.
Mr. President, I strongly support the resolution which the Senate is considering today. The world has witnessed images that do not represent America's cause for freedom, democracy and human rights.…
Mr. President, I strongly support the resolution which the Senate is considering today.
The world has witnessed images that do not represent America's cause for freedom, democracy and human rights. While our American soldiers toil and sacrifice to bring justice and opportunity to Iraq, there is a small group of soldiers who have undermined the work of this noble mission through their despicable behavior.
The acts that took place at Abu Ghraib prison were simply inexcusable. The violation of any Iraqi prisoner's human rights, dignity or life by any member of the American military--for whatever reason--defies not only international law, but basic human decency. These acts risk undermining the mission, and put at risk other American men and women working for freedom in Iraq.
I am concerned that Congress was not adequately informed of the abuses and the investigations. Secretary Rumsfeld's appearance on Capitol Hill last week was welcome, and I expect that he will continue to make himself available to the Senate.
I deeply appreciate the President's willingness to speak candidly and apologetically to the Arab world. I support the decision to offer compensation to the victims, and to put together commissions to ascertain how widespread the abuse and humiliation were, and what can be done to prevent future violations. I am hopeful that these steps will be part of a much needed
process to make amends for the great damage that has been done by a few men and women.
Abu Ghraib was home to torture under Saddam Hussein's regime, and has not yet overcome its notorious reputation. Consequently, I believe that, should the Iraqi people wish it, this prison should be wiped off the map. Tearing down Abu Ghraib prison would symbolize the definitive end to the era of torture--an era which preceded Operation Iraqi Freedom, and must be put to rest once and for all.
Mr. President, in 2 minutes we will be voting on S. Res. 356, a resolution condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison. I would like to close the debate and comments today by reading…
Mr. President, in 2 minutes we will be voting on S. Res. 356, a resolution condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison. I would like to close the debate and comments today by reading the resolve clauses that follow a number of whereas statements. This is what we will be voting on in a couple minutes:
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) commends all Americans serving nobly abroad who are
advancing the ideals of freedom and democracy, and working,
through the individual and collective actions of such
individuals, to improve the lives of all the people of Iraq;
(2) condemns in the strongest possible terms the despicable
acts at Abu Ghraib prison and joins with the President in
expressing apology for the humiliation suffered by the
prisoners in Iraq and their families;
(3) urges the Government of the United States to take
appropriate measures to ensure that such acts do not occur in
the future;
(4) believes that it is in the interests of the United
States and of the people of the United States that the
appropriate committees of the Senate, exercising the
oversight responsibilities of such committees, and the
President, through the appropriate departments or agencies of
the executive branch, conduct a full investigation of the
abuses alleged to have occurred at Abu Ghraib; and
(5) urges that all individuals responsible for such
despicable acts be held accountable.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that at 4:30 p.m. today, the Senate proceed to a resolution which is now at the desk regarding Iraqi prisoners. I further ask unanimous consent that the time…
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that at 4:30 p.m. today, the Senate proceed to a resolution which is now at the desk regarding Iraqi prisoners. I further ask unanimous consent that the time until 5:30 p.m. be equally divided between the two leaders or their designees; provided further that no amendments be in order, and at 5:30 p.m., the Senate proceed to a vote on the adoption of the resolution, with no intervening action or debate. Finally, I ask unanimous consent that immediately following the vote, the preamble be agreed to.
No objection.
I announce that the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Coleman), the Senator from Arizona (Mr. McCain), the Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski), and the Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Specter) are…
I announce that the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Coleman), the Senator from Arizona (Mr. McCain), the Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski), and the Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Specter) are necessarily absent.
I further announce that if present and voting the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Coleman) would vote ``yes.''
I move to reconsider the vote, and I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Rules Committee be discharged from further action of S. Res. 428 and the Senate now proceed to its consideration. Madam President, I ask unanimous…
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Rules Committee be discharged from further action of S. Res. 428 and the Senate now proceed to its consideration.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the resolution be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the resolution be printed in the Record.
I announce that the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Edwards), the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Hollings), the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry), and the Senator from New Jersey (Mr.…
I announce that the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Edwards), the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Hollings), the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry), and the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Lautenberg) are necessarily absent.
I further announce that if present and voting, the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Lautenberg) would vote ``yea.''
Madam President, I would ask the leader to modify his agreement to allow Senator Durbin to use 15 minutes of our time during the debate time the Democrats have under this proposed unanimous consent…
Madam President, I would ask the leader to modify his agreement to allow Senator Durbin to use 15 minutes of our time during the debate time the Democrats have under this proposed unanimous consent request.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be added as a cosponsor of the resolution.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be added as a cosponsor of the resolution.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. Res. 356 Agreed to Senate (ATS)]
108th CONGRESS
2d Session
S. RES. 356
Condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison, urging a
full and complete investigation to ensure justice is served, and
expressing support for all Americans serving nobly in Iraq.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
May 10, 2004
Mr. Frist (for himself, Mr. Daschle, Mr. Akaka, Mr. Alexander, Mr.
Allard, Mr. Allen, Mr. Baucus, Mr. Bayh, Mr. Bennett, Mr. Biden, Mr.
Bingaman, Mr. Bond, Mrs. Boxer, Mr. Breaux, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Bunning,
Mr. Burns, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Campbell, Ms. Cantwell, Mr. Carper, Mr.
Chafee, Mr. Chambliss, Mrs. Clinton, Mr. Cochran, Mr. Coleman, Ms.
Collins, Mr. Conrad, Mr. Cornyn, Mr. Corzine, Mr. Craig, Mr. Crapo, Mr.
Dayton, Mr. DeWine, Mr. Dodd, Mrs. Dole, Mr. Domenici, Mr. Dorgan, Mr.
Durbin, Mr. Edwards, Mr. Ensign, Mr. Enzi, Mr. Feingold, Mrs.
Feinstein, Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. Graham of Florida, Mr. Graham of South
Carolina, Mr. Grassley, Mr. Gregg, Mr. Hagel, Mr. Harkin, Mr. Hatch,
Mr. Hollings, Mrs. Hutchison, Mr. Inhofe, Mr. Inouye, Mr. Jeffords, Mr.
Johnson, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Kohl, Mr. Kyl, Ms. Landrieu, Mr.
Lautenberg, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Levin, Mr. Lieberman, Mrs. Lincoln, Mr.
Lott, Mr. Lugar, Mr. McCain, Mr. McConnell, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. Miller,
Ms. Murkowski, Mrs. Murray, Mr. Nelson of Florida, Mr. Nelson of
Nebraska, Mr. Nickles, Mr. Pryor, Mr. Reed, Mr. Reid, Mr. Roberts, Mr.
Rockefeller, Mr. Santorum, Mr. Sarbanes, Mr. Schumer, Mr. Sessions, Mr.
Shelby, Mr. Smith, Ms. Snowe, Mr. Specter, Ms. Stabenow, Mr. Stevens,
Mr. Sununu, Mr. Talent, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Voinovich, Mr. Warner, and Mr.
Wyden) submitted the following resolution; which was considered and
agreed to
_______________________________________________________________________
RESOLUTION
Condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison, urging a
full and complete investigation to ensure justice is served, and
expressing support for all Americans serving nobly in Iraq.
Whereas the United States was founded on the principles of representative
government, the rule of law, and the unalienable rights of individuals;
Whereas those principles are the birthright of all individuals and the
fulfillment of those principals in Iraq would benefit the people of
Iraq, the people of the Middle East, and the people of the United
States;
Whereas the vast majority of Americans in Iraq are serving courageously and with
great honor to promote a free and stable Iraq and through such service
are promoting the values and principles that the people of the United
States hold dear;
Whereas Americans serving abroad throughout the history of the United States,
both military and civilian, have established a reputation for setting
the highest standards of personal, professional, and moral conduct;
Whereas in January 2004, a member of the United States Armed Forces reported
alleged abuses perpetrated in Abu Ghraib prison during November and
December 2003;
Whereas an inquiry into those alleged abuses was ordered in January 2004, and
that inquiry is reported to have found numerous incidents of criminal
abuses by a small number of Americans based in Iraq;
Whereas the reaction to the alleged abuses is having a negative impact on the
United States efforts to stabilize and reconstruct Iraq and to promote
democratic values in the Middle East and could affect the security of
the United States Armed Forces serving abroad;
Whereas Congress was not informed about the extent of the alleged abuses until
reports about the abuses became public through the media;
Whereas success in the national security policy of the United States demands
regular communication between the President, the agencies and
departments of the executive branch, Congress, and the people of the
United States;
Whereas, in an interview on May 5, 2004, the President stated ``First, people in
Iraq must understand that I view those practices as abhorrent. They must
also understand that what took place in that prison does not represent
America that I know. The America I know is a compassionate country that
believes in freedom. The America I know cares about every individual.
The America I know has sent troops into Iraq to promote freedom--good,
honorable citizens that are helping the Iraqis every day.'';
Whereas in that interview the President further stated ``It's also important for
the people of Iraq to know that in a democracy, everything is not
perfect, that mistakes are made. But in a democracy, as well, those
mistakes will be investigated and people will be brought to justice.
We're an open society. We're a society that is willing to investigate,
fully investigate in this case, what took place in that prison. That
stands in stark contrast to life under Saddam Hussein. His trained
torturers were never brought to justice under his regime. There were no
investigations about mistreatment of people. There will be
investigations. People will be brought to justice.''; and
Whereas the pursuit of truth and justice are core principles of the United
States, and if the Government of the United States conducts a full
investigation of the alleged abuses and holds accountable the
individuals who are responsible for such abuses, the people of Iraq and
of the Middle East will witness how a democracy upholds the rule of law
and protects the rights of individuals by administering justice in a
swift, transparent, and fair manner: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) commends all Americans serving nobly abroad who are
advancing the ideals of freedom and democracy, and working,
through the individual and collective actions of such
individuals, to improve the lives of all the people of Iraq;
(2) condemns in the strongest possible terms the despicable
acts at Abu Ghraib prison and joins with the President in
expressing apology for the humiliation suffered by the
prisoners in Iraq and their families;
(3) urges the Government of the United States to take
appropriate measures to ensure that such acts do not occur in
the future;
(4) believes that it is in the interests of the United
States and of the people of the United States that the
appropriate committees of the Senate, exercising the oversight
responsibilities of such committees, and the President, through
the appropriate departments or agencies of the executive
branch, conduct a full investigation of the abuses alleged to
have occurred at Abu Ghraib; and
(5) urges that all individuals responsible for such
despicable acts be held accountable.
<all>