Affirming support for the sovereignty and security of Lebanon and the Lebanese people.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, this legislation would not be before the House today without the strong support of the chairman of the International Relations Committee, my good friend Henry Hyde. I also appreciate the support of our colleagues, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Gary Ackerman, the Chair and ranking member of the Middle East Subcommittee; and I want to express special appreciation to my friend Congressman Darrell Issa, whose work on this resolution has been so important and so valuable.

Madam Speaker, just a few short weeks ago, upon the announcement of the cease-fire, I stepped off an American military helicopter that took me directly from the island of Cyprus onto the grounds of the U.S. embassy in Beirut. Coincidentally, this was the 50th anniversary of my first visit to Lebanon, during which I had the pleasure of attending a Shakespeare festival at the ruins of Baalbak. Our ambassador took me to see the top leaders of Lebanon to discuss the path forward on reconstructing that war-torn land and freeing it from the stranglehold in which Hezbollah has held it for far too many years.

Madam Speaker, I was shaken by what I discovered. In my view, the Lebanese government fully understands that the flow of weapons from Syria and Iran to Hezbollah must end or they will once again find their nation at war not of their own making. But at the same time, without a word being said, I was left with the distinct impression that the Lebanese leaders are petrified of what may happen if they finally confront Syria's dictator in Damascus. A bold decision to ask for international troops to put a full stop to the deadly arms flow to Hezbollah could launch yet another round of Syrian-sponsored political assassinations and other bloody attempts to destabilize Lebanon.

Madam Speaker, with the passage of this singularly important resolution, Congress is asking Lebanon's leaders to make a brave and courageous decision to ask the international community to deploy a robust international force to the Lebanon-Syria border to stop the flow of weapons to Hezbollah. We are being equally as clear that the United States is ready to pledge its wholehearted support for the Lebanese people against Syria's campaign of appalling intimidation.

It is not in Lebanon's interest nor that of civilization as a whole to accept a world in which terrorist bands can trigger cross-border conflicts in violation of international law, and there will never be real democracy or sovereignty in Lebanon as long as Hezbollah is armed.

Let's review for a minute how this whole conflict got started. Hezbollah terrorists, probably acting at Iranian behest, killed three Israeli soldiers and kidnapped two others. As we meet here tonight, the hostages remain in captivity. No representatives of the Red Cross have been allowed to visit them. And nobody even knows where they are, except the thugs who snatched them from their country's sovereign soil.

The U.N. Security Council resolution ending the conflict is intended to prevent such aggression in the future, and the full deployment of the Lebanese armed forces to their country's southern border for the first time in decades is a long overdue and welcome development. A 15,000 troop international force to assist in patrolling that border is a positive step forward.

But the new security regime is far from perfect. It leaves far too much to the discretion of a weak Lebanese government and the too easily intimidated Lebanese military. For example, the international force will take no action against Hezbollah unless it is requested to do so by the Lebanese military. It is self-evident, Madam Speaker, that these rules of engagement will have to be reexamined and strengthened.

But the most obvious flaw in the U.N. mandate is that it doesn't require an international force on Lebanon's border with Syria. It is left up to the Lebanese government to request such a force, something that causes Beirut to quake in its boots because of Syrian threats.

Madam Speaker, Hezbollah's missiles and other major weapons come from Syria and Iran; and virtually all of them are smuggled in via Syria. To keep those weapons out of its house and out of Hezbollah's hands, Lebanon must hermetically seal its border to military trade. Until that time, we will face the resupply of weapons to Hezbollah and the near certain renewal of hostilities. Let me be clear, Madam Speaker. Unless international troops are on the Syrian border, the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel will flare again.

Iran, Syria and their Hezbollah surrogates don't miss a minute of sleep caring about peace in the region or

Lebanese sovereignty. They care only about increasing their own power, creating instability and destroying the State of Israel. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, whose primary instrument of diplomacy toward Lebanon is assassination, has said that he would consider an international force deployment on the Lebanese-Syrian border a ``hostile'' act.

To buck up the Lebanese government against Syria's threats, our resolution pledges U.S. support for Lebanon against Syria's campaign of intimidation. Our resolution also commends the Lebanese government for its courageous decision to deploy Lebanese armed forces, along with UNIFIL, on its border with Israel, the first such Lebanese deployment in decades.

Madam Speaker, this can be a watershed moment for the Middle East. The Lebanese and their government can achieve true independence and sovereignty. If they bring in an international force that can help seal the Syrian border, they will not only achieve those goals, they will usher in a new era of stability with their neighbors, and all of us then will have taken a giant stride toward Middle East peace.

It is up to the leaders in Beirut to display the necessary courage, and it is up to us to support them when they do so. I urge all of my colleagues to endorse both of these critical forces of action by supporting this resolution.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I recently traveled over the Labor Day Weekend to Lebanon and Israel. I traveled with two other Members of Congress. Our purpose was to assess the political and economic situation in both countries.

We spent a full day on Saturday in Beirut. We were immediately struck by how few people were in the shops and cafes and very little traffic on the streets of Beirut. We visited the Jounie area which is north of Beirut to inspect a bridge that was destroyed. The neighborhood that we visited was a very peaceful residential area where there seemed to be no presence of Hezbollah. The bombing of the bridge completely cut off transportation for people from the north to travel to Beirut. It was estimated to take one year and $20 million to repair. This seemed to be an example of the extreme and uncalled bombing by Israel in a peaceful residential area. The outbreak of military hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah has had a profound negative impact on tourism and the overall economy of Lebanon. The internal Lebanese situation was problematic even before the current military crisis began. Prime Minister Siniora's government, elected last year, has been struggling to establish a new stable political order following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic al Hariri. The majority of Lebanon's Shia population is still pro Syrian. By contrast the Druze and Sunni, as well as much of the Christian communities are likely to maintain a broadly anti-Syrian stance. The President of Lebanon, Emile Lahoud is tied closely to Syria and unable to offer any strong leadership. The Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri is also close to the Hezbollah Leader Hassan Nasrallah. This leaves Prime Minister Siniora on his own in efforts to develop relationships with the world community to assist with funding. President Bush's $230 million commitment to Lebanon to assist with rebuilding plus Secretary Rice's visit to Lebanon has enabled Prime Minister Siniora to raise over $900 million for humanitarian and rebuilding funds. It is absolutely imperative that 15,000 Lebanese troops be deployed to Southern Lebanon. Also, the deployment of United Nations troops along the Syrian border is critical to prevent Iran and Syria from rearming Hezbollah.

Our visit to Israel was highlighted with meetings with the American Ambassador, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni, plus meetings with the Israeli government equivalent of our CIA and FBI. A new government under the Kadima party (forward) and headed by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was elected following the grave illness of Ariel Sharon. Prime Minister Olmert has been weakened and is falling in the polls for his handling of the attack on Hezbollah. Prime Minister Olmert is dealing with several internal issues including problems along the Gaza Strip and West Bank; a very weak Palestinian Authority; and fiscal and budget issues that affect the economy. In our meeting with Foreign Affairs Minister Livni she made it very clear that Israel will continue to do all it can to assist with the implementation of U.N. Resolution 1701. Minister Livni said that she believes that Lebanon is the one Arab country in the region that Israel had confidence could become partners in the war against terror and had the potential along with Israel to stabilize the region. She also stressed that much work had to be accomplished by Lebanon to reach this goal.

My own view of the situation having been in the region for four days is that Prime Minister Siniora is doing all he can to stabilize Lebanon. He is a man of great confidence and integrity. I believe he will be successful in meeting many of his goals. I also believe Israel is committed to implementing U.N. Resolution 1701 and developing opportunities to work with Lebanon to secure the Lebanese and southern border. The lifting of the blockade against ships entering the Lebanese ports which was announced upon our return to Washington is an example of this commitment and will go a long way to solving some of the serious economic problems in Lebanon. These ships off the Lebanese shore will now be inspected by officials of the German, Italian, and French governments. These inspectors will prevent Iran from shipping arms through the Lebanese ports. Obviously Iran is creating much of the backdrop, encouragement and arms for what has taken place between Lebanon and Israel. However, between the shared goals of Lebanon and Israel to stop Iran's progress I feel this can be accomplished. It is a long road ahead but I sense an air of optimism from both sides.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1017) affirming support for the sovereignty and security of Lebanon and the Lebanese people, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the amended version of House Resolution 1017, introduced by my colleague and friend, Mr. Lantos, which affirms support for the sovereignty and security of Lebanon and the Lebanese people.

Madam Speaker, what this resolution now does is urge the government of Lebanon to request assistance from the international community for military and other forms of support in securing their border with Syria in order to end the flow of weapons to Hezbollah.

I want to thank Chairman Hyde for playing an instrumental role in negotiating language that addresses these concerns and enables the government of Lebanon to engage with and work closely with the international community so as to prevent another crisis in the region.

The resolution recognizes the courageous efforts made by many Lebanese in their independent uprising on March 14, 2005, and commends the democratically elected government of Lebanon for their ongoing efforts to restore sovereignty and security throughout its territory.

Despite the remarkable achievements of the Cedar Revolution, the government of Lebanon continues to experience challenges to its rule and sovereignty. Targeted killings of public figures and the recent conflict between Hezbollah and Israel illustrate the dangers of Lebanon's inability to control its borders and to provide sovereign support for all of its people. The war between Israel and Hezbollah was not a war between Lebanon and Israel, but it was a war all the same that Lebanon felt.

Tonight, with this resolution, we are providing the encouragement and support to ensure that Lebanon is able to assert its sovereignty and, as such, assert its ability to live in peace with its neighbors.

Madam Speaker, there is no greater role this Congress can play than to send a message, as we are here tonight on a bipartisan basis, to the people of Lebanon that their democracy, founded in 1943 and reestablished less than a year and a half ago, is a priority of this Congress and that we will stand in support of the Lebanese people and a democracy.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

I will close by noting that this is a very special evening tonight in this resolution. There are only four Arab American Members of Congress, Charles Boustany, Ray LaHood, Nick Rahall, and myself. It is uncommon for the kind of bipartisan support between all of us to come together on something. But the importance of Lebanese sovereignty and of a stable Lebanese democracy bring us together, and they are all cosponsors of the bill along with the gentleman, Mr. Lantos.

In listening to Mr. Lantos, I have to say that never before have the two of us agreed so much on what must be done. The only thing that I noted when he was talking about the borders between Lebanon and Syria was that even today there are borders between Lebanon and Syria that have never been identified under an international law, and that is something, too, that a sovereign, stable, and able to enforce its own borders Lebanon would quickly be able to go to the United Nations and assert its fair international border; and I look forward to that.

Last, in closing, I share with the gentleman from California and all the Members of Congress the call that he made for the return of the hostages taken from Israeli sovereign territory that in fact began the conflict that we are today trying to end forever by establishing a sovereign Lebanon, and part of that sovereignty will be to ensure that those Israeli soldiers are returned from Lebanon back to Israel, to their parents, to their families.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the amended version of H. Res. 1017, introduced by my colleague Tom Lantos, which affirms support for the sovereignty and security of Lebanon and the Lebanese people.

Mr. Speaker, what this resolution now does is urge the Government of Lebanon to request assistance from the international community for military and other forms of support in securing their border with Syria, in order to end the flow of weapons to Hezbollah.

I want to thank Chairman Hyde for his instrumental role in negotiating language that addresses these concerns and enables the Government of Lebanon to engage and work closely with the international community so as to prevent another crisis in the region.

This resolution recognizes the courageous efforts made by many Lebanese in their independent uprising on March 14, 2005 and commends the democratically elected Government of Lebanon for their ongoing efforts to restore

sovereignty and security throughout all its territory.

Despite the remarkable achievements of the so-called Cedar Revolution, the Government of Lebanon continues to experience challenges to its rule. Targeted killings of public figures and the recent conflict between Hezbollah and Israel illustrate the dangers to Lebanon's stability. Furthermore, the increasing polarization and divide of the country's confessional communities demonstrates the need for a serious national dialogue that will deal with Lebanon's domestic struggles.

The provocative unilateral actions implemented by Hezbollah this past summer is evidence of the destructive influences Syria and Iran continue to play in Lebanon. The people of Lebanon and their government did not have any say in the destruction and heartbreak that was imposed upon their nation, yet they must be the ones to pay the price. In a clear indication that Hezbollah is willing to use its weapons internally, unless the current form of government is changed, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said he would only consider giving up its weapons when a strong, capable and just state was in place. This would strongly undermine Lebanon's democratic structures and could potentially lead to civil war and instability in the whole region.

Lebanon seeks to build itself up once again from beneath the ashes of war and destruction. In the absence of a regional peace, this may very well be the last opportunity to save Lebanon from a failed state scenario.

The United States has a vital interest in ensuring the security of a liberal democratic regime. It is important that United States assistance to Lebanon play a strategic role in strengthening Lebanon's central governing institutions that will ultimately lead to an empowered government that is able to meet the demands of all its citizens and comply with its international commitments and the major themes in this resolution.

In addition, to security assistance that enables the Lebanese Armed Forces to secure its borders, assistance needs to be targeted toward the passage of a new electoral law and increasing reforms in the Ministry of Justice. The electoral commission has submitted their review and now the Lebanese parliament needs to respond. A more representative electoral law will defy the modes of traditional sectarian leadership in Lebanon that have lead to deadlock and stalemate.

These steps are vital to restoring and maintaining Lebanon's sovereignty and security by reducing the influence of Iran and Syria over Hezbollah and contributing to a broader representation of all Lebanese.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time and look forward to the passage of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, this week, due to a death in the family, I have requested and received a leave of absence. Since Monday, September 25, I have missed the following rollcall votes. I have noted how I would have voted had I been present:

Roll No. 471, September 25, H.R. 5059, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, ``nay''; 472, September 25, H.R. 5062, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, ``nay''; 473, September 25, H.R. 6102, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``yea''; 474 September 26, H. Res. 1038, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 475, September 26, H. Res. 1039, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 476, September 26, H.R. 5092, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``nay''; 477, September 26, H.R. 4772, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``nay''; 478, September 26, motion, motion to resolve into secret session, ``yea''; 479, September 26, S. 403, on passage, ``nay''; 480, September 26, H.R. 2679, on passage, ``nay''; 481, September 26, H. Res. 723, on motion to suspend the rules and agree, as amended, ``yea''; 482, September 26, H. Res. 992, on motion to suspend the rules and agree, as amended, ``yea''; 483, September 26, H. Res. 989, on motion to suspend the rules and agree, as amended, ``yea''; 484, September 26, H. Res. 1017, on motion to suspend the rules and agree, ``yea''; 485, September 26, H.R. 6164, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, ``yea''; 486, September 26, H.R. 5631, on agreeing to the conference report, ``yea''; 487, September 27, H. Con. Res. 483, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 488, September 27, H. Res. 1042, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 489, September 27, H. Res. 1042, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 490, September 27, H.R. 6166, on motion to recommit with instructions, ``yea''; 491, September 27, H.R. 6166, on passage, ``nay''; 492, September 27, H.R. 5637, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``yea''; 493, September 27, H.R. 6115, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, ``yea''; 494, September 27, S. 2856, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``yea''; 495, September 28, H. Res. 1045, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 496, September 28, H. Res. 1046, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 497, September 28, H. Res. 1046, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 498, September 28, H. Res. 1052, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 499, September 28, H. Res. 1052, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 500, September 28, H.R. 4954, on motion to instruct conferees, ``yea''; 501, September 28, H.R. 5825, on motion to recommit with instructions, ``yea''; 502, September 28, H.R. 5825, on passage, ``nay''; 503, September 28, H.R. 6143, on motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, ``yea''; 504, September 29, H. Res. 1054, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 505, September 29, H. Res. 1054, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 506, September 29, H. Res. 1053, on ordering the previous question, ``nay''; 507, September 29, H. Res. 1053, on agreeing to the resolution, ``nay''; 508, September 29, S. 8930, on passage, ``nay.''