H.Res. 351
Providing for the consideration of the bill (H.R. 739) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for adjudicative flexibility with regard to the filing of a notice of contest by an employer following the issuance of a citation or proposed assessment of a penalty by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration; for consideration of the bill (H.R. 740) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for greater efficiency at the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission; for consideration of the bill (H.R. 741) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for judicial deference to conclusions of law determined by the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission with respect to an order issued by the Commission; and for consideration of the bill (H.R. 742) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for the award of attorneys' fees and costs to small.
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Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 12, 2005 • 1:46 PM
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Introduced in House
July 11, 2005
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 109-163, by Mr. Bishop (UT).
July 11, 2005
The rule provides for separate consideration in the House of H.R. 739, H.R. 740, H.R. 741 and H.R. 742. The rule provides one hour of general debate for each bill, equally divided and controlled. The amendments in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on Education and the Workforce now printed in H.R. 740 and H.R. 741, shall be considered as adopted. In the engrossment of H.R. 739, the Clerk shall add the texts of H.R. 740, H.R. 741, and H.R. 742, as passed by the House, as new matter at the end of H.R. 739, and then lay on the table H.R. 740, H.R. 741, and H.R. 742. If H.R. 739 is disposed of without reaching the stage of engrossment, then whichever of the 3 remaining bills first passes the House shall be treated in the manner specified for H.R. 739 and all other bills which have passed the House shall be laid on the table.
July 11, 2005 • 6:33 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 60.
July 11, 2005
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H5661-5676)
July 12, 2005 • 12:04 PM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 351.
July 12, 2005 • 12:11 PM
On ordering the previous question Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 223 - 191 (Roll no. 365). (consideration: CR H5674-5675; text: CR H5674)
July 12, 2005 • 1:38 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 224 - 189 (Roll no. 366).(text: CR H5661)
July 12, 2005 • 1:46 PM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by recorded vote: 224 - 189 (Roll no. 366). (text: CR H5661)
July 12, 2005 • 1:46 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 12, 2005 • 1:46 PM
Voting History
2 votes recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
17 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 351 on the floor
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Floor Debate
17 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 351 on the floor
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Madam Speaker, we are here again. We went through this marathon…
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Madam Speaker, we are here again. We went through this marathon a year ago. We have had several sets of hearings and markups on these four bills, and one would think they are very important. They are important, but in the reverse way. They are not important to protect the health and safety of working families in America. They are important because they are trying to trivialize the whole safety component of the Department of Labor and the whole safety responsibility of the government. They want to trivialize it and make it seem insignificant and unimportant.
I understand each of the four bills amending the Occupational Safety and Health Act now on the floor will be considered individually, and I would therefore save my comments on the specifics of the other three bills until the appropriate time. When you consider these four bills as an entire package, however, it becomes very clear that they will seriously erode the enforcement of U.S. safety standards, they will undermine the ability of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to enforce on-the-job safety standards, and will only add to more worker deaths and more serious injuries.
It will not only lead to the Department of Labor becoming more and more the department against laborers, the department against working people; by bringing these bills to the House floor, the Republican leadership shows yet again just how out of step it is with the American people. In this case, the House Republican leadership is backing four bills to weaken OSHA at the very time that the American public is demanding the exact opposite be done.
According to a recent poll sponsored by the Wall Street Journal, eight out of every ten Americans believe Congress should be passing legislation to ensure greater health and safety in the workplace. Let me repeat that: The Wall Street Journal, which is hardly a liberal publication, they sponsored a poll in April 2005 revealing that 84 percent of those surveyed want lawmakers to pass bills ensuring safer workplaces in America. That is 84 percent.
Parade Magazine, another mainstream publication, tells us the same story. An article published in the April 10 issue of Parade Magazine assessed our national priorities based on 2005 dollar allocations for government programs. The article juxtaposed business versus safety, pointing out that this year's funding for the Securities and Exchange Commission is $888 million and the Small Business Administration, which is $580 million, far exceeds that for OSHA, which is $464 million, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission which is $63 million. The amount dedicated to business, Parade Magazine concludes, is close to $1 billion more than that dedicated to safety in this simple comparison.
The OSHA bills being voted on today will only serve to exacerbate this huge divide between Federal investments in business versus safety. One of the bills, H.R. 742, will even require OSHA to spend part of its meager budget rewarding certain employers who are repeat safety violators. This bill would reimburse firms that are repeat safety offenders for attorneys' fees whenever OSHA citations are downgraded on a technicality during administrative or court proceedings.
The American people are serious about seeing tougher laws enacted to improve safety on the job, and their concerns are well founded. In a hearing last month, the U.S. Chemical Safety Board underscored the fact that chemical dust explosions represent a serious industrial hazard in this country. Since 1980, 200-plus explosions and dust fires in U.S. plants caused the deaths of 100 workers and significant injuries to 600 others. Even though the Chemical Safety Board chair stresses that these
industrial explosions are clearly preventable, no comprehensive Federal effort has yet been established to address these clearly preventable explosions.
As recent headlines about worker deaths in Texas, New York and Ohio have revealed, American workers are far too often killed or severely injured as a result of safety violations by employers who have lengthy histories of similar offenses.
In March 2005, 15 workers were killed and more than a hundred injured in a massive British Petroleum refinery blast. A preliminary Chemical Safety Board investigation indicates that faulty equipment was a key factor in this terrible explosion which also destroyed buildings and cars. Yet OSHA had already fined the same British Petroleum plant $100,000 in September 2004 for safety violations that at that time had killed two workers. In fact, OSHA had previously cited and issued a fine of $63,000 in March 2004 to that British Petroleum plant for 14 safety violations.
Even though the Texas City British Petroleum Plant is clearly a repeat safety offender, OSHA routinely reduces penalties and downgrades violation findings as a means of encouraging correction of the problem. I suppose that is what is alluded to by this voluntary compliance. They are going to voluntarily comply one day, but in the meantime, many more workers will be killed.
A newly released analysis of 2,500 inspections of New York construction sites reveal similar patterns of serious and frequent violations of OSHA safety standards. Nearly two-thirds of all violations in 2003 involved faulty scaffoldings and/or the failure to provide fall protection equipment. Scaffolding collapses and falls are the most common cause of construction worker hospitalizations and deaths of three or more workers. Sponsored by the New York Committee on Safety and Health, this report recommended more vigorous OSHA enforcement and the hiring of more OSHA inspection officers, among other remedies. Under its current staffing, it would take OSHA 108 years to inspect all of the workplaces in the United States.
Yet this administration has proposed that we hire 41 new auditors to audit organized labor records. If we have the money for 41 new auditors to audit the petty cash records of labor unions, surely we ought to be able to find the money to hire more inspectors and have those inspectors be inspectors not on a voluntary compliance basis but on a serious basis to save lives and injuries.
OSHA also lacks adequate safety standards to cope with globalization. Four ironworkers killed last year by a massive crane collapse near Toledo, Ohio, were working for a contractor with a history of repeated safety violations.
Moreover, OSHA has yet to release a standard an advisory committee drafted a year ago to govern inspection of cranes manufactured in Europe, as the crane in the Ohio fatalities had been.
In closing, the American people are watching us. By an overwhelming majority, the public wants to pass bills to strengthen OSHA, not to weaken OSHA. They want safer workplaces in America. The bills before us now do just the opposite. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting ``no'' on these bills.
Madam Speaker, I include for the Record letters from the AFL-CIO, the Teamsters, the UAW, AFSCME, as well the United Steelworkers in opposition to these bills.
American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial
Organizations,
Washington, DC, July 11, 2005.
Dear Representative: I am writing to express the strong
opposition of the AFL-CIO to H.R. 739, H.R. 740, H.R. 741 and
H.R. 742, four bills that would erode worker protections
under the Occupational Safety and Health Act. These bills,
which are scheduled for a floor vote the week of July 11,
2005, would change established law and procedures to benefit
employers and stifle OSHA enforcement. They would do nothing
to enhance workers' safety and health protection, while
weakening the OSHAct. We are particularly concerned about
H.R. 742 and H.R. 741, because these two bills would
significantly undermine OSHA's ability to carry out its core
mission.
H.R. 742. Occupational Safety and Health Small Employer
Access to Justice Act--This bill requires taxpayers to pay
the legal costs of small employers who prevail in any
administrative or enforcement case brought by OSHA regardless
of whether the action was substantially justified.
The language expands provisions of the current Equal Access
to Justice Act, which already permits small businesses to
recover litigation costs where the government position was
not substantially justified. H.R. 742 will have a chilling
effect on both OSHA enforcement and OSHA standard setting.
OSHA will be hesitant to cite employers for violations of the
OSHAct unless there is absolute certainty that the
enforcement action will not be challenged, will be upheld or
there will be no modification in the terms of action.
Similarly, unless OSHA is certain that a standard will not be
challenged (which they are routinely for any number of
reasons), it would not dare begin the rulemaking process on
any hazard no matter how grave the threat of the hazard to
workers. No rational public policy would be furthered by
discouraging OSHA from issuing citations that are
substantially justified, but as to which the government
ultimately is unable to carry its burden of proof. Rather,
the inevitable result of such a rule, which would penalize
the government every time it loses, would be to chill the
issuance of meritorious citations in close cases on behalf of
employees exposed to unsafe working conditions. This bill
would further weaken OSHA enforcement efforts and standard
setting to the detriment of American workers.
Across all industries, establishments with fewer than 100
employees (which in 2000 made up 97.7 percent of all private
sector establishments) have a higher rate of fatal
occupational injury than do establishments with 100 or more
workers. Effectively hampering OSHA's enforcement ability in
these establishments would be devastating to workers,
resulting in even higher rates of worker fatalities, injury
and illness.
The number of OSHA enforcement actions that involve
contested adjudications is fairly small, the penalties are
generally modest, and the substantive and procedural
standards already accommodate the interests of small-business
litigants. To be clear, there is no evidence that this
legislation is necessary. The result of H.R. 742 will be a
skewed set of enforcement priorities and a risk of injury,
illness and even death to workers.
H.R. 741. Occupational Safety and Health Independent Review
of OSHA Citations Act--This bill would change the Act to give
deference to the Commission regarding the interpretation of
OSHA standards. The bill seeks to overturn a 1991 decision by
the Supreme Court that found that deference should be given
to the Secretary of Labor as the official responsible for
enforcing the OSHAct.
The Secretary of Labor has much greater experience and
expertise regarding the interpretation of safety and health
standards and regulations than the Commission. The Secretary
develops the rules and is responsible for their broad
application. In contrast, the Commission only reviews the
application of standards in those few cases that are
contested and come before the Commission. Giving deference to
the Commission would create an incentive for challenges to
the Secretary's rules and interpretations, undermining the
Secretary's policymaking and enforcement functions.
H.R. 740. Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission
Efficiency Act--The bill requires that the number of members
on the Commission be increased from three to five and that
all members must be attorneys. It also seeks to allow members
whose terms have expired to continue serving on the
Commission for an additional 365 days in cases where no
successor has been confirmed by the Senate.
The Review Commission has operated with three Commissioners
since it was first formed in 1970. Increasing the size of the
Commission from three to five members is not necessary and
would enable the Bush Administration to stack the review
commission with business-friendly appointees. The requirement
that the Commissioners be lawyers would exclude a large pool
of talented persons from service. Allowing members whose
terms have expired to continue serving on the Commission for
an additional 365 days unless a new appointee is confirmed by
the Senate may mean a sitting member could have a de facto
seven year term, dending on the political makeup of the
Senate and White House. The current requirement that a member
step down at the expiration of his or her term is appropriate
and maintains pressure on all parties to work together to
select a qualified person for the Commission. Under this
legislation, rather than having two members for a working
quorum, three will be needed. However due to the way the
language is crafted a minority of the Commission and fewer
than a quorum could take action. This makes no sense and
opens the door to abuses of power. Moreover, there is not
enough enforcement activity at OSHA to warrant five
commissioners.
H.R. 739. Occupational Safety and Health Small Business Day
in Court Act--This bill seeks to excuse employers who miss
the fifteen-day timeframe to contest citations and failure to
abate notices. Its practical effect would be to make numerous
excuses into legal reasons for missing the fifteen-day
timeframe in which employers currently must respond to
OSHA citations. This action will only encourage more
litigation. The idea of the fifteen-day requirement is to
give all parties a reasonable timeframe in which to take
action, and to ensure that the case is moved along as
quickly as possible so the
hazards cited will be addressed in as timely a manner as
is possible. The Commission should be able to review any
missed deadlines on a case-by-case basis, as is currently
the practice. The one case being held up to demonstrate an
insurmountable obstacle for employers is just that--one
case. No legitimate reason has been presented as to the
need for this bill.
As demonstrated above, these bills undermine the intent of
the Congress when it enacted the OSHAct more than 30 years
ago. Generally speaking, these policies and procedures have
been serving workers well for over 30 years. American workers
deserve a safe and healthy workplace and the full protection
the OSHAct can offer. These bills would surely diminish the
protections provided to workers by the OSHAct. For these
reasons, the AFL-CIO opposes these four bills, and we
strongly urge you to vote against each of them.
Sincerely,
William Samuel,
Director, Department of Legislation.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
H.R. 739 specifically creates a legal loophole for bypassing the obligation on an employer's part to meet a 15-day deadline for contesting OSHA citations. As such, the bill promotes increased litigation. Given that the OSHA commission already has the authority to review any missed deadlines on a case-by-case basis, such litigation is completely unnecessary. That bears repeating. At present, the OSHA commission relies on its longstanding practice of reviewing, on a case- by-case basis, any missed deadlines. So what is the rationale for this bill?
H.R. 739 is not only superfluous and offers nothing productive that is positive and new; it also negatively serves to delay the timely correction of workplace safety violations and hazards. The 15-business- day timeline for an employer's response was set to encourage speedy removal of work site hazards as well as the expeditious handling of cases. It establishes a reasonable time frame for protecting all the parties. It protects the employers as well as the workers. By contrast, H.R. 739 will needlessly place some workers at greater risk of on-the- job injuries or fatalities.
Let me give you a few concrete examples to illustrate the risk. In March 2003, OSHA began an inspection of Strack, Incorporated, a pipeline company in Atlanta, Georgia. OSHA inspectors had seen Strack employees working in a trench that was up to 12 feet deep. Yet a trench box, designed to protect workers, had been left on higher ground and more than 100 feet away from the site. In May 2003, OSHA issued Strack, Inc. a willful citation with a proposed fine of $44,000 for failure to use a trench box. Fortunately in this case, the hazards were corrected before anyone was killed. As an OSHA inspector put it, cave-ins occur quickly and without warning; and then it is too late to protect workers.
When it comes to trenching, failure to correct hazards in the 15-day required period can have fatal consequences. As Jeffrey Walters of Cincinnati, Ohio, testified before me last year, his only son Patrick died in a cave-in on June 14, 2002, only weeks after OSHA cited the firm Patrick worked for, which is Moeves Plumbing, for willful trenching violations. In fact, Moeves Plumbing had been inspected by OSHA 13 times before Patrick's death. Moreover, another worker had died while digging trenches for the same plumbing company several years before Patrick died in the same way.
All of this is to say that speedy correction of work site hazards cited by OSHA can often mean the difference between life and death. Thus, when OSHA finds a safety violation, it clearly merits immediate attention. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this bill again.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Bishop).
Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt).
(Mr. HOLT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, I would like to just say that when we say the Republican majority is trying to trivialize the role of OSHA and the role of safety in the workplace, there is good foundation for this. When this administration took power, the present administration in the White House, one of the first acts that they perpetrated was the repeal of ergonomic standards at the urging of, of course, Republican Members of Congress. They repealed the ergonomic standards that had been in process with a lot of bipartisan development and support over a long period of years.
When the Secretary of Labor was Elizabeth Dole, great steps were made; and slowly we reached a point where we had ergonomic standards to pass. The current Bush Administration's first act was to repeal ergonomic standards, to toss them aside and to send a message that workers in the workplace are not that important, working families are really not important, working conditions in America are not important. The history of OSHA is that step by step they have saved thousands and thousands of lives.
One of the worst industries for safety before OSHA came into existence was the construction industry. The construction industry is still one of the most unsafe industries, but it has made tremendous strides in terms of saving lives as a result of being forced to follow certain kinds of standards by OSHA.
I think we need more light thrown on this subject, and for that reason we have prepared some information for each member of the committee by district, and they can get familiar with the problem in their district with this information that we have compiled.
For example, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics in 2003, there were 200 worker deaths in the State of Illinois. But in the 13th Congressional District of Illinois, 69.5 percent of all the state's deaths took place. I think the Member of Congress from the 13th district ought to know that and take a look at what has happened in that district.
This packet that we want to prepare for each Member includes a chart detailing the statistics. The chart also lists the worker deaths according to the industry the person worked in and also the type of incident that was responsible for their death: was it a fall, contact with equipment, et cetera. The information is also broken down between government workers and those working in the private industry. This packet also includes a census report for each one of the districts showing how it relates to the surrounding areas, et cetera.
We will prepare this for each Member to just let them know how serious a matter this is in terms of their own immediate districts. We think working families in America should not be treated as if they lived in a Third World country, and a lot of Third World countries mores are being attempted by certain U.S. industries.
Particularly the construction industry, the construction industry looks for the most vulnerable people, immigrants. Illegal immigrants are employed in large numbers in the construction industry. And I come from a city where 40 percent of all male blacks are unemployed, according to two studies, two studies that confirm that 40 percent of all male blacks are unemployed. Yet there is a tremendous amount of construction going on, and if we go around the construction sites, we will find that the workers doing the manual labor, unskilled labor, are immigrants; and in many cases there are tremendous accidents, and these people are shuffled off and frightened and intimidated to the point where they never even report it. They do not have any workman's compensation, let alone feel that they have the right to be protected under the OSHA laws.
A review of more than 2,500 OSHA construction site inspection records in New York State from the year 2003 found that nearly one third of all OSHA construction violations in the State were of scaffolding or fall protection requirement violations, more than any other standard. The organizations involved in the analysis also said the results of this study as well as a separate review reveal troubling data about the plight of immigrant workers in the construction industry.
Their analysis, titled ``Lives in the Balance--Immigrants and Workers at Elevated Heights at Greatest Risk in Construction,'' was prepared by the New York State Trial Lawyers Association and issued by the New York Committee for Occupational Safety and Health and the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now, called ACORN. Two other organizations Make the Road by Walking, and the New York Immigration Coalition, also sponsored the study.
The study reviewed all construction site OSHA inspections conducted in the State during 2003. Now, personally, I know and I have related on this floor, the total accidents that have taken place since then in New York City. Five immigrant workers lost their lives in a trench that was being constructed without proper safeguards.
I want to repeat that there is a class problem developing in America. There is a class problem. Those in power are insensitive to the needs of those who are out there working on the front lines, whether it is in domestic service or in dangerous jobs like construction, trucking and a number of chemical plants. These are dangerous jobs, but they have to be done. Our industries cannot survive without people who work in those dangerous jobs. They deserve all the protection we can give them. Just as the soldiers on the front lines in Iraq, Afghanistan or anywhere else always deserve the best that we can give them. Every soldier is automatically a hero when he goes out to fight for his country, because for every one who goes out to fight, there are a few hundred thousand left behind who will never be called. We should recognize and honor those who go out to fight. Therefore, the best armor protection, the best bullet-proof vests, all of
the things that are available to protect an individual's life should be available to those who go out to fight.
What we have found in this present war in Iraq is that people on the top, with their class-conscious sentiments at work, did not provide at first the kind of protection that should have been provided to the soldiers on the front lines out there. The soldiers come from the same working families. I cannot stress enough the need for all Americans to recognize that we are all in this together.
We have a governor of New York State now whose son was in the National Guard in a program that required that, once he came out, he had certain duties and obligations. This governor's son now is asking for a waiver. He does not want to go to Iraq; he wants a waiver. What kind of a message is that sending to all of the mothers and fathers of young men and women who have gone off to fight in Iraq in terms of our society? The person with the power does not want to make a sacrifice of his son.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this is the worst of all of the OSHA bills before us today. It would treat OSHA differently than any other Federal agency. Under…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this is the worst of all of the OSHA bills before us today. It would treat OSHA differently than any other Federal agency. Under the Equal Access to Justice Act, if any agency's position is not ``substantially justified,'' the government must pay the opposing party's attorneys' fees. This bill says OSHA must pay attorneys' fees to a prevailing employer, even if OSHA's actions were reasonable. Under this bill, OSHA will find itself paying the attorneys' fees of repeated safety violators whose penalties were reduced on a technicality.
The real-life example of an employer by the name of Eric Ho in Houston illustrates the problem here. Eric Ho hired undocumented workers and exposed them to high levels of asbestos, and this represents the kind of case that could not be tolerated by OSHA. Even after a city worker issued a stop-work order, Eric Ho secretly had the workers stay on the job. Eric Ho's workers ate at the site. They worked throughout the night, and some even slept at the site. Ho then directed the workers to tap into what would prove to be a gas line, and there was an explosion which resulted in one contractor and two workers being seriously injured. In the end, OSHA cited Eric Ho for ten serious violations and 29 willful violations. In turn, Eric Ho challenged OSHA and a divided OSHA review commission eventually downgraded Eric Ho's citations. Although Eric Ho was sentenced to prison in a prosecution led by the Environmental Protection Agency, because they had jurisdiction also. Eric Ho violated the Clean Air Act and H.R. 742 would require that this man, who had been convicted by one Federal agency, be awarded attorneys' fees because of OSHA's actions. OSHA would have to award attorneys' fees to Eric Ho. In this instance, H.R. 742 would use taxpayer funds to reimburse a convicted felon on OSHA technicalities.
Under the Equal Access to Justice Act, when a Federal agency is not substantially justified and cites an employer and the employer prevails in judicial proceedings, the employer is reimbursed for his attorneys' fees and expenses by the U.S. Treasury funds. Under this bill, H.R. 742, OSHA would be required to reimburse from its own budget an employer who prevails in judicial or administrative proceedings,
even when OSHA was ``substantially justified'' in issuing its initial citations. Now, they say, still, they are not trying to chip away at the effectiveness of OSHA, destroying OSHA bit by bit. OSHA would have to pay out of its own budget. Whereas, under the other circumstances that are similar, U.S. Treasury funds are used. Thus, any time an OSHA staffer conducts an inspection and discovers serious safety violations, that inspector would have to second-guess himself or herself.
OSHA's inspectors will be forced to perform many mental gymnastics, trying to predict whether a citation, no matter how justified, might have the slightest chance of being adjusted or overturned on a technicality in review proceedings.
Mr. Speaker, Members of both sides of the aisle agree that under its current budget and staffing configuration, it would take OSHA 108 years, 108 years to inspect all of the workplaces in America.
Now, H.R. 742 would have the effect of tying the hands of OSHA inspectors behind their own backs, causing them to analyze each and every citation in the most serious minute detail.
In a sense this bill calls for OSHA inspectors and supervisory staff to become forecasters. They will be required to predict any and all possible scenarios in which a specific citation might be reversed on a technicality. In the meantime, the founding purpose of OSHA, to assure, quote, ``every working man and woman in the United States safe and healthful working conditions,'' that would be more or lose forgotten.
Mr. Speaker, there are Members on the other side of the aisle who would have us believe that every OSHA inspector is like police inspector Javert in Victor Hugo's famous novel ``Les Miserables.''
These Members compare every business owner to Hugo's noble character Jean Valjean, hounded by OSHA's Javertian inspector for having innocently slipped up on one point, one miniscule point of an obscure and archaic OSHA safety rule.
In turn, those Members refuse to acknowledge the relevance of another great novelist, Charles Dickens, who captured bleak scenarios in which greed led the owners of blacking factories to subject child workers to inhumane and life-threatening conditions. In reality, we do not have to turn to 19th century novels to enlighten us on workplace safety conditions in this country. We need merely turn to the last year's astounding New York Times investigative series on worker deaths by David Barstow.
Reporter Barstow reminded us all that someone harassing a wild burro on Federal lands in 2004 would get a stiffer penalty, that is up to a year in prison, than an unscrupulous employer whose willful safety violations resulted in the death of a worker.
As I have repeated several times during today's debate, that employer's malfeasance could result in a sentence of no more than 6 months in jail. However, if Mr. Barstow were to write his series this year, he would have to alter the comparison slightly. It is not, I am afraid, that we are doing a better job of holding errant employers accountable for serious safety offenses. Rather, it is because a provision in the Omnibus Appropriations Act enacted at the end of the 108th Congress repealed the protection of wild burros and horses on Federal lands.
So it is a different scenario; but still workers are no better off, I assure you.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time and would
like to point out that despite the rhetoric of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, and we did hear again the last speaker mention the fact that one of the reasons we are attacking OSHA is because employers feel they cannot compete with these regulations. They cannot compete with American workers being treated the way they are being treated.
The humane treatment of American workers stands in the way of profits and competition with the people who are in the developing countries and China. They do not have to treat workers this way. They do not have to spend the money, as I said before.
But I want to point out that this bill is hardly limited to small businesses. The appearance or the notion that small businesses are being persecuted by OSHA, by the government, is an incorrect one. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, in 1998 there were more than 6.5 million private sector firms with 99 or fewer employees. H.R. 742 applies to all firms with 100 or fewer employees with a net worth of $7 million or less. These companies, those with a hundred or fewer employees and $7 million or less, comprise about 97 percent of all American businesses.
Let me repeat that. H.R. 742 applies to all but 2 or 3 percent of American businesses. This is the broadest definition of small business that anyone could ever come up with or dream up. It is similar to categorizing elephants as small mammals. It does not tell the story as it should be told.
Mr. Speaker, when it comes to employment-related laws, Congress traditionally defines a small business as one with 20 or fewer employees, 20 or fewer employees. As a matter of fact, that is the definition used on annual congressional appropriation riders, which exempt firms of 20 or fewer workers from scheduled OSHA inspections, 20 or fewer workers, not 100, as this bill treats.
Mr. Speaker, I would also point out that OSHA also has a long- standing practice of reducing penalties for small employers. For businesses with 25 or fewer workers, any OSHA penalty is routinely reduced by 60 percent. Routinely reduced by 60 percent. Likewise, for businesses with between 26 and 100 workers, any OSHA penalty is reduced by 40 percent. Again, OSHA inspectors, in reality, are hardly like the draconian police inspector Javert from the famous novel, ``Les Miserable.''
It is important, Mr. Speaker, to realize that there is a need for both parties to come together and for the Republican majority to yield on its strategy to destroy labor unions. There is a strategy that has been pursued relentlessly to destroy labor unions; and in the process, working families of course get hurt because working families are represented by labor unions. In the effort to destroy labor unions, everything related to them, it gives them some kind of power, has to be destroyed, among them including OSHA.
Members of unions are likely to complain. They are likely to insist on their rights. They are likely to report violations. OSHA is less likely to run over the interests of the workers if there is an accident or some problem. So the relentless pursuit of labor unions is part of the problem with this legislation. It has been brought back because it is a part of a master plan, and that master plan is to sort of distract our attention from the real issues related to safety in the workplace, distract our attention from the fact that it is really an employer protection act that we are concerned with. Employer protection at all cost.
The constituency of the Republican majority party demands it all: destroy the kind of environment and atmosphere that working families have been used to for years in this Nation. Let us change all that because it is not competitive. It is not competitive. It costs too much. We cannot compete with our overseas competitors. We are, in the process, drawn into the trap of class warfare. We hate to hear the term class warfare anywhere in America. Nobody wants to be accused of class warfare, but that is what it amounts to: working families against people who never get enough.
We have bloated capitalism. Aristotle said there are extremes of everything. There are extremes to capitalism. At one end of the spectrum, in terms of economic systems, you have communism; at the other end you have reckless capitalism. Capitalism out of control. Capitalism so greedy it never gets enough. I think democratic capitalism is the hope of the world, and we have enough experience now to know that democratic capitalism is the only system that really works. But if you allow capitalism to go to extremes, it tramples on the rights of workers. It tramples on the rights of consumers.
You know, workers are consumers. There is a madness at work here. As we destroy the buying power of workers, we are destroying that which makes our economy go.
We all agree, there is no debate about the fact that the economy of America is driven by consumer spending. Henry Ford understood that very early when he said, I am going to make cars and pay my workers enough money to buy them. That was a simple, commonsense idea that is at the heart of capitalism today. Two-thirds of our economy is dependent on what people buy. We are going to destroy the consumers by destroying the conditions in the workplace which allow our workers to work productively and get paid appropriately.
The minimum wage of today, Henry Ford would see right away, is not going to allow our consumers to keep buying products. We are lucky; there is a sort of credit card fantasy, an oasis of credit card credit that is driving our economy right now. But slowly, as we lessen the amount of money that flows into the hands of workers, as we move more jobs overseas and encourage outsourcing, as we give more and more of our dollars to China, because we are not giving all of our dollars to China, we are giving the dollars that they use for manufacturing, for production, but the trade with China benefits the wholesalers and retailers.
People are making big profits off China in this country. We would not be dealing with China if somebody was not making big profits in this country, but it is skewed. It is out of balance because in order to make big profits at the upper levels by producing products in a low- cost economy and getting the low-cost product, bringing them back into another economy with a different standard of living and selling those products at that standard, we are having consumers in America pay high prices for the lowest-priced goods that come from China. And the people who sell those goods and buy them from China, they walk off with the profits, along with the Chinese who produce those goods through the deals that have been made. There is more Wal-Mart in China than there is in the U.S., and more all of the time.
They find it so profitable to take the product, the production, the manufacturing to China, and bring back the products to capitalize on the sales here. It is not going to work eventually. We are catering to those who benefit at the top, but it is not going to continue to work because we are destroying our own consumer market. We are going to wake up and find that the economy is going to come to a standstill because nobody is able to buy the products that we want to sell.
Our own class war that we do not recognize and will not recognize will destroy us. Other evidence of a class war is the fact that we continue to give huge tax credits to the people at the very top who need it the least, yet we do not use the power of the Federal Government to increase the minimum wage.
We started this discussion about minimum wage, and we are going to end it on minimum wage. The minimum wage is one way that we guarantee all Americans have a part of American prosperity. We should be paying something like $8 an hour in order to keep minimum wage competitive with when minimum wage was first instituted. We should be paying about $8 an hour to enable those workers to buy the products that we want to sell and keep our economy going.
So minimum wage, we refuse to even consider. Congress has gotten huge increases in their own salaries, and refuse to consider a minimum wage increase for the workers at the very bottom. Is that not an element of class warfare? That is class contempt. That is class hatred, to stamp on those at the very bottom and refuse to use the authority invested in us by the American people.
We have the authority to raise wages, but the same people who are being protected by these bills as far as OSHA is concerned by minimizing their expenses and minimizing any trouble they have to encounter in making the workplace safe, they are being protected by refusing to raise the minimum wage. What is the ultimate danger here? The ultimate danger here is that, one day, working families are going to wake up and say, you have it all wrong. The country belongs to all of us, not you. If you do not want to admit that, it belongs only to us.
Working families are the people who go out and defend the existence of this country in times of war. They will determine whether we defeat terrorism or not. Working families are going to determine that we do not have domestic terrorism spreading in America because working families are going to save America by rising up to throw out people who insist on stamping on them and have contempt for them.
Mr. Speaker, in closing, I urge a ``no'' vote on all four of these bills today.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the ranking member of the committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller). Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from…
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the ranking member of the committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to sum up and repeat, because I think it deserves repeating. First and most importantly, no one has really shown a need to increase the size of the commission from three to five members. We find it very unusual that the majority party with great emphasis on saving dollars on education and a number of much needed programs, wants to waste a little money on two additional members, create a little bit more of a bureaucracy by having two more members to make a decision. Instead of five people, three people can make this decision.
They have been functioning with three members since the creation in 1970. Why should it be any different now?
Given the enormous deficit spending promoted by this Republican majority, there is no real purpose in adding members and swelling the ranks.
Last but not least, I find it quite ironic also that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle want to tack on the requirement that the commission members have legal training. I think you have heard the expression that our colleague, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), often makes about the government being over burdened with lawyers. So I am surprised to hear that the leaning of this bill as we read it would certainly require more appointment of lawyers or somebody similar to lawyers. There is no demonstrated need for such a requirement. There is no demonstrated need for this particular addition to the bill.
The capacity of OSHA to produce cases is steadily shrinking as a result of the steady chip-away strategy of the Republican majority. They have chipped away at the budget every year. OSHA is far smaller and far less effective than it was when the Republican
majority took power in the House. Certainly that was accelerated when the Republicans took control of the White House as well as the House.
So OSHA is under attack in a way which produces less work for such a commission. Why should we increase the size of the commission when there is less work for it? It is part of the pattern to chip away in every little way and trivialize what OSHA is all about. At the same time, the only parts of the Department of Labor that are being increased are those parts that are aimed at attacking organized labor, the organizations that represent working families. We happen to know there is a great push on to drive the unions into the ground with trivial audits, financial audits mostly, of petty cash, the receipts for cab fare and receipts for lunch. Various efforts are underway at this point to force labor unions to defend themselves from bookkeeping errors.
The same kind of zeal needs to be expressed in the way that OSHA is staffed and manned to provide the basic necessities to keep our workplace safe for our workers.
Let us just discuss for a moment the 2,578 OSHA violations in Georgia in 2002. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration in 2002 issued an average of seven citations a day to Georgia businesses that year. OSHA found 2,578 violations of its rules during 1,481 inspections of companies operating in Georgia and documented more than 50 workplace deaths in that year.
In 2001, OSHA issued 2,962 citations, more than eight a day, and 1,596 inspections in Georgia. So 2002 had improved a bit from 2001. But I think it would be good if Members got in touch with what is happening in their States and in their districts.
The Atlanta Business Chronicle documented this information in an article published March 23, 2003. At that time, the Atlanta Business Chronicle had documented safety concerns in three of Georgia's largest companies, the Home Depot Incorporated, the Georgia Pacific Corporation, and United Parcel Service Incorporated. But as OSHA records show, safety is a widespread concern among many Georgia companies.
On February 24, OSHA issued a list of 14,200 U.S. facilities that had accident and illness rates at twice the national average. The national average is about three illnesses or injuries for every 100 workers that are serious enough to cause employees to lose time from work. Included in OSHA's list were 563 workplaces in Georgia, and more than 200 of them were in the Atlanta metropolitan area. Wal-Mart stores, the Nation's largest retailer, had the largest single number of Georgia facilities on the list, 11. Of the companies based in Georgia, United Parcel Service had the most facilities on the list with 174 nationwide.
Out of all the Georgia companies during 2003, Durango-Georgia Paper Company in St. Mary's was fined the most by OSHA. OSHA assessed Durango-Georgia $258,000 after an August 19 boiler explosion that killed two workers and injured one. OSHA found 48 violations during an investigation of that accident. In addition to the safety violations that contributed to that explosion, OSHA cited the company for allowing employees to work at heights of up to 50 feet without fall protection and for requiring employees to stand on a conveyor belt to remove jammed logs without adequate protection against being caught in a machine.
It was not the first large fine against that paper manufacturer. OSHA fined the company $157,000 after an accident had resulted in the double amputation of a worker. In 2000, the company had paid $220,250 for 12 citations. The pattern goes on and on.
The American workplace is not a safe place. It becomes more complicated all the time. The new chemicals, new machines, and new challenges, the building of houses, buildings and facilities at higher heights, for example all lead to complications. We talk about small businesses, and it is true that a large number of construction businesses are small businesses. That does not make the work that their workers do any less dangerous. The fact that they are a small business does not remove the fact that their workers must use scaffolding. Small business workers have trenches that they dig. They are doing work that is very dirty and very dangerous. The workers in small constructin firms deserve protection.
Small contractors are also the ones who are most likely to disobey immigration laws and have large numbers of people who are illegal immigrants working in their facilities. And therefore, I have noted before we have a noticeable large number of deaths of immigrants in the construction industry. And this is not confined to Georgia or any one State. This spreads right across the country.
The employers of construction companies know that they can save money by disobeying the law and using illegal immigrants. So it has become a major problem. Again, the working families of America deserve better.
We have come to the point where our economy is compared to other economies in our global partnerships around the world. We compare ourselves and say, Oh, it is awful that we cannot compete better with China. Well, China was organized as a country which has dictatorship of the proletariat. Dictatorship of the proletariat meant workers were going to be charge. All of the unions in China are collapsing to the government. China produces a large part of its consumer goods in prisons. They produce a large part of their consumer goods in factories where workers are paid less than a dollar a day.
It is not useful for us to invoke the third world countries, the developing countries and China--I do not know what China would be categorized as--with exploiting companies and decide that we ought to be more like that so we can be more competitive. Some allege that one way we can be more competitive is to make the workplace less safe, by providing employers with a situation where they do not have to worry about workers' safety. China--as a dictatorship--can do what they want to with their workers. They can continue, as I pointed out, pay workers the lowest possible wages, and they can also not spend any money on guaranteeing worker safety.
So given the fact that we are on the floor for the second time in 2 years with these four bills, it is an opportunity for us to educate our colleagues as to the seriousness of the current situation in the American workplace today. We must be more sensitive to the fact that our working families are out there suffering. Our health care situation does not get any better. We need to come to the rescue of private enterprise in terms of their pension funds collapsing. And their health care systems are so expensive that they are now calling for help from the government.
All of this is part of a threatening and more intimidating atmosphere that mushrooms all the time against the interests of working families. And the attack on OSHA, which is consistent, the harassment of OSHA, the downgrading of OSHA, the chip-away erosive effect of OSHA is all part of that pattern.
A Department of Labor which declares it has no money to really have an OSHA that functions appropriately is the Department of Labor which has managed to spend a great deal of money on the faith-based initiative. We noticed that large amounts of money from the Department of Labor have gone to faith-based initiatives over the last few years, and that is a great mystery as to how that money was doled out, under what criteria was it given to certain faith-based organizations. I think one got more than $1 million. It was on the front page of the New York Times. The Department of Labor had given a grant to one faith- based group for more than $1 million, and we do not know what it is the DOL is doing here. This all happened right before the November 2004 election. So the Department of Labor is being used for some good purpose for some group or some persons, but it is certainly not being used as the advocate for working families. And today's exercise is just one more example of how the drum beat goes on. The effort continues to minimize and trivialize that which is most important for working families in this country.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca).
(Mr. BACA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The two speakers prior to me have raised the question of outsourcing, and other people have challenged the relevancy of that topic to this particular set of bills. Every statement I read from industry complaining about the competitive edge that other nations have mentioned the fact that our environmental laws and our safety laws and our minimum wage, that combination, puts them at a disadvantage. So it is logical to conclude that part of the exercise today is to take away one of those disadvantages, to the degree it can be accomplished. And if you have
to chip away at it with bills like this and remove worker safety as an expense that has to be undertaken. This civilized nation was built by workers and the workers deserve to have a fair break. But those that want to reduce us to the level of Third World nations or want to imitate China are going to pursue the kinds of bills that we have before us today.
So I want to just conclude with another section from the report of the AFL-CIO, their annual report on worker safety. I just want to read a few excerpts, which I think are excerpts that are important to educate our Members.
More than 306,706 workers can now say their lives have been saved since the passage of the OSHA Act in 1970. Unfortunately, too many workers remain at risk. On average, 15 workers were fatally injured and more than 12,000 workers were injured or made ill each day of 2003. These statistics do not include deaths from occupational diseases, which claim the lives of an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 workers each year.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, there were 5,559 workplace deaths due to traumatic injuries in 2003, which was a slight increase from the number of deaths in 2002, when 5,534 workplace deaths were reported. Wyoming, of all places, led the country with the highest fatality rate, 13.9 people per 100,000. The lowest State for the fatality rate was 1.5 per 100,000, which was reported in Delaware.
The construction sector had the largest, as I said before, the construction sector had the largest number of fatal work injuries, 1,126 in 2003; followed by transportation and warehousing, which had 805 injuries; and agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting, which had 707 injuries. Industry sectors with the highest fatality rates were agriculture, forestry, fishing, and hunting, 31.2 per 100,000 in hunting. Mining had 26.9 per 100,000. And transportation and warehousing, 17.5 per 100,000.
So you can see we are not here just to talk in support of the blue States, the urban States, the Rust Belt States; but the rural areas are suffering quite a bit also. The workers there--the rural areas--suffer in terms of the large number of fatalities in the workplace.
Transportation and material-moving occupations had the highest number of fatalities, 1,388, followed by construction and extraction occupations, with 1,033 fatal injuries. The occupations of greatest risk of work-related fatalities based on the number of fatalities per 100,000 employed were logging workers. Their occupation had 131.6 fatalities per 100,000; fishers and related fishing occupations had 115 deaths per 100,000; and aircraft pilots and flight engineers, 97.4 deaths per 100,000 employed.
Very interesting that simple guys out there, fishers and logging workers, are in the same category as aircraft test pilots and flight engineers in terms of deaths and injuries. So our concern is universal, and the mission of OSHA is important and should not be denigrated or trivialized by this kind of legislation.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to make my comments on this bill very briefly. Essentially, H.R. 741 weakens the fundamental policy of the Secretary of Labor while…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to make my comments on this bill very briefly. Essentially, H.R. 741 weakens the fundamental policy of the Secretary of Labor while enhancing the powers of the OSHA commission. Such action would create two divided regulators and a great deal of confusion. The Secretary of Labor is best able to regulate and enforce safety standards, and as such, the authority should remain with her. This is just plain common sense. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 741.
We do not need more confusion. More confusion is only a way to trivialize and make OSHA less effective.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to turn my attention to an issue that should be of great concern to all Members of this body in relation to this particular subject, and that is worker deaths and serious injuries. Between 5,000 and 6,000 American workers are killed on the job every year by willful and negligent safety violations on the part of errant employers. I have talked about that already. The surviving family members killed by corporate wrongdoing deserve much more than just our sympathy, however. They deserve immediate congressional attention and action.
Instead of considering these bills to weaken OSHA, we should be strengthening provisions of the Occupational Safety and Health Act. We should be considering a bill like H.R. 2004, the Protecting America's Workers Act, which I introduced on April 28 to coincide with Workers' Memorial Day, a day set aside every year to honor workers killed on the job by safety violations. Joining me as cosponsors of H.R. 2004 are the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lynch), the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Michaud), the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green) and the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur). The bill will hold those who commit corporate manslaughter accountable at the same time it reinforces critical health and safety protections for workers nationwide.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur) to give us an example of the seriousness of the situation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the critical question is what more important things should we be doing? This commission bill which creates confusion, to our knowledge, is still not sanctioned by the administration or the Secretary of Labor. Why are we putting such great amounts of time and energy into proposing new powers for this commission when there are other more important things that we ought to be addressing?
And the statement by the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur) was all related to what other important things should we be doing. Why can we not have hearings when there is a major accident with four men being killed under the circumstances they were killed in Ohio? Why can we not call in OSHA and demand that there be an expedited investigation? Why are citations allowed to be unclassified? This committee, the Committee on Education and the Workforce, has oversight over the work of the Department of Labor and OSHA. Why can we not get better answers? Why can we not consider my bill, H.R. 2004, the Protecting America's Workers Act, which will call for penalties for corporations who are guilty of the kind of neglect
that led to the deaths of the four workers in Ohio?
Even by conservative estimates, 15 workers in this country will be killed on the job today, July 12. They will be killed due to serious safety lapses on the part of their employers. Why are we wasting our time playing around with the adjustment of a commission when these workers deaths are still going on in America?
I spoke earlier about the fiery explosion some 3 months ago at the BP plant in Texas City that killed 15 workers and injured more than 100 others. This happened three months ago. It is not ancient history. Why has this committee with jurisdiction not examined that explosion more closely here in Washington? I had also previously mentioned the bridge collapse in Toledo, which the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur) discussed in greater detail.
Many other cases of worker deaths, equally as tragic and preventable, only make local headlines. They only know about them locally. And they go on in different parts of the country because we are not aware of the seriousness of the situation. The fact is that much of what happens in one area can be prevented from happening in another area if we would just address those serious issues.
Every year in New York City, for example, a number of unprotected construction workers are killed by free-falls from buildings and collapses of faulty scaffolds and concrete walls. Almost 8 months ago in Walnut Creek, California, a gas pipeline explosion killed five workers, and badly injured four others. The list goes on and on.
We welcome this opportunity to get on the record from both the Members of Congress and the American people the fact that these things are continuing--this steady rate of somewhere between 5,700 and 6,000 workers dying each year--and it has been going on too long. Why not address the fact that this is something that can be stopped? We can change the death rate by having a more effective OSHA instead of playing around the edges, as these four bills are doing.
In the words of a New York State Supreme Court justice, these worker deaths in New York were not simply ``random accidents'' but rather, and I am quoting the judge here, ``tragic certainties.'' ``Tragic certainties.'' The workers died as the direct result of some employer's willful safety violations or serious negligence. What is even more reprehensible is that too often, and in the specific worker death cases I just referred to, the employers responsible for these fatalities are repeat safety offenders.
In a forum I held last year entitled, ``Jobs to Die For: Inadequate Enforcement of U.S. Safety Standards,'' I heard from the grieving parents of 22-year-old Patrick Walters. Patrick was buried alive on June 14, 2002, working on a sewer pipe in a 10-foot trench. Patrick had spoken before about his fear of being suffocating because he was repeatedly sent down into the trenches without any protective equipment and without a metal trench box. We have a picture of Patrick here. He is the young man at the top tier of the poster to my right.
I mentioned Patrick's employer before, Moeves Plumbing, with respect to H.R. 739. I did this because Moeves Plumbing is a repeat safety offender. The firm has been the subject of 13 OSHA inspections since 1989. Patrick died only weeks after OSHA had cited Moeves Plumbing for willful trenching violations. When OSHA settled the case of Patrick Walters' death with Moeves Plumbing, however, they changed the willful violation to an ``unclassified'' one. Have we heard that before today? Unclassified, just as they did in the case of Ohio. It was not a willful violation, but an unclassified violation. A weak OSHA, a corrupt OSHA changed it to ``unclassified.'' Without a willful violation, the Solicitor of Labor would not recommend criminal prosecution of Moeves Plumbing. As Patrick's parents told me last year: ``We need to get some stiffer penalties and some muscle behind it, or Moeves' company is going to kill another child again. They will. It's only a matter of time.''
Patrick's parents, who still live in the Cincinnati area, continue to see Moeves employees working inside trenches without any cave-in protections. As Patrick's father told a reporter in March of 2005, March of this year, about the owner of Moeves Plumbing: ``She's killed two people now, and she'll probably kill two people again. It's obvious she's not listening to what OSHA is telling her.''
Under the current OSHA Act, the maximum penalty any employer can receive for causing the death of a worker, considered a misdemeanor, is 6 months in prison and a $10,000 fine. Six months in prison and a $10,000 fine. Unlike surviving relatives of other crime victims, family members of workers killed on the job are left without any victim services or assistance under current law. They even lack a voice in any OSHA investigations of their loved ones' deaths. They also lack any voice in OSHA's subsequent negotiations with culpable employees over the downgrading of initial citations and fines tied to the worker fatalities.
By stiffening criminal penalties for those found guilty of blatant safety violations that result in worker deaths, the Protecting America's Workers Act will make other employers think twice about ignoring basic health and safety rules that risk workers' lives. H.R. 2004 incorporates in its entirety the provisions of a bill I introduced last year, and that was called the Workplace Wrongful Death Accountability Act. Both bills would make it a felony offense to kill a worker and provide for a term of no more than 10 years in prison. A felony offense to kill a worker, and there will be a term of no more than 10 years in prison. For a second offense, the maximum term for a culpable employer would be 20 years in prison. Fines would be set in accordance with title 18 of the U.S. Code, which is standard practice for all other criminal matters.
In other legislative matters, everyone agrees that holding people accountable by such means as stiffened penalties serves a critically important deterrent purpose. We are often on this floor talking about the need to not be soft on crime, to come with the hardest possible punishment as a deterrent. Yet I know that there are many on the other side of the aisle who are absolutely allergic to what I am proposing here, the prospect of holding accountable any employer whose willful or grossly negligent safety offenses kill workers. They don't want to hold accountable any employer whose willful or grossly negligent safety offenses kill workers. The opposition to holding such bad actors accountable does not even waver in instances where a number of workers are killed by the same safety violations over a 5- or 10-year period. The opposition also does not waver no matter how many workers are killed by an employer's egregious safety offenses.
I am heartened, however, by the fact that yesterday's ``Inside OSHA'' reports that Senator Enzi from Wyoming, who chairs the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, supports stiffening criminal penalties for health and safety violations that kill workers. As I understand it, Senator Enzi and I might differ on the maximum penalty for corporate manslaughter, but we agree on the need to make this a felony offense.
I believe Senator Enzi would prefer to see a maximum prison sentence for a first offense set at 18 months, whereas my bill would set the maximum at 10 years, in accordance with standard criminal law. Senators Kennedy, Corzine, and others introduced the Protecting America's Workers Act on the Senate side; and they agree with setting the maximum penalty for corporate manslaughter at the 10-year mark.
Mr. Speaker, the Protecting America's Workers Act would also extend OSHA coverage to millions of workers who currently lack the protection of workplace safety and health laws. Among others, these include public employees in a number of States and localities, certain transportation workers such as flight attendants, and a number of Federal workers, as well as those in public/private entities such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Moreover, this act provides stronger protections for any worker who reports safety and health violations of an errant employer.
This bill requires OSHA to investigate any workplace incident that results in the death of a worker or the
hospitalization of two or more workers. At the same time, it gives surviving family members of workers who are killed greater participation rights in OSHA's workplace investigation and penalty negotiation process with the respective employers responsible for these fatalities. Moreover, it prohibits OSHA from downgrading willful citations in worker fatalities, downgrading them to this ``unclassified'' category. They should not be categorized as ``unclassified'' ever again.
Last, but not least, this bill that I propose strengthens workplace prevention efforts by requiring employers to cover the costs of personal protective equipment for their employees.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the New York Committee on the Safety and Health, NYCOSH, joined by COSH committees in other States, for launching a national campaign against corporate killing. This grassroots campaign will alert workers and the wider public about the importance of ensuring employers do not place profits above basic safety measures at the expense of workers' very health and lives. This is a serious business that this committee ought to be about. This is a serious business that ought to be on the floor today. This grassroots campaign says what Congress should also be saying, that it is important to ensure that employers, that bosses do not place profits above basic safety measures at the expense of workers' health and lives.
Mr. Speaker, the time for the Protecting America's Workers Act is now. Although we have been making progress and making the American workplace safer in prior administrations, that progress has stalled, and we need to act immediately in a serious manner and stop the kinds of adjustments that are taking place in the bills that are on the floor today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this opportunity and take great privilege in coming to the floor today to place into the public realm a concern that is deep-seated in the city of…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this opportunity and take great privilege in coming to the floor today to place into the public realm a concern that is deep-seated in the city of Toledo and the State of Ohio which I am so honored to represent.
It in fact deals with corporate manslaughter. I stand today to oppose any weakening of OSHA statutes, and support the Owens bill to strengthen worker safety and protection. For, in fact, if those protections had been in place, the men I am going to tell Members about today would not be dead. Our community would not be in mourning. Their families would not be in mourning.
We have all observed with awe the marvelous photos of construction workers sitting on I-beams swinging above some of our Nation's major cities. High above New York City is one photo that comes to mind, as we admire the skill and the daring of these Americans who put their lives on the line every single day. These tradespeople indeed build America. I cannot think of a citizen in our country that does not respect their prowess and their skill.
Well, the worst construction accident in the history of the State of Ohio occurred in our city on February 16 of last year. It occurred on a Federal project, a Federal project that I had authorized and that has been being built now for several years. I was so proud when we passed that legislation. I said this is going to be a Federal
project which is going to be built without one death, and we worked for almost 2\1/2\ years to sign a safety agreement with each of the trades involved in this project and with the major company and the State of Ohio. It was difficult to bring them all to the table. I said I did not want this to be another Mackinaw. I did not want dead men at the base of another river. Instead, I hoped we would build this project and demonstrate respect for those doing the work.
Well, on February 16, 2004, these four men lost their lives. Several others were seriously injured on this job. Crushed to death on this job were ironworkers Mike Phillips, age 42; Arden Clark, age 47; Mike Moreau, age 30; and Robert Lipinski, Jr., age 44.
I cannot tell Members what it was like to go to the funeral of each of these men. How poignant, how unforgettable to be with those families following an accident I know could have been prevented. But, yes, there were people in this city, people in our capital of Columbus, people in that company who did not care, who simply did not care.
One of the men who lost his life, his nickname was Bubba, Bubba Lipinski, he was such a magnificent man. He weighed about 320 pounds. He was not heavy-set; he was just strong. He was about 6 feet 6. When I walked into the funeral home, his casket was the size of a child's casket, a mountain of a man, crushed to death.
Joe Blaze, the President of the Local Ironworkers observed, ``What happened will affect our community for generations.'' The local paper, The Toledo Blade, reported, ``Workers told investigators the crane's rear legs,'' this is, the crane that fell, ``were held up with 14 inches of shims and no anchors in the footers while each front leg had shims in only one of only two anchors.'' The workers were literally crushed when this million-ton crane moved, and it just could not hold itself. And it fell, crushing them to death in the process.
The question really is, why did it fall? Incredibly, its feet were not tied down. And people knew that. People in the company knew that. There are internal memos that show that they knew that.
But though the accident occurred over a year ago, the State of Ohio, that I view as an accomplice in this willful manslaughter, will not release inspection records. OSHA will not permit its inspector general at the Department of Labor to give us the pre-accident inspection reports. So, who was on site? Who was not on site? Who should have inspected? Who did not?
Moreover, there seems to be an issue of whether the Federal Government had responsibility to inspect a ``launching Gantry crane'', which is a specialized type of crane, that is, whether OSHA really had responsibility for inspecting launching Gantry cranes as opposed to other types of cranes.
Another major wrinkle, is that this particular crane, and there were two of them, was made in Italy, not the United States. The crane was imported. The men were a little uncomfortable with that. They generally build their own cranes and then build bridges using those cranes. Yet the State of Ohio assured the workers that it was of equal measure to any crane built in the United States. But there seems to be a little stickler in the OSHA regulations that OSHA may not equally regulate foreign imported cranes to the same standards expected of U.S. made cranes. They are not held to the same standard. Hmmm, why would that be?
I tried last month during the markup of the Labor, Health and Human Services appropriations bill to include simple report language in that bill, which is never denied to a member of this House, merely asking the Department of Labor's Occupational Safety and Health Administration to gather all records relating to the inspections that should have been done on the job, or lack thereof, prior to the accident and to provide them to the public record as well as to provide any communications that have occurred with the U.S. Department of Justice related to this accident. This was denied to me as an elected representative of the people of my district. It was denied to me by the Republican majority of this House, by the Republican majority of my committee, and by the Republican leader of the committee that is on the floor today.
I am angry. I am very angry. They do not want any oversight. They want the weaker OSHA regulations. They do not care about these men. They do not care about their families.
I have asked the majority to hold oversight hearings regarding OSHA's action or inaction in this I-280 Federal interstate highway accident. No word yet. No word yet on their willingness to agree for a request for a hearing. Surely the Congress has an oversight responsibility in a matter as serious as this one.
OSHA's Midwest office has ruled there was willful negligence on the job. And for reasons not completely understood, although they ruled willful negligence, they had to change the ruling. The ruling has now been changed. We do not know who changed the ruling. We want to know that. Now it has been termed ``unclassified''. It has gone from willful negligence, or corporate manslaughter, to unclassified. What does that mean?
It probably means that as the individual court cases move forth locally, somehow civil litigation is going to be affected by a careful dance of words. How absolutely cruel. Cruel. We talk about being pro- life. You are looking at a pro-life Member, and every one of those lives means everything to us. They went to work faithfully. They worked hard. They did magnificent work. I was up on that bridge last winter. It was blasted cold up there and windy. I represent the Saudi Arabia of wind up there on Lake Erie. They went to work in 32 degrees below zero. It was so cold with that wind factor.
Now guess how much OSHA is able to fine the company, and this is a $300 million to $400 million project, how much is OSHA able to fine the company and others responsible for this serious loss, a total of $70,000 for each lost life. $70,000 for each lost life? That is travesty. For 4 lost lives, OHSHA will impose a fine totalling $280,000 on a $300 million-plus project. That equals a fine of .0009% . . . almost embarrassing were it not so wrong. And, the money goes to the U.S. Treasury; it does not even go to the victims' families. What kind of country is this? What kind of shop are we running here?
Well, in my opinion, in cases of such gross negligence and criminal manslaughter, there should be more than civil damages and OSHA fines.
Our chief of police who is a very measured man said these men were murdered. There is criminal wrongdoing here. You know the amazing thing about our law, though this is a $300-plus million transportation project, I cannot even dedicate a few percentage points to give money to our local county prosecutor to investigate the nature of the negligence get to the bottom of this. The Department of Labor does not allow it. The Department of Transportation does not allow it. How do we find out what happened?
My questions are, where was OSHA? Who was investigating and who was inspecting on site? Where was the State of Ohio Department of Transportation? Where was their inspection? Why did they sign an acceleration agreement with the company--to make work on the project move even faster when the workers were a year and a half ahead of schedule? Who knew those footers were not tied down, both at the front and back ends of the launching Gantry crane? Did OSHA purposely not inspect what is termed a launching Gantry crane? Did OSHA not inspect nor require equal standards on a foreign made crane similar to one that is made in the United States of America?
Why did I have to jump start the negotiation of a safety agreement before construction started? Why did OSHA not do that? Why did the U.S. Department of Transportation not do that? Why did the State of Ohio not do that? The State of Ohio has got their head in the sand. Those in charge are hiding in Columbus somewhere under the sidewalk. You cannot even find them. Here we have the largest transportation project in Ohio history with criminal manslaughter, and they are all taking the duck.
Why is this Congress undermining what little authority OSHA ever had? What are we doing here? And who are we doing it for? Fru-Con, the major contractor? They have been responsible for five deaths in the last year at two
different project sites. That is quite a record.
We have now been told OSHA has not developed a standard or promulgated a rule stating that foreign-manufactured cranes, like this one, must equal or exceed U.S. safety standards. Who is responsible? On whose hands does the blood of these men lie in this House? On whose hands does it lie? I have a pretty good idea. Recommendations for such a standard were made nearly a year ago but not acted upon. Why not? Why not? Why has this Congress not demanded and implemented as soon as possible these regulations? Or made meeting U.S. standards a condition of eligibility for Federal funding? There is a serious abdication of responsibility here. We were always taught in school, there are sins of commission and there are sins of omission. Both sides of the ledger you are accountable for. Here there is a serious abdication of responsibility by the U.S.--an ommission, a purposeful omission. The inept Department of Labor caused the deaths of these men, as well as those in this Congress that would seek to weaken OSHA and gave no value to their lives.
These men died, in my view, because of the apparent willful negligence of our U.S. Department of Labor and the office of safety and health within it that was supposed to be set up to protect their lives as well as their allies here in the Congress who are completely undermining worker safety laws, They have abdicated their responsibility not just as lawmakers but as human beings to their fellow men and women to conduct aggressive oversight. The State of Ohio, as the contractural agent for the federal government, fell asleep on its oversight. The fact there are 4 dead men, and a half dozen injured is grim testament to that.
I have appealed already to our Committee on Education and the Workforce to hold hearings into this tragedy in Ohio. The hearings ought to be held in Ohio. It is my hope that, in spite of the actions being taken today, there might be some accountability, some conscience out there that asks--no, that demands--that this Congress act on behalf of the mothers and the fathers and the wives and the children and every single person in our community that goes under that bridge every day or looks at that construction project, all the people that still lay wreaths at the site, they are numerous, all the prayers, all the offerings, all the memories that are there forever.
I want to say to my colleague from New York, Mr. Owens you have my strongest support on your bill. I am so sorry that I have to come here to the floor today and speak these words that I know, for the families back home, is so very hard to listen to. But I feel it is my responsibility as the only voice they have got here. I want to say to the ironworkers union, if I can hold my composure, you deserve a lot better than this. You serve us with great distinction. We value the lives of your members and the faith that they put in us to protect them. Some of us take this obligation as a sacred obligation. We salute them.
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Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the chairman of our committee, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself 7\1/2\ minutes. Mr. Speaker, last…
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the chairman of our committee, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself 7\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. Speaker, last night and this morning, like all my colleagues, I watched the news reports about the parliamentary elections in Iraq. This is a proud day for the Iraqi people, and it is fitting that this Congress, this House of Representatives, recognize the courage of the Iraqi people, their desire to take control of their own destiny, and how much they have suffered to achieve this taste of democracy.
As has been stated by so many analysts in the news media, one of the most important outcomes of this election was the significant participation for the first time of Iraqi Sunnis in this election, many of whom, according to news reports, were encouraged to vote, escorted to the polls or guarded at the polls by armed Iraqi insurgents.
Everyone in the House of Representatives is proud of the Iraqi people. Everyone in this House respects the efforts made by our uniformed men and women to help the Iraqi people get to this historic moment.
This House could have sent a strong unified message to the Iraqi people, our troops in Iraq, and to the international community in support of our troops and in support of the brave Iraqi people. But, Mr. Speaker, once again, as it has so often done in the past, this Republican leadership has chosen to include controversial language in this resolution, knowing that it will provoke sharp and divisive debate over Iraq.
Rather than choosing to send a united message to the world, the Republican leadership has cynically and deliberately decided to highlight our divisions rather than our unity.
Late last night, the ranking member of the House International Relations Committee, one of the most respected leaders in this House on human rights, Congressman Tom Lantos, came before the Rules Committee with a resolution that focused on congratulating the people of Iraq for three successful elections conducted in Iraq this year. The resolution further praises our troops
for their contributions to peace and stability in Iraq. And, Mr. Speaker, he was rejected out of hand.
Shame on the majority to treat one of the most respected Members of this body in such a fashion. Shame. Mr. Speaker, there are many points of view in this House about how the U.S. should proceed in Iraq. Even among the majority, there are differing points of view. I for one believe these successful Iraqi elections provide an opportunity for the United States to change course in Iraq and begin bringing U.S. forces home. As we pass the 1,000th day of the war in Iraq, I believe we must begin the transition to putting the Iraqis in charge.
After 3 years of war, the United States claims, for better or for worse, the elimination of Saddam Hussein from power, and that the United States has furthered the Iraqi political process, culminating in the passage of a Constitution and now the first democratic election and Iraq's first constitutional government.
At this point, plans for a full transfer of sovereignty to Iraqis demands a change in course, one that puts Iraqis in charge. Iraq can't move forward with 160,000 U.S. troops, the largest U.S. Embassy in the world, and with Iraqi public opinion behind a timetable for withdrawal.
Mr. Speaker, many years ago Vermont Senator George Aiken said of the disastrous Vietnam war that the United States should declare victory and go home. Well, the elections in Iraq and the other milestones constitute a sufficient reason for the United States to declare that it has done all it can in Iraq, and it is time to reverse the Bush administration's policies.
President Bush's unwillingness to announce a plan to remove U.S. troops within a clear time frame and his refusal to renounce the use of permanent U.S. military bases there undermines his rhetoric about Iraqi democracy and will undermine the legitimacy of the new Iraqi Government. Our occupation of Iraq complicates the transition to democracy. Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright had it right, Mr. Speaker, when she said last month that the United States can support democracy, but we cannot impose democracy. And it is a deadly combination when democracy is equated with occupation.
While the President continues to give speeches on the war, the American people have become disenchanted with the administration's Iraq policies and its failure to disclose a plan for withdrawal. Let us be clear, Mr. Speaker. The President has a credibility gap when it comes to Iraq. According to a December 8 New York Times/CBS poll, 59 percent of Americans disapprove of the way President Bush is handling the war in Iraq, and 70 percent do not believe that he has developed a clear plan to get American troops out of Iraq.
We have lost more than 2,100 soldiers dead and over 15,000 wounded, overstretched our military, placed our homeland and those of our allies at greater risk, and still this President persists in a useless quest for, quote, victory.
But excuse me, Mr. Speaker, just what is ``victory''? Who defines it? Who decides when ``victory'' has been achieved in Iraq? Is it the Iraqi people themselves? Is it President Bush, who has already declared ``mission accomplished''? Is it next year? Or the year after that? Or 5 years or 10 years down the road? Is it when we have lost 3,000 troops in Iraq? Or 5,000? Or 10-? How many more American troops do we have to sacrifice? How many more Iraqi lives must be sacrificed before we decide that ``victory'' has been achieved?
While most Iraqis are confident in yesterday's parliamentary elections, two-thirds are opposed to the presence of U.S. troops, according to a poll released on December 12 by ABC News and Time Magazine. According to news reports, many of the Sunnis turned out in such large numbers yesterday because they see it as a means to end the U.S. occupation of their country. Arab voices through the Cairo process are helping change the dynamic in a positive way and are filling a role that the U.S. no longer needs to play.
The President must work with the United Nations and Iraq's Arab neighbors to develop an interim arrangement as American troops depart. The best way to preserve the gains made so far is to commit to long- term financing for reconstruction, working with the new Iraqi Government to set a timetable for withdrawal, and to arrange for an over-the-horizon troop presence.
The Bush administration and the Republican leadership of this House should be spending less time on spin and speeches and more time on preparing for bringing American troops home. The way out of Iraq begins by genuine respect for the will of the Iraqi people and their desire for U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq. The President can begin to demonstrate this respect by putting an end to the attempted manipulation of Iraqi public opinion with fake news written by Pentagon contractors, the unambiguous announcement that the U.S. will not maintain permanent military bases there, and the immediate initiation of a coherent plan for the withdrawal of our forces there. This will not only give the vast majority of the Iraqi people what they want, but the new Iraqi Government its strongest chance for success.
Unlike what is stated in this resolution, there is nothing ``artificial'' about this approach. Congress, too, has a responsibility to take action where the Bush administration falters. Today we should praise the Iraqi people, but tomorrow this Congress should move to must-pass legislation to force beginning to bring our forces home.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the ranking member on the International Relations Committee, who was denied his request to offer his amendment here on the floor today.
Mr. Speaker, before I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) to respond to what the chairman of the Rules Committee had said, let me make clear, nobody is talking about waving a white flag here. What we are talking about is trying to figure out a way to make a bad situation less bad. The polls have shown clearly that the majority of the Iraqi people want us out of Iraq. When a majority wants something, they usually get what they want, because that is what a democracy is about.
We don't know a lot about democracy in this House because we are routinely shut out of being able to have debates and votes on important issues. But the bottom line is that those of us who are advocating that the President set some sort of a timetable are doing so because we think that that is a way to strengthen the situation, to give the new government over there a chance to succeed. I don't believe it can succeed if it is viewed as a puppet of the United States. I don't believe it can succeed with a huge U.S. occupation over there. I don't believe it can succeed with the largest U.S. Embassy in the world over there. I don't believe it can succeed if those are the conditions.
And so having said that, let me yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to one of the authors of the amendment that was rejected last night in the Rules Committee, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), my colleague on the Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 seconds to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, to suggest that the Rules Committee respects a deliberative process in this House or that it is somehow democratic or receptive to alternative ideas, I think demonstrates to me that the chairman has pretty low standards when it comes to being inclusive.
The bottom line is, on important issues, on important matters like this one, we are routinely shut out. I mean, the chairman may be on board with what the President is doing in Iraq, but there are many of us who have great concerns. And the fact of the matter is, the section that is controversial in this bill deserves debate, not in the context of this resolution, but we should be on this floor debating this for a period of time and let everybody have their chance to present their viewpoint on what our policy should be in Iraq.
We should be debating Iraq almost every day. I mean, we are at war. We have lost 2,100 American servicemen and women; 15,000 are wounded. We have spent hundreds of billions of dollars, and we do not like to talk about it except in the context of these resolutions that kind of get dropped on us and brought to the floor; and we are supposed to praise our troops, which we all do.
We want to congratulate the democratic voting in Iraq, which we all do. But then tucked into this is a provision which some of us find objectionable.
This administration has a credibility gap, in my opinion, when it comes to Iraq. We have been misled too often, and it is time to demand the truth. It is not acceptable to embrace an open-ended U.S. policy toward Iraq that suggests that we put all our faith in the President.
He has been wrong on everything. There were no weapons of mass destruction. There was no tie to al Qaeda. There was no imminent threat to the United States from Iraq, and he rushed us into war. He said we would be greeted as liberators. Here we are approaching the third year. We are not greeted as liberators. We are stuck in a mess.
Mr. Speaker, I will also point out to the chairman of the Rules Committee that if you read the front page of today's Washington Post it says, ``Iraqi Vote Draws Big Turnout of Sunnis.'' Underneath, subheadline, ``Anti-U.S. Sentiment is Motivator for Many.''
A majority of the people in Iraq want us to begin the process of withdrawal; and what you are asking us to do is to embrace a resolution that says we will be there for as long as the President wants us, and that is unacceptable.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 351 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 351 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
The resolution before us is the rule for the consideration of a package of four bills, H.R. 739, 740, 741, and 742. They are pieces of legislation which passed with a significant bipartisan majority in the 108th Congress and are once again being brought to the floor today to help reduce the impact of unduly burdensome regulations for American small businesses and thereby enhancing American competitiveness, and to restore fairness in applying workplace safety regulations to small business.
The rule before us, House Resolution 351, provides for the separate consideration of each of these four bills. Under the rule, each bill will have its own debate time and the opportunity to be thoroughly debated and voted on by this body.
Finally, the rule also provides that at the close of consideration of these measures, the Clerk of the House will be directed to combine the text of each of these bills that do pass the House under this rule as one engrossed bill, and send that bill to our friends on the other side of this Capitol, where they will have a better opportunity this time to be both deliberative and, hopefully, active at the same time.
While this may seem to be a complicated rule, the effect is quite simple. The bills brought up for consideration under this rule will allow small businesses to focus more of their energy on competing in the marketplace, providing their customers with better goods and better services and creating new jobs across America, rather than spending their time paying questionable fines, wrangling with regulators, worrying about the uncertainties created by an inadequate dispute process, created by staffing shortages, or having to pay for lawyers' fees to help fight a just cause with occasionally insensitive, but most often distant, Federal bureaucracy in Washington, D.C.
The gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Boehner) and the subcommittee chairman, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), as well as the hard work by both Republican and Democratic Members of this committee, are to be commended in bringing a well-balanced small business fairness package to the floor today.
The first of these four bills, 739, which is the Occupational Safety and Health for Small Businesses Day in Court Act, tries to provide flexibility to employers filing responses to OSHA citations.
We currently have a hard and very arbitrary standard of 15 days to respond to an OSHA citation, even though in the 1980s, the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure granted employer relief to file a late notice if there was a mistake, inadvertence, a surprise, or excusable neglect.
This bill simply codifies this commonsense practice. Hard and fast deadlines in instances sometimes work an injustice, but in any case they provide only a safe standard for the bureaucrats, but lack the common sense to help small businesses which were clearly recognized in the Federal Rules on Civil Procedure.
There is no good reason why we should not codify for all what is occasionally given to some and allow for some discretion in granting relief to innocent employers for, as the law says, mistake, inadvertence, surprise or excusable neglect. There should be no controversy over this commonsense bill.
The second bill, H.R. 740, the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission Efficiency Act of 2005, provides for the addition of two additional members to the review commission, and the additional human resources will allow it to complete its work in a timely fashion for the benefit of both employers and employees. For two-thirds of the life span of the review commission's existence, the commission has frequently been paralyzed by vacancies that have resulted in several critical and well-documented inefficiencies and rendered the entire regulatory scheme devised by Congress to resolve OSHA disputes as unworkable. The byproduct of this breakdown delays final adjudication. It harms real business. It hinders real job creation. There is a simple and easy way to resolve this particular problem.
The third bill, H.R. 741, the independent review of OSHA citations, by legislative history and practice, OSHA was designed to be responsible for rule-making, enforcement and adjudication. But Congress also established a review commission. Its intention was to give an independent review of OSHA functions as a check on prosecutorial excesses by OSHA.
A 1984 court decision extended the concept of administrative deference to the agency and subsequent court decision which have been conflicting, have compounded the problem, and conflicted the process of checks and balances Congress intended. This bill simply restores responsible checks and balances to the current system by making it clear that it is the commission's legal interpretation that should be given proper judicial deference.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, the fourth bill, H.R. 742, deals with small employers' access to justice. This simply provides for a small employer to have payment of attorney fees when that small employer prevails in litigation that was prompted by the issuance of a citation by OSHA. The legislation is simple in its rationale: Small business people should not be intimidated into blindly following mandates because they do not think they can afford to fight a case in court in which they would otherwise prevail. This levels the playing
field so that small businessmen and businesswomen have an equal chance with powerful government bureaucracies that have virtually unlimited legal resources of the Federal Government behind them. This bill helps the mom-and-pop businesses to be able to have the courage to speak up for themselves when they are right.
Small businesses still provide a majority of the jobs in this country, and they feel the economic pressure brought by government regulations and taxes every day. It is only fair that through these four bills in these very specific areas that we take care to remove any economic incentives for the fostering of an insensitive Federal regulatory bureaucracy.
Mr. Speaker, these are four commonsense good bills which, once again, enjoyed a bipartisan majority of Members' support in the 108th Congress.
Our country has had 35 years of experience with OSHA. As documented in testimony before the House Committee on Education and the Workforce, modest improvements are needed to restore balance to the regulatory scheme through these bills as they relate to small business. Last year, the Office of Management and Budget reported to the Congress the annual cost of major Federal regulations for the decade from 1992 to 2002 was somewhere between $38 and $44 billion which means that, for every dollar we spend for regulation, we also as a government spend $1.50 for compliance costs and the private sector spends $45 in compliance costs.
The over-regulation of business puts us at a competitive disadvantage with the rest of the world, places unlimited, unnecessary limits on our economy and harms the consumer.
I am proud the congressional leadership is continuing to look at ways to pare back the overwhelming growth in regulation and bureaucracy, and I urge my colleagues to support the rule for these four bills to keep American businesses competitive in a global marketplace, to keep jobs here in America. I urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying bills.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I am appreciative of being able to talk about the four bills dealing with regulatory reform, all of which have had full debate in the committee this year, as well as full debate in the committee last year. And the Committee on Rules did approve every amendment that was germane. Unfortunately, of the three amendments that were present, none of them were germane to the topic of regulatory reform.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), the subcommittee chairman, to address this rule.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to note that, though I appreciate the very articulate remarks of the gentleman from California about the issue at hand, which is a significant issue we should somehow debate, I remind him that we are talking here about reform of a regulatory process of OSHA. The gentleman's comments are not germane to this particular bill. There will be a point in time for that discussion, but we should not cloud what this bill is actually doing.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Davis) to hopefully clarify this.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, once again, I have enjoyed the articulate and emotional discussion that has gone forward on this rule so far. Eventually, we may actually have a bill that meets the debate.
I would remind my colleagues that these four packages are how we help small business negotiate through the stream of Federal regulation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Boehner) to once again reemphasize that point.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), subcommittee chairman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, last term, when I was a freshman here, having had some State legislative experience, I remember sitting back there by the rail talking to some other freshmen saying one of the things we need to do desperately in this body is have the rule that there should be one bill and one issue. If we did that, it would create better transparency and actually better legislation that people would understand.
I think our discussions today illustrate that point. I have a great deal of empathy for the gentleman from Texas who spoke a few moments ago, a good friend, a good legislator, and he said, the bills we have before us would not solve the problem that he introduced. He was totally accurate, because the topic of his amendment is not the same as the topic of the bills we have before us today, which is why they were ruled nongermane and not put in on the rule itself.
I think we have had some fascinating words that I have enjoyed. I am going to call it fascinating rhetoric today, not really debate, because like ships passing in the night that never touch, so has our discussion from both sides of the aisle gone forward, but never really discussed the same topic at the same particular time.
The four bills we have before us are very narrow in their approach, and they are very good bills, because they help small businessmen and small business women to try and negotiate the rule process with OSHA. They deserve our support, as they deserve the support they got last year when they were discussed in committee; last year when we passed them with bipartisan support on the floor; this year, once again, as they were discussed in committee, because the goal of those bills is to eliminate the conflict between the Federal Government and small business and, instead, to enhance cooperation. And that enhanced cooperation will make a better atmosphere for the business community in America and make a better country for all of us. That is the point of these four very good, very narrow and very specific bills.
I urge the Members to support this rule. It is a fair rule. I urge the Members to support the four underlying bills. They are good bills.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 619 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 619 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, yesterday was an extraordinary day not only in the history of Iraq but the history of the world. We saw the third free and fair election take place in the country of Iraq, and for the first time in the history of that nation we saw the people of Iraq choose their own leaders.
On January 30 of this year, there were many people who thought it could not happen, there were many terrorist attacks, and it actually was slow in coming. As you will recall, the pictures that we saw of voting stations where early on no one voted, but ultimately 8.5 million Iraqis voted to put into place a coalition government that was charged with the task of fashioning a constitution, a constitution that would work to bring together the very disparate factions that exist within Iraq, the three that we know of, the Shia, the Sunni, and the Kurdish populations, and of course the other divisions that exist in the country.
Mid-summer, we saw the work on that constitution proceed. We saw the August date approach. There were problems, difficulties. And then we saw the October 15 election rapidly approach, and people from all over the world, including leaders of the U.S. forces there, were uncertain as to whether or not the Iraqi people would in fact ratify their constitution.
Mr. Speaker, we saw a 64 percent voter turnout, roughly 10 million Iraqis voting, and 78 percent of the people of Iraq from throughout the country among all of those three disparate factions within the country came together and overwhelmingly, with a 78 percent vote, ratified that constitution. The existence of that constitution called for parliamentary elections to take place, and for, as I said, the first time in the nation's history we yesterday saw the Iraqi people choose their own leaders, a 275-member parliamentary assembly.
Mr. Speaker, we do not know yet the exact outcome of that election, but there are a number of very important things we do know about yesterday's election. We thought that there would be wide-ranging terrorist attacks, when in fact there were very few if any difficulties with the election at all when it came to attacks. We saw something that came as a great surprise to so many people, and that was a 70 percent voter turnout.
Mr. Speaker, 11 million Iraqis voted in this election. If one looks at where it is that we are headed, it is an amazing testament to what the United States of America and our Coalition Forces have done.
We, as a body, strongly support our troops; and we, as a body, strongly support the mission of our troops.
Mr. Speaker, what I would like to do, at this point, is share with my colleagues the resolution that, if we approve this rule, will be considered. It is a resolution introduced by the very distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations. And I should say parenthetically that our thoughts and prayers are with Chairman Hyde right now as he is going through a very difficult situation in his family. But in his absence, I know that from the International Relations Committee our colleague from Miami (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) came before the Rules Committee last night and testified on behalf of this resolution; and she was joined by the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on International Relations (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, as I listen to these statements made about public opinion polls, I would like to point to my colleagues the ABC News poll about which my friend referred. Seventy-one percent of the Iraqis polled said that their lives were very good or quite good; 61 percent reported the security situation is very good or quite good in the area where they reside; 64 percent said they expect their lives to be much or somewhat better a year from now.
I know that my friend from Ohio is introducing a resolution, he spoke about it earlier today, talking about the independence and the Iraqis making a choice as far as our presence. The Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani, made it very clear in an editorial that he wrote in the Wall Street Journal. He said:
``A timetable will aid the terrorists and tell them that all they have to do is wait. Military plans must be flexible. We should have the suppleness to respond to the often-changing level of terrorist threat.''
That is not an American military leader making that statement. That is the President of Iraq.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the very distinguished chairman of the Republican Study Committee, my friend from Columbus, Indiana (Mr. Pence).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to respond to my very good friend from California by saying, first and foremost, there is nothing ugly and divisive about the debate that we are about to undertake, that we are in the midst of right now, number one.
Number two, I think it is important to note that while all of the recommendations that were made by the minority were rejected, I have just been given by the staff of the International Relations Committee an outline of those two recommendations that were made. They were to entirely delete the resolved No. 6 clause in the resolution, which was the language that I read which says that we cannot establish an artificial timetable for withdrawal, which is exactly what President Talabani said in his piece, number one. And, number two, it underscored the fact that there was a desire from the minority to change the goal of achieving victory to establishing stability in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is very important for us to note that there should be, in fact, complete bipartisanship in our goal to not have an artificial timetable complying with the request of our men and women on the ground there along with President Talabani, as well as making sure that we achieve victory in Iraq. Nothing, nothing, has to be divisive about this debate. I am convinced, Mr. Speaker, that at the end of the day, an overwhelming majority of the House of Representatives will support this, because we want to do more than simply pat our men and women in uniform on the back and pat the Iraqi people on the back. We want to talk about the importance of sustaining what took place yesterday for the future of Iraq.
I will in just a moment. We have got a limited amount of time. I look forward to engaging my friend, but I promised the former Secretary of State of Michigan that I would yield 2\1/2\ minutes to her. At this point I would like to do that and then would look forward to any comments that my friend would offer.
Absolutely. I look forward to it.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield a minute to my friend from California as well.
Will the gentleman yield? I have yielded 2 minutes to the gentleman. I think he still has time.
I just would like to say that I believe that the resolution that has been brought forward is one which recognizes the directive, the call from the President of Iraq. It recognizes the sense of the men and women in uniform who are on the ground there. And I believe that an overwhelming majority, and I will say to my friend, there may be some Republicans who choose to vote against this measure. I don't know that every Republican is going to vote in support of this resolution, but this resolution underscores the importance of victory in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to respond to my friend.
First of all, let me say that as a member of the Rules Committee, I am very proud of this democratic, small ``d,'' institution; and I am very proud of the work of the Rules Committee. I would like to say that in this session of Congress more amendments offered by Democrats have been made in order than amendments offered by Republicans.
Mr. Speaker, I would also like to say that as my friend talks about ideas
being shut out, that is a mischaracterization of what has happened here. We have come forward with a sense of the Congress resolution, a simple resolution is what it is. I would like to share with my colleagues, since we are talking about the process of democracy in Iraq and the process of democracy here in the United States of America and in the people's House, according to the Congressional Research Service, they state on simple resolutions, ``Simple resolutions express nonbinding opinions on policies or issues (the `sense' of the House or Senate) or deal with the internal affairs or prerogatives of the House. For example, they are used to establish select and special committees, appoint the members of standing committees, and amend the standing rules. In the House, the Rules Committee reports its special rules in the form of simple resolutions.''
This is a simple resolution which I believe is going to enjoy strong bipartisan support. Democrats and Republicans will, I believe, in overwhelming numbers support this resolution which simply says, Mr. Speaker, that we recognize the incredible sacrifice by our troops, we recognize the incredible sacrifice and suffering that the Iraqi people encountered under Saddam Hussein and the struggle that they have gone through over the past 3 years. And it recognizes what has been clearly stated by Iraq's President, by our men and women in uniform and by the people of Iraq, and that is establishing some artificial timetable would undermine the process of democracy.
One must look at the letter which has gotten a great deal of attention that was sent from the number two operative in al Qaeda, Mr. Zawahari to the lead operative for al Qaeda in Iraq, the center of terrorism from Zarqawi. And he has said in that letter, Democracy is coming and there will be no excuse for violence thereafter.
Mr. Speaker, it is absolutely essential that we do everything that we can for the stability of Iraq, the stability of the region, and the stability of the world, that we must maintain that path towards democracy. The coalition forces, the Iraqi security forces are making that happen.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 seconds to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to respond to my friend.
I will simply say that I believe we should do everything we can to pursue the deliberative process here. I believe that the Rules Committee does that. We have a management responsibility. We bring resolutions through the Rules Committee. If there is controversy, I believe that recognizing our strategy for victory in Iraq is the right thing to do. People in Iraq, our men and women on the ground, recognize that.
I believe it is the right thing to do and I look forward to a strong and overwhelming bipartisan vote in support of this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I first say to my friend from Texas (Mr. Doggett) that this notion that we are going to stay just as long as President Bush wants us to stay and not a day longer, well, actually, what President Bush has said is that we will stay as long as necessary and not a day longer. And that was part of the initial strategy that was launched on his speech on the 26th of February 2003. And it is very, very clear that the President of Iraq has said that any kind of artificial timetable would, in fact, jeopardize the prospect of democracy.
I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the previous speaker. I know he is really busy today and had to go ``no'' on all four bills, but maybe I can refocus…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the previous speaker. I know he is really busy today and had to go ``no'' on all four bills, but maybe I can refocus us just a little bit and explain that we are on one bill right now, and it is a very simple bill. It is H.R. 740, the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission Efficiency Act of 2005. Maybe we can concentrate just on this bill now for this hour and understand that this is a badly-needed change in OSHA unless you do not believe OSHA ought to work, unless you do not believe that the OSHA Commission should be in place.
This legislation is especially timely. In April, the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission's term expired, placing the Commission in the same position it has been in for almost two-thirds of its existence; now, listen to me: almost two-thirds of its existence for the last 34 years undermanned and unable to function properly. Well, why is that important? It is not. It is only important to someone who has a citation hanging over their business, hanging over their head, and you cannot get the review commission to operate. It is clearly, after 34 years: No, we understand it does not work. Half of the time they cannot do business.
H.R. 740, the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission Efficiency Act, increases the size of the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission from three members to five. My goodness. We really need to spend a lot of time debating this.
We are actually going to change this commission, like most commissions in the Federal Government, and change it to five members so it finally can do the job that the Congress in 1970 wrote into the law they wanted it to do. What an extreme bill this is.
The bill changes the quorum requirements from two members to three members, and allows the President to consider legal training, in addition to education and experience, as criteria in selecting an individual to serve on the board.
Finally, H.R. 740 allows a confirmed member of the commission to continue to serve for up to 365 days to prevent the breaks in service that occur when a Senate confirmation is not concluded in a timely manner. Does that mean every time somebody retires this commission goes out of business, because we cannot get the Senate to do its job? That does not matter to anybody except the small business who has a citation hanging over their head that the government will not deal with.
The committee heard testimony in the 108th Congress that because of the vacancies, the commission has been nonfunctioning for two-thirds of 30-plus years of its existence. Now, listen to that, for pity sakes. The commission that you are trying to protect has been nonfunctioning for two-thirds of the 30 years of its existence. Why in the world would you want to protect the present-day system?
Given that the creation of the commission was the catalyst for the passage of the OSH Act in 1970, there never would have been an OSHA had not this particular provision been in this review commission. And now you do not want it to work. We are trying to change that.
I believe it is important to prevent the commission from being stalled and unable to rule on cases when there is a gap in appointees. That does not serve employees or small employers well at all.
Let me make one final point. My colleagues on the other side have been very critical of the inclusion of legal training as a qualification for commissioners, criticism that I cannot understand.
Mr. Speaker, OSHRC is an adjudicative body. Legal training is therefore important because the commission writes opinions that will be reviewed by the courts if a finding is challenged. I would certainly think our Democratic lawyers would agree and understand that. But I would note that legal training is but one of three criteria the President could review before appointing a commissioner, that would mean a Democratic President or a Republican President.
Nothing in this bill suggests or requires that every member of the commission be a lawyer. The simple fact of the matter is this: when the commission is unable to rule on cases, resolution does not occur in a timely manner. That is unfair and that is wrong.
This is unfair to all parties and drastically undermined congressional intent from 1970. In the 108th Congress this bill passed the full House with bipartisan support by 228 to 199.
I urge passage again this year. And I will say, if you live in a district where there are no small businesses in that district, then I would vote ``no'' on this. But if I had any small businesses in my district, I would give it some serious consideration.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute. I would just like to mention to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) that this bill is not about death. It is simply about making OSHA work, making the commission work. It is as simple as that.
If you want to be against making OSHA actually work, and the review commission doing the job that the Democratic Congress wrote in the bill in 1970, then vote ``no.''
Mr. Speaker I yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), my good friend, and believe me he is, I want him to be well aware that I am not certainly trying to hire two lawyers. You can be certain of that.
But we do think some legalese is advisable on the commission. But being a lawyer is only one of three criteria. I know that you know that. The other part that I just want to mention to you is that when we changed this commission to have five members so it actually will work, if you have got a better idea how to make a commission work that is totally useless right now, with three members, of course I have always been open to hear that, but we think five may well do it; but it will take three members to form a quorum, not two.
That is for sure. I appreciate you bringing that up so I can clarify that.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have left on each side?
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Tiahrt).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I do wish my friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens), would get the AFL-CIO to send him talking points just on this bill. That is what we have this hour for, to discuss this one bill, where we actually are trying to make OSHA work.
Now, I will go over it again. This is about an agency called OSHA that has a review commission made up of three people. This review commission was written into the law in 1970, written into the law by a Democrat House and Senate that simply said OSHA did not get to be the judge and jury. They do have the right to set the standards. They can write the regulations and enforce the regulations, but they are not to be the final judge and jury. OSHRC is. The review commission is.
Now, what we find is the commission is not working. It does seem to me that some people do not want it to work. I am not sure I know why, but to stay with a bill that is 34 years old and just like it is, thinking it is perfect, when we absolutely know that it is not. For more than two-thirds of its existence, this commission has been paralyzed by frequent vacancies and often been unable to act. Two- thirds of the time in 34 years this commission has been unable to act. For more than half of its existence, it has had two or fewer members. For 20 percent of that time it lacked even a quorum of two.
Now, why does the AFL-CIO or the labor bosses not want this to change? I do not know, but you misread it if you say working families do not want this kind of change. Because most working families in this country are in small business. And tell you the truth, many labor union members also have small businesses with their wives and sometimes themselves as a second job.
You take it on yourself to tell us what the majority party wants. Well, this is simple what we want in this bill: We want a review commission at OSHA that works. It is just that simple. We do not want any more or any less. That is all this bill is about. We believe having five commissioners will help aid that process.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all our Members to just simply come to the floor and remember what this is about. This is a small tweak in a 34-year-old bill that is not working, and it does not help anybody. It does not help workers, and it does not help employers to not pass this little thing to help this agency work.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop) for the time. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this closed rule and…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop) for the time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this closed rule and all four of the underlying pieces of legislation that it encompasses. For those who did not hear me the first time, I said four pieces of legislation under one closed rule.
This is a quadruple coupon day in the House of Representatives, Mr. Speaker. Four opportunities to shut off democracy for the price of one. What is perhaps most offensive about the rule is the fact that not one amendment was made in order for any of the four bills. Let me repeat that: Not one amendment was made in order for any of the four underlying bills.
Closed rules are an affront to our democracy. We should stop it now. My outrage and the outrage of all on this side of the aisle is as much about process as it is about policy. Pure partisan politics never produces sound public policy. And patronizing corporate interests to pad one's campaign coffers has no place in the people's House. Yet, that is all the majority seems interested in doing.
The political score Republicans are seeking to settle with their barrage of anti-working-class legislation is not going to be fulfilled by stifling debate and blocking Democrats out of the process. Republicans are calling this the OSHA fairness package. Fair for who? There are only losers with these bills, Mr. Speaker, and the biggest victim is the American worker. All four of the underlying pieces of legislation represent a buffet of rollbacks in our laws governing working conditions.
Mr. Speaker, do we have an overwhelming epidemic in this country of ridiculous and overzealous workplace lawsuits that I do not know about? The judicial process for violations and workplace health and safety standards has been in place for nearly 30 years. It is fair, and most importantly, it protects the rights of workers. Yet, two of the underlying bills affecting OSHA standards are coming as a direct result of recent court rulings that Republicans and their corporate friends do not agree with. The other two are aimed at stacking the OSHA commission with anti-worker commissioners and creating a system where only those who can afford legal representation will be permitted to file a complaint with the Workplace Safety and Health Board.
Mr. Speaker, I do not like the new policy of this Congress which can best be described as ``when the courts rule against you, legislate against the courts.''
Why are we stifling Members from offering thoughtful amendments? Just one example, if I may. The ranking Democrat on the Committee on Education and the Workforce, my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), a man who served in this body for 30 years and is known throughout the country as a champion for working- class Americans, Republicans denied him the opportunity to offer a substitute to one of the underlying bills that came out of his committee.
Had the majority made the Miller substitute in order, the House could have done something today that would have actually benefited working- class Americans. We could have had a real debate about increasing the minimum wage to a meager $7.25 an hour.
Realize, this is an amount that while above the current level of $5.15 is significantly below the much needed living wage that is needed to pull someone making the minimum wage 40 hours a week above the poverty line. In blocking the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller) from offering his amendment, Republicans are again proving that they are anything but the people's party. Perhaps the majority is blocking what it knows it cannot defeat, or better yet, perhaps the majority is just protecting its members from taking a vote that will show their true colors. Shame on them and shame on this body if it allows this assault on American workers to continue. None of us in this body would want to live on $5.15 an hour. None of us would want to work three jobs just to make ends meet. None of us would want to work three jobs and still have no health care. Yet, that is what we are asking, no, requiring millions of our fellow citizens to do.
When the opportunity to increase the minimum wage presents itself, Republicans blocked House Members from voting on it. At least in the other body, while the leadership opposed an increase in the minimum wage, they at least permitted a vote. Protecting the rights of those most in need is the cornerstone of our great democracy. I refuse to remain silent while those on the other side of the aisle seek to dismiss this cardinal American value.
I urge my colleagues to reject the closed rule and oppose the underlying pieces of legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), a champion of worker rights.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens).
(Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I kind of question whether a closed rule is fair, but I hear the chairman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green).
(Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott).
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
First, I heard several times that the matter of the minimum wage is not germane to the four measures included in this one rule. The simple fact of the matter is that an amendment was offered at the Committee on Rules last night and that amendment was voted down on a party-line vote. So at least a discussion during the period of the rule allows the germaneness of the question having to do with the minimum wage, not so much of the substance of the base bill.
I will be asking Members to vote ``no'' on the previous question, Mr. Speaker, so I can amend the rule and allow the House to vote on the Miller-Owens bill to increase the Federal minimum wage. This amendment was offered in the Committee on Rules, as I just said, last night, but was defeated on a straight party-line vote.
My amendment to the rule would provide that immediately after the House adopts this rule, it will bring H.R. 2429 to the House floor for an up-or-down vote. This bill will gradually increase the minimum wage for Americans from the current level of $5.15 an hour to $7.25 an hour after about 2 years.
Mr. Speaker, it is time we in the House started helping American workers instead of taking away their rights as the four underlying bills in this rule do. I think one of the best things we can do to help working families is to increase the minimum wage. It has been nearly 10 years since this Congress has voted to increase the minimum wage, an increase that was signed into law by President Clinton in August of 1996. Since that time, the value of that increase has eroded by 20 percent. A full-time minimum wage earner is working 40 hours a week, makes about $10,700 annually, an amount that is $5,000 below the poverty line for a family of three.
Clearly we are way overdue for another increase. Somehow we have had time to implement numerous tax breaks for the wealthiest Americans, but we have turned our backs on those who work the hardest and are paid the least, those who struggle to make ends meet every day.
I think it is time this Congress developed a conscience and started helping those who need help the most.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members of this body to vote ``no'' on the previous question so we can help these 7.5 million American workers who directly benefit from an increase in the minimum wage.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the grounds that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 739) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for adjudicative flexibility with regard to the…
Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 739) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for adjudicative flexibility with regard to the filing of a notice of contest by an employer following the issuance of a citation or proposed assessment of a penalty by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 739, the bill now under consideration.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, today we will debate four important bills that make modest reforms to the Occupational Safety and Health Act. These measures ensure that small business owners who make good faith efforts to comply with health and safety laws are dealt with fairly and equitably by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration.
Nearly every employer recognizes that improving workplace safety is good for business, and it is good for workers. Employers are subject to fierce competition both at home and abroad and must compete in the face of high taxes, skyrocketing health costs, escalating litigation, and burdensome government regulations. These OSHA reform bills are designed to improve worker safety and enhance the competitiveness of small businesses that are the real engine of job growth in our country.
The U.S. economy continues to grow, and more and more employers are continuing to hire workers each month. Last week, the Labor Department reported that more than 3.7 million new jobs have been created since May of 2003, marking 25 consecutive months of sustained job creation. But we need to make sure that onerous government regulations do not hamstring small businesses' ability to continue to hire
new workers and compete in our economy. That is why these bills are so important.
Madam Speaker, since Republicans assumed leadership of Congress 10 years ago, we have undertaken considerable efforts to make bureaucracy more responsive and more accountable to workers and taxpayers. Let me give just a few examples:
We stopped unwarranted and invasive OSHA regulations proposed by the Clinton administration that would have held employers liable for the safety of their employees who work from home. We stopped one of the most over-reaching attempts at regulation in our Nation's history by repealing an irresponsible and unworkable ergonomics regulation that would have cost employers billions of dollars and killed millions of jobs. We have dealt with the problem of costly unfunded mandates by ensuring that Congress does not pass expensive legislation and then place it onto the backs of State and local governments.
This decade of progress on regulatory reform should give every American confidence that Congress is making positive steps every year to improve government accountability. And today we want to take one more step, one more positive step to help improve workplace safety, I think a goal we all share.
OSHA, under the Bush administration, has made significant efforts to supplement traditional enforcement programs with cooperative partnerships between the agency and employers. I am pleased to report these voluntary programs have proven successful in reducing workplace injuries and illnesses. In fact, if we look at this chart, workplace injuries and fatalities have declined significantly during the Bush administration. And as this chart shows, workplace injuries and illnesses have declined significantly under the Bush administration to their lowest point in history, to a rate of just five injuries or illnesses per 100 workers.
Moreover, workplace fatalities have made similar declines. There has been a 5.8 percent reduction in workplace fatalities since the Bush administration took office, and that is significant progress.
Why has such progress been made? Because under this administration, OSHA and employers have started to work together more cooperatively and more proactively to solve workplace safety problems before injuries and fatalities occur. A GAO report released last year said voluntary partnerships between OSHA and employers ``have considerably reduced the rates of injury and illness'' and have fostered ``better working relationships with OSHA, improved productivity, and decreased workers' compensation costs.''
We strongly support OSHA targeting the bad actors that defy the law and compromise the safety of their workers, but we also need to recognize that most employers are good actors who work hard to address job safety concerns. No employer wants to deal with unnecessary OSHA- related litigation and escalating attorneys' fees that would result from that enforcement. Most employers want to comply with the law, and the offer of assistance from OSHA is enough to provide the incentive they need to make this investment. Employers will use these resources because safety pays.
The reform measures we will consider today are proposals that, while fairly modest in substance, are important to small business owners who struggle every day to comply with the complex OSHA laws and provide a safe working environment for their workers while facing an increasingly competitive worldwide economy. Employers who make good faith efforts to comply with OSHA standards deserve to be treated fairly and have their day in court, and these commonsense bills will help ensure that they receive that opportunity.
The first bill on tap today, the Occupational Safety and Health Small Business Day in Court Act gives the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission additional flexibility to make exceptions to the arbitrary 15-day deadline for employers to file responses to OSHA citations when a small business misses the deadline by a mistake or for good reason.
This bill essentially codifies administrative action taken by the Labor Department last year and ensures appropriate disputes are resolved based on merit rather than legal technicalities. It passed the House with strong bipartisan support last year, and it deserves every Member's support.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Workforce Protections.
(Mr. NORWOOD asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price), a member of our committee.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, let me remind my colleagues what this small, innocuous bill does. It says to the Secretary of Labor and to OSHA that the arbitrary, 15-day deadline that is in the statute for complying with an OSHA citation or to respond to OSHA can, in fact, be waived under special circumstances, if OSHA believes that the employer missed it by accident or had other extenuating circumstances, they have the option of extending the 15-day deadline. That is all this bill does.
Now, some of my colleagues on the other side have suggested, well, no, they already have this authority. But the fact is, they do not. The ability of the commission to waive a deadline on a case-by-case basis when circumstances warrant it have been drawn into increased legal uncertainty by the recent decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Chao v. LeFrois Builder, Incorporated, and indeed, as recently as 2003, OSHA has argued that OSHRC does not have the authority to apply this rule.
So we think that voluntary cooperation between OSHA and the employer community will, in fact, lead to a safer workplace. And as the chart showed that I displayed earlier, workplace injuries and fatalities have continued to decrease in each year of the Bush administration.
Let us make this commonsense change to help employers and their workers achieve a safer workplace.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time opposing this rule. I would like to express my disappointment that the Committee on Rules refused to allow a vote on an amendment that has…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time opposing this rule.
I would like to express my disappointment that the Committee on Rules refused to allow a vote on an amendment that has bipartisan support, an amendment that would require to list contract workers on their injury site log.
This was not a major expense or an inconvenience for employers, yet the Committee on Rules defeated it on a party-line vote.
The bills that are up today are not major legislation. They may correct individual problems, and each of them need to be debated, and they should be. But not to allow other needed OSHA reforms is a travesty of this House because of the situation I am getting ready to talk about. Our amendment was defeated on a party-line vote, even though we have bipartisan support on the original legislation that was introduced in March of this year.
Mr. Speaker, 15 people lost their lives during an explosion and fire at a refinery in Texas City. This is a picture of the site, and I include for the Record a copy of the Baytown Sun article on the
deadly accident. This picture shows the site in Texas City.
The bills that are allowed under this rule will do nothing to help the 15 people killed in this accident. Nothing. That is what the travesty is on this floor today.
A series of news articles quickly discovered that it is extremely difficult to assess the safety of such facilities due to the way employers are required to keep their site logs of injuries on the work site. While all deaths and injuries are reported to OSHA, only those involving direct employees of the site-controlling company are required to be maintained on the site incident log. This means that the incidents involving contract workers or part-time workers do not show up on the injury log employers are required to keep by law. Unfortunately, because current law does not require them to do so, the site log will look just the same as it did the day before March 23. It will show no lives were lost.
Those 15 workers who died on this site were contract workers, and they should be reported. Residents and communities surrounding these facilities have a right to know if they live near a place that could endanger them if something were to go wrong. If we had full disclosure of these incidents, the free market system may be able to work. Workers are less willing to work in hazardous environments, so facilities would have incentives to improve safety. Right now, it is nearly impossible to determine exactly how many accidents have occurred at a particular site without cross-referencing contracts between employers and contractors.
OSHA has known these reporting requirements were a problem for 14 years, and yet here we are today dealing with three pieces of legislation that deal with nothing to do with contract workers.
In 1989, one of the most serious plant explosions in our country occurred at a plant in Pasadena, Texas, and I am honored to represent that area. This accident killed 23 workers and injured 232 others. As a result, OSHA called for a study regarding the use of contract labor in the petrochemical industry. This study was conducted while the first George Bush was President, and this study found there was a lack of adequate injury and incident data. It states that current data reporting procedures do not capture the full range of injury or illnesses experienced in the industry because the injury statistics do not include the experience of contract workers.
This amendment does not require an industry to do anything more than record injuries and accidents on their site log regardless of whether they are their employee or someone working on their site. I am not here to bash employers or OSHA. The bottom line is that neighbors and employees have the right to know. These bills that we are considering today may very well weaken job safety, but I do not think they are that major. We should be working on a bipartisan basis to solve problems and prevent deaths and injuries like what happened on March 23, 2005, in Texas City, Texas. That is why these three bills are woefully inadequate to deal with the problems that we have with on-site job injuries right now.
[From the Baytown Sun, June 29, 2005]
Alarms, Instrumentation Failed in BP Refinery Blast
(By Pam Easton)
Nassau Bay.--Key pieces of instrumentation and alarms at
BP's Texas City refinery weren't working properly in March
when explosions rocked the plant, killing 15 and injuring
more than 170, federal investigators said Tuesday.
Don Holmstrom, lead investigator with U.S. Chemical Safety
and Hazard Investigation Board, said an alarm within the
isomerization unit--where the explosion occurred--didn't work
properly until after the explosions had begun.
Holmstrom also said a sensor in a section of the raffinate
splitter, which separates chemicals for gasoline production,
indicated the liquid level in the tower was decreasing when
it was instead flooding. Another alarm that should have
sounded when the liquid exceeded 10 feet high didn't
activate, ``even as the liquid flooded more than 12 times
that height,'' Holmstrom said.
Among the 15 people killed in the March 23 explosion, seven
were from Baytown or surrounding communities.
They were: Jimmy Hunnings, 58, of Baytown; Morris Raymond
``Monk'' King, 57 of Baytown; Susan Duhan Taylor, 33, of
Baytown; Ralph Herrera Jr. 27, of Baytown; Larry Linsenbardt,
58 of Mont Belvieu; Ryan Rodriguez, 28, of Dayton; and Lorena
``Lori'' Cruz, 32 of La Porte.
BP spokesman Ronnie Chappell said the federal safety
board's findings are similar to the company's own
investigation completed in May.
The company blamed staff errors for the March 23 explosion
and fire. Among the procedural lapses company executives
cited were a lack of supervision and a six-minute window in
which unit supervisors could have sounded an alarm to
evacuate the area, but didn't.
``If personnel responsible for the safe startup of the isom
unit had followed procedures, the fire and explosion would
not have occurred,'' Chappell said Tuesday.
An alarm notified operators of a liquid level that was too
high in the raffinate splitter at 3:05 a.m. on March 23,
company records show. An operator silenced the alarm, but an
illuminated warning remained on screens and the alarm
remained in effect until 1:20 p.m., the time of the blast,
Holmstrom said.
Meanwhile, liquid-level indicators drifted down from 100
percent to 79 percent beginning at 7:30 a.m., and
``erroneously indicated to operators that the liquid level in
the tower was below 10 feet and was falling back toward a
normal value.''
However, the 164-foot tower was instead flooded with liquid
that reached 120 feet or more, Holmstrom said. A normal level
is below 10 feet.
When the excess liquid and vapor was discharged, it
overwhelmed one of the unit's systems, causing the vapor and
liquid to be released and ignited by a still-unknown source.
Holmstrom said federal investigators will spend the next
four to six weeks testing at least 30 instruments and other
equipment in the isomerization unit, which boosts the octane
level in gasoline. Federal investigators have also asked BP
for equipment maintenance records. Chappell said BP was
cooperating.
Holmstrom said it is ``unprecedented'' for his
investigators to spend so much time looking into equipment,
instrumentation and their possible failures.
``Our objective is to understand why this tragedy occurred,
and, we hope, to prevent similar occurrences in the future,''
he said.
The board will hold a public meeting to discuss complete
findings of the federal probe this fall, Holmstrom added.
Chappell said BP and federal investigators have the same
goal.
``We want to ascertain exactly what occurred and take
action to prevent something like this from ever happening
again,'' he said.
The blast was the plant's third accident in a year,
following a March 2004 explosion that caused an evacuation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend, the gentleman from Puerto Rico (Mr. Fortuno). Mr. Speaker I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I always enjoy following my friend, the…
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend, the gentleman from Puerto Rico (Mr. Fortuno).
Mr. Speaker I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I always enjoy following my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews). I love to hear his debate, and I respect it. But I just think he is wrong about this.
We are not chilling anybody. What we are telling OSHA is you be darn careful before you drag people into court or force them to pay the citation because they simply cannot go to court.
They can take anybody to court anytime they want to under this bill. But they better be right more often than they are wrong, and that is not necessarily the case. So many of the cases we never hear about because the poor small business owner simply has to pay the citation because he knows that the attorneys' fees are going to be 10 times more than the citation.
In hearings before my subcommittee in the last Congress, we heard testimony from several witnesses about settling citations with OSHA rather than contesting citations, even though the employer felt the citation was dead wrong.
Why is this a continuing theme? I do not even have to be in Congress to hear this. I know about this kind of thing going on in my area all of the time. I would argue that since it is too hard to challenge OSHA and its attorneys, and the fact that you are challenging the entire taxpayers of the country and the use of their dollars, an employer simply cannot afford to go to court to prove that they are right because of the cost.
Does this remind any of you that have been in business about hearing from any of your friends with the IRS? They do the same thing. They just beat you to death and make you pay whatever they want you to pay and you cannot go to court to defend yourself.
The Occupational Safety and Health Small Employer Access to Justice Act, would award attorneys' fees to small businesses that successfully challenge an OSHA citation. They need to know what they are doing before they drag people into court. They need to be right.
They will not be every time. It may cost them sometimes. But that is better than not ever allowing a small businessman to be able to defend himself in court. The legislation defines a small business as one with 100 employees or less and with a net worth of not more than $7 million.
This is a very limited definition. This very limited definition will award attorneys' fees to the very small employer who is often pressured into settling with OSHA despite the fact that the company believes it has done nothing wrong.
This legislation is needed because the Equal Access to Justice Act has not been effective in redressing unfair citations for small business owners. Some people think that is not true. We think it is true. The numbers of cases filed under EAJA are few and far between. Why? Because OSHA can easily claim that the citations were justified. Under EAJA this is all they need to do.
In fiscal year 2004, small businesses were awarded only $11,585 by OSHRC. Witnesses before the Committee on Education and the Workforce have described the economic calculus small businesses make where settling OSHA cases is concerned. What was the common theme? It is cheaper to settle with OSHA than it is to fight, win and file for attorneys fees. That is wrong. Occasionally, some businessmen cannot stand it. They just cannot stand what OSHA is doing to them, and they are willing to pay a lot of money to go to court, a lot more money than the citation to prove that they were not wrong. But not everybody can do that.
Mr. Speaker, my bill is simply not a new concept. I would like to point out that in 180 other areas Congress has provided fee-shifting statutory arrangements for attorneys fees. This includes the Fair Labor Standards Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and numerous other laws. H.R. 742 simply levels the playing field for small employers by encouraging OSHA to better assess the merits of the case before bringing the full force and power of the United States government in their litigation against a small business. If you think that is not scary, you ought to try it some time.
This measure passed the House, thank goodness, last year in the Congress with bipartisan support, 223 to 194. I urge my colleagues, in particular my Democratic friends who have small businesses in their district, I urge them to vote for all four of these bills. I know it has been hard to tell what we have been talking about today because there has been so much superfluous conversation going on not concerning these four bills. But these are four simple, commonsense, fair bills that small business in this country need.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kline).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Biggert).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price).
Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sam Johnson), another of our subcommittee chairmen.
Mr. Speaker, how much time remains?
Mr. Speaker, it gives me absolute pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), my friend and neighbor, who lives right up the road from me in Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, it is a great pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling), and just say we still are on H.R. 742.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
It has been a long 4 hours on four bills. We stayed on the subject for about 2 hours. These four bills are very important, I believe, for the small business community in the country. I realize that the labor union kingpins do not like these four bills, but I promise labor union workers who are out there in small businesses will like these bills.
There have been some outlandish statements that need to be corrected for the record.
Number one, there is nobody on our committee, including myself, any of us who made these bills, that believe for one minute any of these bills are going to harm the workplace safety or health factor. It is simply not going to do that. Somebody said, oh, gosh, if we pass these bills, workers will have more injuries. Members can have that opinion; it does not make it right. That is simply not true.
Somebody said, if you pass these four bills, you are going to weaken OSHA. That is not true either. We are going to help make OSHA work a little better.
Lastly, I want to mention to my friend who said OSHA is a Federal cop. That is the problem. If you believe they are a bunch of police over there, we never will get anywhere with OSHA because until we get this Federal agency working with people in small businesses who want to have a safer workplace rather than a bunch of cops who come around and beat people up, this is never going to work. I had this happen just yesterday in my own district where this female came in, and her badge was bigger than her brain. It was just ridiculous. Until we get a different attitude and not feeling that OSHA is a Federal cop, it is not going to get better.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner), chairman of the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
Show 11 more
Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in rising in the defense of America's working poor. Instead of weakening workplace safety and not doing this today as the majority intends to do, we ought to be…
Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in rising in the defense of America's working poor. Instead of weakening workplace safety and not doing this today as the majority intends to do, we ought to be strengthening the American family by raising the minimum wage.
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record a report by the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service which shows that minimum wage will be at the lowest value as a percentage of poverty in nearly half a century.
Mr. Speaker, it has been 8 years since Congress has increased the minimum wage. In those 8 years, Members of Congress have raised their own pay seven times by $28,500.
In those same 8 years, minimum wage workers have not gotten a single raise. They continue to earn $10,700. We have given raises to Federal employees. We have given tax cuts to the extremely wealthy. We have given tax breaks to oil and a host of other big industries. But we have ignored the needs and the plight of America's working poor. This study proves it, and it is time to change it. The current minimum wage fails to provide enough income to enable minimum workers to afford adequate housing in any area of this country. It is inexcusable that today in America nearly one-fifth of children go to bed hungry at night while their parents work full time at minimum wage. Whether one is a Democrat or a Republican, ending child poverty should be central to our domestic agenda. Nearly 3\1/2\ million children have parents who would get an immediate raise if Congress increased the minimum wage.
Hard work is an American value. We teach our children the importance of work and encourage them to do well in
school to achieve a job that rewards it. Despite this, 36 million working Americans live in poverty. Poverty and wage volatility have doubled for full-time, full-year workers since the 1970s. Since President Bush took office, the cost of housing has gone up 33 percent, college tuition has gone up 35 percent, and health insurance has gone up 59 percent. But the working poor have not seen one thin dime.
Leave No Child Behind is a cruel joke. America's future depends on strong families, and if Members believe in values of families, as some say they do, then they would vote this rule down. Every day we prolong raising the minimum wage, we ask families and children to do more with less. It is a bankrupt policy. Instead of rolling back workplace protections or fooling around the edges with that, we should be increasing the minimum wage.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this misguided rule and move on something more important, which is reinvesting in America's people.
July 5, 2005.
Hon. Jim McDermott,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Memorandum: Historical Relationship Between the Minimum Wage and
Poverty, 1959 to 2005
This memorandum is in response to your request about the
historical relationship been the federal minimum wage and
poverty from 1959 to 2005. In particular, you were interested
in the annual income a full-time, full-year worker earning
the minimum wage would earn relative to the poverty level for
a family of three.
Table 1 shows the effective annual minimum wage from 1959
through 2005 for a full-time full-year worker, relative to
the poverty level for a three-person family. The table shows
when statutory changes to the federal minimum wage became
effective. Average effective minimum wage rates for the year
were calculated based on the pro-rated average of effective
wage rates over the course of the year. For example, in 1997,
the minimum wage was $4.75 per hour for the first eight
months of the year (January through August), and $5.15 per
hour for the last four months of the year (September through
December). The average effective minimum wage for the year is
thus: (($4.75 x 8) + ($5.15 x 4))/12, or $4.8833 per hour.
Here, full-time full-year work is assumed to amount to 2,080
hours of work per year (40 hours per week x 52 weeks).
The poverty income level used here is the U.S. Census
Bureau's average weighted poverty thresholds for a family of
three. The earliest year for which official Census Bureau
poverty income thresholds are available is 1959. Census
Bureau poverty thresholds vary by family size and composition
(e.g., the poverty threshold for a family differs by the
number of children in the family). The average weighted
thresholds reflect the average of the individual thresholds
for a given family size by the observed distribution of
families of varying composition in the population, as
measured by the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey
(CPS). Each year the Census Bureau updates the individual
poverty thresholds to reflect changes in prices, and the
average weighted thresholds, to reflect changes in the
composition of the population for families of each size. The
estimate for 2004 is based on the Census Bureau's preliminary
average weighted poverty thresholds, which reflect price
changes for 2004, but reflect the population weighting from
2003, as opposed to 2004. The final average weighted poverty
thresholds for 2004, scheduled for release this fall, may
differ by a few dollars from those shown here. The
projected poverty thresholds for 2005 are based on the
2004 preliminary weighted poverty thresholds adjusted for
average price inflation from January 2005 to May 2005,
compared to the same period in 2004, which amounted to a
3.1 percent increase in the projected 2005 poverty
thresholds, compared to the 2004 preliminary poverty
thresholds. The Census Bureau will issue preliminary
poverty thresholds for 2005 in January 2006, when price
changes for the 2005 calendar year will be available.
Final weighted poverty thresholds for 2005 won't be
available until the fall of 2006.
Figure 1 depicts the basic trends shown in the table. Table
1 and Figure 1 show that the federal minimum wage was highest
relative to poverty in 1968, when it amounted to 118.7
percent of poverty for a full-time full-year worker
supporting three people. Since 1980, the minimum wage has
been below the poverty line for a full-time full-year worker
supporting a family of three. The most recent increase to the
federal minimum wage to $5.15 per hour in September 1997
(from $4.75 per hour) brought full-time full-year minimum
wage earnings for a family of three up to 82.4 percent of
poverty. Since then, the nominal minimum wage of $5.15 per
hour has eroded relative to the poverty level, which is
adjusted each year for changes in prices. In 2005, full-time
full-year earnings for a minimum wage worker amounts to
$10,712, or 68.9 percent of the estimated projected poverty
level for a family of three ($15,536). Based on the
assumptions used, it is projected that the level of the
minimum wage relative to poverty in 2005 will be at the
lowest level seen at any time over the past 47 years.
Tom Gabe,
Specialist in Social Legislation,
Domestic Social Policy Division.
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Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 741) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for judicial deference to conclusions of law determined…
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 741) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for judicial deference to conclusions of law determined by the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission with respect to an order issued by the commission, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 741, the bill now under consideration.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the third bill we will debate today is another narrowly crafted bill that addresses a specific problem we found in the OSHA law.
In 1970, when it created OSHA, Congress also created the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission to independently review all OSHA citations. The commission was intended to hold OSHA in check and ensure that it did not abuse its authority. Congress passed the OSHA law only after being assured that judicial review would be conducted by ``an autonomous independent commission which, without regard to the Secretary, can find for or against the employer on the basis of individual complaints.''
Congress even separated the commission from the Department of Labor. It was truly meant to be independent. The bill before us, the Occupational Safety and Health Independent Review of OSHA Citations Act, restores the original system of checks and balances intended by Congress when it enacted the OSHA law, and ensures that the commission and not OSHA would be the party who interprets the law and provides an independent review of OSHA citations.
Now, let me try to put this in simpler terms. If you are stopped by a police officer and issued a citation for speeding, would you want the same police officer to be your judge and jury and decide whether you are guilty? Of course you would not. And unfortunately for small businesses today, the law is ambiguous and it is vague. Since 1970, the separation of power between OSHA and the review commission has become increasingly clouded because of legal interpretations, mostly argued by OSHA in efforts to expand its own authority.
Congress intended there to be a truly independent review of disputes between OSHA and employers, and when a dispute centers on OSHA's interpretation of its authority, Congress intended the independent review commission, not the prosecuting agency, OSHA, to be the final arbiter. H.R. 741 restores this commonsense system of checks and balances.
Small businesses are the real engine of job growth in this country, and we should be helping them, not hindering their progress. Last week, the Department of Labor reported that more than 3.7 million new jobs have been created since May 2003. We want to make sure that onerous government regulations do not hamstring small businesses' ability to continue to hire workers and compete in our economy. That is another reason why all of these OSHA reform bills are important.
The measure before us is a narrowly crafted, commonsense bill that address a specific problem in the OSHA law. It passed the House last year and deserves the support of all of our Members.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
My colleague from Toledo clearly laid out what was a tragedy in her community with regard to the four gentlemen who lost their lives in this accident. This accident continues to be under review by OSHA. We hope that OSHA will get to the bottom of what did happen, and, more importantly, who was responsible. I do not think it serves those families, the community or any of us to point fingers and to lay blame without facts. To my knowledge at this point, this particular case is still under investigation. There are still lots of details to be gleaned. And when this picture becomes clearer, we can then take a course of action that in fact may be appropriate. But I am waiting for this review and this investigation to continue.
But the point here is that the bill that we are debating would actually, I think, assist in making the determination about who is guilty, because by making it clear that the review commission should hear these cases and can adjudicate these cases, you can make a determination about who was right and who was wrong by an independent commission, not by OSHA itself.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood).
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Tiahrt).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price), a member our committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of our time.
Mr. Speaker, having been an employer, I realized early on that the greatest asset in my business were the people who work for me. And having worked every job known to man growing up, I know that the people I worked for realized that the greatest asset they had in their business were their workers. When it comes to the protection of workers, I believe that all employers are interested in trying to protect their employees.
Congress, in 1970, passed the OSHA Act, putting in statute a set of laws, rules and regulations about the protection of American workers. And over the last, really the last 7 or 8 years, we have made great progress in reducing workplace accidents, illnesses and deaths, because OSHA, at the prodding of many of us, began to work more cooperatively with employers around the country. I have been to many work sites in my own district where voluntary protection programs have been instituted and have been signed off by OSHA that allow employers and their employees to work cooperatively in order to have a safer workplace. And the results, the results are pretty clear. If you look at, over the last 5 years, the rate of illness, workplace injuries, and deaths has continued to decline precipitously. We are making real progress. So I would continue to urge OSHA to work with employers and their employees to help create the safer workplace that all of us want.
Now, the bill before us simply says that there ought to be this independent review of the decisions that OSHA makes, that OSHA as the policeman, as the prosecutor, as the judge and the jury, is not fair to American workers or their employers. And we believe that when Congress created OSHA in 1970, they believed, and it is clear in the legislative language and in their intent, that they believed that there would be an independent review commission making these decisions. All we do in this bill is to make clear that it is Congress's intent and that OSHA will, in fact, abide by the law as it was written.
So I would urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot help but add or repeat so our Members know, the amendments that were not accepted from the Democrats had nothing to do with these bills. They were simply not germane, and I know…
Mr. Speaker, I cannot help but add or repeat so our Members know, the amendments that were not accepted from the Democrats had nothing to do with these bills. They were simply not germane, and I know that upsets them, but those are the rules of House.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule which provides the House an opportunity today to address four very important bills. These measures in my view are very modest reforms. They have been narrowly drafted to make needed changes in our law, actually for about 34 years, while avoiding the possibility of any reduction in the current levels of workplace protections.
Now, I believe that our committee, at least most of our committee, believes that. As such, a structured rule providing for consideration of these four
measures on their merits in my view is entirely appropriate.
As I will detail later in the debate on these bills, we need to implement these changes because small employers ought to be devoting more of their time and attention to creating new jobs and less on dealing with government lawyers intent on manipulating legal technicalities. And that, in fact, is going on. With that, I will briefly summarize each of these bills for my colleagues.
The first measure for consideration under this rule is H.R. 739, the Occupational Safety and Health Small Business Day in Court. In almost every other court in this Nation, a party that acts in good faith but nonetheless misses a lead deadline that results in a legal default can ask the court to have the case heard on its merits. Currently, there is doubt over whether the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission, the agency specifically and importantly created by Congress to hear each legal dispute between an employer and OSHA, has the statutory flexibility to grant this type of relief.
All H.R. 739 does is to provide flexibility that almost every other court in the Nation exercises. We use identical terminology to that used in the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, Rule 60(b), a rule used by nearly every other court in the Nation.
The second bill provided for under the rule is H.R. 740, the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission Efficiency Act of 2004. Under current law, two members of a three-member panel are needed to constitute a quorum. For 20 percent of its existence, this agency has lacked even a quorum of two. OSHRC has had a full complement of members seated and active for only about one-third of its history. That does not work. That does not work for anybody.
Even now, the commission can be paralyzed only with two members if there is not complete agreement as to all points. To remedy the situation, H.R. 740 proposes, increases the membership of OSHRC from three members to five. This change is modeled on other government agencies and, in particular, the Federal Mine Safety and Health Review Commission.
H.R. 740 also incorporates a new provision that permits the President to invite an incumbent member of OSHRC whose term has expired to hold over until a replacement can be confirmed by the Senate.
Now, this just makes sense if you want OSHRC to work, and I do. There are some cases that have been over there for 8 years, for pity's sake.
Now, my friends on the other side may say, oh, all they are trying to do is to pack the commission because there is a Republican President. Well, these commissioners do not serve for life. You will have an opportunity sometime in the future maybe to put your own commissioner on there, but we need to get these things resolved. This will solve that.
The next measure to be considered under the rule is H.R. 741, the Occupational Safety and Health Independent Review of OSHA Citations Act of 2005. This one is important, in my view. H.R. 741 simply reinstates congressional intent, and we will say that over and over in the next 4 hours, because an activist judge changed the law of 1971.
The legislative history of the OSH Act clearly indicates that back in 1970 Congress realized that in granting extraordinary and unprecedented authority to OSHA, the agency would need some mechanism to make sure that the authority was not abused. If you study the history on this a little bit, Senator Javitz noted the future of the OSH Act depended on this compromise that created an independent review at the time it was passed, with a Democratic House and a Democratic Senate and a Republican President.
This bill never would have passed had not this review been put in there. H.R. 741 simply restores congressional intent by ensuring that this review is, in fact, an independent one and not dictated by OSHA.
The last measure considered under the rule is H.R. 742, the Occupational Safety and Health Small Employer Access to Justice Act. This measure simply levels the playing field for small employers by encouraging OSHA to better assess the merits of the case before bringing the full force and power of government litigation against small businesses.
To empower small business employers to seek their day in court, H.R. 742 simply provides that if OSH loses, very small employers can recover their attorneys' fees and costs. This remedial measure is important because it has become crystal clear that failings in current law prevent almost any recovery of attorneys' fees in the OSHA environment. I think there has been one and a half a year for the last 24 years.
Mr. Speaker, the rule under consideration provides for ample debate on each of these measures. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support both this rule and each of the bills we will consider under it.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I think we all want to make sure that the record is clear. Every court in this country allows for some leeway other than 15 days, and that is simply all this bill actually is doing. We are trying to give these small business owners the same right as litigants in every Federal court in the country. It is not very hard to figure out, and it is not very hard to understand why sometimes some people might lose the letter they get from OSHA. There are good reasons. And to say to them, Oh, gosh, you did not make 15 days? You do not get any justice. You do not get any day in court.
And I just want to put that in the record immediately following the previous speaker so if anybody ever reads it, they might get all the facts.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this rule and the underlying legislation. I want to take this opportunity to thank my colleague, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), for 10 years…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this rule and the underlying legislation. I want to take this opportunity to thank my colleague, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), for 10 years of leadership in this body on a very critical and important issue.
The opposition today just simply neglects the reality that these bills do not affect safety at all. Rather, they will improve the climate of business, and they will improve the opportunity for safety because all small business owners know that good safety makes good business, and safety is not what this is about.
OSHA was founded to establish a common guideline to improve safety and, hence, to improve competitiveness nationally. But it has mutated into an organization that is seen in the business community, frankly, with fear, as one that comes with retribution, of uncertainty and subjectivity in enforcement. Each piece of legislation being considered today makes commonsense and practical reforms to the Occupation Safety and Health Administration and to the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission to restore original intent of the act from 34 years ago. Moreover, it will restore the context and the spirit of the original intent of the law.
Mr. Speaker, I have spent most of my professional life in manufacturing, working with small manufacturers who were competing in the global economy and dealing with compliance issues. I have seen this lost original intent firsthand. What was intended to provide that commonsense standard is now a confusing mass of regulations that create cost, that cost us jobs, and that damage competitiveness without affecting one aspect of safety. Indeed, 50 percent of the regulations that OSHA can shut down a business with have nothing to do with safety, but paperwork compliance.
I have watched subjectivity and enforcement where one of my clients, who had never had a lost day for a safety violation, was violated repeatedly because this perfect facility had railings that were 34'' instead of 36'' tall all around their machining center, costing them tens of thousands of dollars in legal fees.
Another client, who had over 100 identified safety violations that I personally noted in my report to their corporate parent, was never violated because of personal relationships and subjectivity in that particular locale. This is a travesty and misses the entire point because the workers in the one location were adversely affected by a lack of context and enforcement.
Ironically, the fiercest opponents of this small business-friendly agenda have never created a job, have never met a payroll, and have never sacrificed personally to ensure their employees have had their benefits and had their salaries. I have done that, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood) has done that, and those who are supporting this legislation in many cases have themselves.
OSHA serves an important function, but I remember one thing one of my supporters, Riley, said, who started a business from scratch and has the great loyalty of hundreds of his employees in his small business: he believes that nobody should run a Federal regulatory agency or even serve in Federal elected office unless they have created one job, because it changes your world view and your outlook regardless of party.
OSHA was created to protect the safety of the workforce and not to strangle small business. This legislation represents four commonsense solutions for fine-tuning OSHA to improve protection for our workers, while reducing unnecessary burdens on small business.
H.R. 739 allows the review commission to waive the hard 15-day rule appeals deadline for cause. As my colleague previously mentioned, it removes ambiguities in the current law and brings context to specific situations so that there can be a climate of dialogue and compliance. Most small businesses cannot afford to maintain in-house compliance professionals, and an OSHA citation can be intimidating and confusing, regularly causing small businesses to miss that 15-day window inadvertently. This resolution simply permits a waiver for demonstrated causes or mistake.
H.R. 740 increases the number of commissioners on the review commission, not to stack the deck, but to allow the backlog of cases to be able to be removed so these businesses can get back to creating jobs, generating growth in our economy, and ultimately providing a future for the generation following behind us.
Currently, there are citations on appeal that have been unresolved for 8 years. We cannot compete in a climate like this. Stalemate serves no one.
H.R. 741 clarifies the original congressional intent by affirmatively declaring that a review court must defer to the review commission. This brings it back into original statutory compliance and original intent. The review commission was designed to be the independent arbiter or judge. OSHA, on the other hand, serves as the prosecutor. Deference by a reviewing court should be given to the independent arbiter, not to the prosecutor.
Finally, H.R. 742 allows a small business to recover its legal costs if it wins. Under current law, a small business is often faced with simply paying the penalty because it is cheaper than fighting. Too often our small businesses suffer devastating financial losses just to prove they are innocent.
In the case I mentioned previously that had no safety violations, or no loss time for safety violations but was violated on silly paperwork compliance, there were jobs lost, or actually not created, more correctly, because of those tens of thousands of dollars spent paying attorneys instead of paying working families.
As a former small business owner, I know the important impact of this legislation, what it will have on our small businesses, on the safety of their employees, and on the generating of additional hopeful jobs for working families.
I urge all my colleagues, Mr. Speaker, to vote in favor of this rule and to support this critical underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 742) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for the award of attorneys' fees and costs to small…
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 351, I call up the bill (H.R. 742) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for the award of attorneys' fees and costs to small employers when such employers prevail in litigation prompted by the issuance of a citation by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 742.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the fourth bill we will debate today is another narrowly crafted bill that addresses a specific OSHA problem. In short, we strongly believe that small businesses that face meritless OSHA enforcement actions should not be prevented from defending themselves simply because they cannot afford it.
The Occupational Safety and Health Small Employer Access to Justice Act levels the playing field for small businesses and encourages OSHA to better assess the merits of a case before it brings unnecessary enforcement actions to court against small businesses. Under current law, the Equal Access to Justice Act allows small business owners to recover attorneys' fees if the owner successfully challenges a citation. However, if OSHA can establish that its enforcement action was ``substantially justified'' or the result of ``special circumstances,'' small businesses can be refused attorneys' fees even if OSHA loses the case in court. Historically, the law's ``substantially justified'' and ``special circumstances'' standards have made it easy for OSHA to prevent recovery under this broad standard, so attempts by small business owners to recover costs often exacerbate the financial harm caused by OSHA's dubious enforcement actions.
Let us look at some of the facts. In 2004, OSHA cited 86,708 violations based on its nearly 40,000 workplace inspections. Yet, how many applications were filed for attorneys' fees against OSHA in 2004? That number is four. Yes, exactly four. How many were granted? Three. Three. Moreover, for the last 25 years, only 1 year has seen more than ten applications filed for attorneys' fees against OSHA. Now, when you compare that number to the more than 80,000 OSHA violations cited every year, you start to wonder. We heard testimony in our committee on this issue, and what we found is that the law's ``substantially justified'' and ``special circumstances'' standards have made it easy for OSHA to deny small businesses the ability to recover attorneys' fees.
What these numbers tell us is that small businesses can already see the writing on the wall. They know that OSHA has the upper hand, and if the prospect of recovering attorneys' fees is as bleak as it appears, then why fight the citation at all? Small employers should not be forced to knuckle under to OSHA citations and settle up front when they know and believe that they are innocent. This measure simply forces OSHA to carefully evaluate the merits of its cases against small employers before they bring the case. If OSHA's case is weak, and they bring the case anyway, then the agency will have to pay attorneys' fees, and rightly so.
Employers face relentless competition every day in the face of high taxes, rising health care costs and burdensome government regulations. The last thing they need is a meritless OSHA-related litigation that could take years to resolve. Last week, the Labor Department reported that more than 3.7 million new jobs have been created since May of 2003. We want to make sure that onerous government regulations do not hamstring small businesses' ability to continue to hire new workers and compete in our economy. Frivolous litigation kills jobs, and this measure will help ensure that OSHA carefully considers the merits of its case before they bring an enforcement action.
The measure before us is, again, narrowly crafted and a commonsense bill that addresses a specific problem in the OSHA law. It passed the House last year and deserves the support of all of our Members.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I congratulate the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood) who has spent a lot of years trying to make OSHA work better for those in the workplace and those who employ them in the workplace. He has done a great job in bringing these four bills out of the subcommittee and to the floor today.
Mr. Speaker, we are here today to help promote a climate of cooperation between OSHA and employers. The focus is on improving workplace safety. In so doing, we have the opportunity to enhance business competitiveness and further job creation.
Now these bills are important and here is why. No small business should be penalized for missing a deadline because of an honest mistake. No small business should have to wait 8 years to have their case reviewed by the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission simply because it cannot get a quorum.
Thirdly, no small business wants to go up against an OSHA that is the prosecutor, judge and jury all in one.
Lastly, no small business should be required to spend years and significant money trying to recover attorneys' fees after defending itself against a meritless enforcement action by OSHA. These OSHA reform bills can make a real difference in the lives of small businesses that face fierce competition at home and abroad. We truly do believe that these bills will help the effectiveness of OSHA and help improve the workplace safety for millions of American workers. I encourage all of my colleagues to support all four bills.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 740 and the three other OSHA bills under consideration today. Republicans are suggesting that our laws are hurting American jobs and productivity. How can…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 740 and the three other OSHA bills under consideration today.
Republicans are suggesting that our laws are hurting American jobs and productivity. How can that be so when we continue even now to push for CAFTA that would outsource additional jobs outside of this area, not to mention many of the other jobs that we have lost? It is untrue. It is bad enough that millions of Americans are being shipped overseas. We cannot afford to lose any more jobs. We have got to keep them here in the United States.
Now the Republicans want to weaken the protection that exists for our Nation's workers, our Nation's workers, working families and others who deserve the right.
Last year, Republicans passed FCC and ETI, a bill that gave tax breaks to companies that moved to China and India, and I state that, moved to China and India. Half the time the consumers do not know who they are talking to when they pick up the phone because they are from some other company.
Republicans need to stop confusing people on the reason why jobs are leaving the mainstream and are being sent to mainland China. We should put the blame for losses in California and across the country where it belongs, and I state where it belongs. They failed, the policies of this administration, the President's so called compassionate conservatism has cost us 3 million jobs, and I state, 3 million jobs. That is American jobs that we could put on working families. Please end this compassion.
Remember that it was the President Bush's top economic advisors who claimed that sending American jobs overseas is a good thing. Well, we know it is not a good thing to American workers here and what it does to them.
Weakening American labor standards and allowing American workers to be exploited as they are in third world countries is not the solution. That type of thinking would put boys and girls out of the classroom and into the coal mines? These four bills are anti-worker, and I state, anti-worker, anti-safety, and they weaken the health and safety laws. And they hurt the American workers and working families.
H.R. 739 weakens enforcement of the health and safety legislation by dragging out the debate for imposing penalties.
H.R. 740 weakens worker protection by packing commissions with partisan appointees who agree with the President's anti-workers agenda, and I state, partisan appointees who agree with the President's anti- workers agenda.
H.R. 741 encouraged frivolous challenges to labor law rules and interpretation. H.R. 742 requires OSHA to pay attorneys fees for employers that win cases against OSHA.
However, these companies do not pay OSHA when they lose. Therefore, employers have nothing to lose by challenging those violations in court.
The real losers under this legislation are the American taxpayers, American workers, American families in this country, American people who work to make our country great.
As you can see, all four bills are antiworker laws, and the only way to justify them is to trump up charges that worker protection laws are costing American jobs and hurting American productivity. That is not true, because it is American families, American workers who have made this country great. We need to keep them here, and we need to protect them here in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose all four of these anti- OSHA bills.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 740 and the other three OSHA bills under consideration today.
Republicans are suggesting that our laws are hurting American jobs and productivity.
This is untrue. It's bad enough that millions of American jobs are being shipped overseas.
Now Republicans want to weaken the few protections that exist for our Nation's workers.
Last year, Republicans passed the FSC/ETI bill that gave tax breaks to companies that move to China or India. Republicans need to stop confusing people on the reasons why jobs are leaving Main Street and being sent to mainland China.
We should put the blame for job losses in California and across the country where it belongs: the failed policies of this administration. The President's so-called compassionate conservatism has cost us 3 million jobs. Please end the compassion!
Remember that it was President Bush's top economic advisor who claimed that sending American jobs overseas is a good thing.
Weakening America's labor standards and allowing workers here to be exploited as they are in third world countries is not the solution. That type of thinking would take boys and girls out of the classroom and into the coal mine.
These four bills are anti-worker and anti-safety. They weaken health and safety laws and hurt American workers.
H.R. 739 weakens enforcement of health and safety regulations by dragging out the date for imposing penalties.
H.R. 740 weakens worker protections by packing the commission with partisan appointees who agree with the President's anti-worker agenda.
H.R. 741 will encourage frivolous challenges to Labor Department rules and interpretations.
And, H.R. 742 requires OSHA to pay attorney fees for employers that win cases against OSHA. However, those companies do not pay OSHA when they lose. Therefore, employers have nothing to lose by challenging most violations in court.
The real losers under this legislation are American taxpayers and American workers.
As you can see, all four bills are anti-worker laws. The only way to justify them is to trump up charges that worker protection laws that are costing American jobs and hurting American productivity.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose all four of the anti-OSHA bills.
I thank my friend for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise in sorrow, not in anger, because this morning could be a morning of unity and celebration and congratulations. Yesterday in unprecedented numbers…
I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in sorrow, not in anger, because this morning could be a morning of unity and celebration and congratulations. Yesterday in unprecedented numbers the people of Iraq rejected the threats and intimidation of the terrorists and chose a new permanent national Parliament, the first fully sovereign, elected democratic assembly in the history of Iraq. This should be cause for celebration for the Iraqi people, for our troops, the troops of our allies and the Iraqi security forces who bravely protected the Iraqi people who came out to vote. Unfortunately, the resolution before us does not do that, and that I deeply regret.
Mr. Speaker, we all know that there is a spectrum of views on my side of the aisle on how to deal with the difficult situation in Iraq in the weeks and months ahead. Yesterday I was asked with a number of other Democrats to go to the White House. I sat next to the President as we talked about the possibility of building a united approach to this difficult dilemma. But the leadership, in a rigid, unbending, almost ruthless fashion, refused to take one single word of change or modification in their resolution. It was a take-it-or-leave-it proposal, which is inappropriate in a democratic legislative body where some of us have been attempting to operate in a bipartisan fashion.
I introduced a resolution and asked the Rules Committee to make it in order. My resolution congratulates the Iraqi people on three democratic national elections, encourages all Americans to support the Iraqi people, and commends our troops and those of our allies and the Iraqi forces for protecting their people at election time.
That is the resolution which should be before us today. We would get a unanimous vote, and we would send a message to our troops and to the whole world that Congress is united. Instead, by rigidly demanding total adherence to the Republican formula, there will be an ugly, divisive debate in this body this morning. This is not in our national interest.
I wish to use the balance of my time to read the resolution that I believe ought to be before us, Mr. Speaker.
The text of my resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 613
Whereas the people of Iraq have consistently and
courageously demonstrated their commitment to democracy by
participating in three elections in 2005;
Whereas on January 30, 2005, the people of Iraq
participated in an election for a transitional national
assembly;
Whereas all segments of Iraqi society actively participated
in the approval of a new Iraqi Constitution through a
referendum held on October 15, 2005;
Whereas reports indicate that the people of Iraq voted in
unprecedented and overwhelming numbers in the most recent
election, held on December 15, 2005, for a new, national
parliament that will serve in accordance with the recently-
approved Iraqi Constitution for a four-year term and that
represents the first fully sovereign, elected democratic
assembly in the history of Iraq;
Whereas this remarkable level of participation by the
people of Iraq in the face of dire threats to their very
lives has won the admiration of the world;
Whereas the Iraqi elections could not have been conducted
without the courage and dedication of the members of the
United States Armed Forces and the armed forces of other
nations in Iraq, including the members of the security forces
of Iraq; and
Whereas the December 15, 2005, election in Iraq inspires
confidence that a robust, pluralistic democracy that will
bring stability to Iraqi society is emerging: Now, therefore,
be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) congratulates the people of Iraq on the three national
elections conducted in Iraq in 2005;
(2) encourages all Americans to express support for the
people of Iraq in their efforts to achieve a free, open, and
democratic society; and
(3) expresses its thanks and admiration to the members of
the United States Armed Forces and the armed forces of other
nations in Iraq, including the members of the security forces
of Iraq, whose heroism permitted the Iraqi people to vote
safely.
There isn't a Member in this body who could not subscribe to this. This is not the time for an ugly and divisive debate. And with its rigidity and total unwillingness to listen to half of this body, the majority has chosen to give us an ugly and divisive debate.
Will my friend yield?
I would like to comment on your observation.
Thank you for your courtesy.
Thank you.
My good friend Mr. Dreier suggested that there will not be a divisive debate this morning. That divisive debate has already begun. You need to listen to the words of what my colleagues are saying. I attempted to avoid this divisive debate this morning. I attempted at the end of this session to have this Congress go home with a unanimous vote congratulating the Iraqi people on what they have done; congratulating our military, our allies and the Iraqi forces for making it possible for them to vote.
There are divisions on policy, and it is an ostrich policy to pretend that there are no divisions. I may agree with the gentleman's view about a timetable. That is not the issue. The issue is that the last discussion of Iraq in this body will show division, bitterness and divisiveness, and that could have been avoided with a little bit of flexibility and consideration on the part of the majority for the views of almost one-half of this body.
I thank my friend for yielding.
Reclaiming my time, it is in the national interest to show the greatest degree of unity in this body, and your resolution does the opposite.
I thank the gentleman from Ohio for yielding me this time, and I appreciate the leadership that he has presented to this Congress on making America more competitive in the world economy. Mr. Speaker,…
I thank the gentleman from Ohio for yielding me this time, and I appreciate the leadership that he has presented to this Congress on making America more competitive in the world economy.
Mr. Speaker, this week, Congress embarks on an important agenda to make America more competitive in the global marketplace. Over the next several weeks, the House will pass significant legislation as part of the Republican Congress' competitiveness agenda. Globalization is not something we can ignore, nor is it something we can stop. As Thomas Friedman says in his book, The World is Flat, globalization is a reality of our world today. How Congress
deals with this reality will determine whether America remains the dominant economic superpower or whether we are relegated to a second- class economy.
America's businesses and workers have the skills and talent to compete and succeed in the global economy when given the opportunity to succeed. Unfortunately, over the past 40 years, Congress has constructed barriers to competitiveness. This institution now has a responsibility to break down these barriers and allow workers and businesses to prosper. This week of the competitiveness agenda is dedicated to eliminating bureaucratic red tape. Over the years, regulation after regulation has been levied upon our businesses, hindering their growth and development. Some of these regulations have proved helpful, but far too often these policies work simply to constrain our businesses from effectively competing and thereby keeping our workers from earning the best wages and benefits. OSHA is an excellent example of a good idea poorly executed that now hinders our businesses and workers.
The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood) has been a leader in the fight to keep American businesses competitive without sacrificing workplace safety and health protections. The four bills that we are considering today will establish basic principles of fairness, reduce regulatory burdens and expedite administrative reviews that will increase business productivity among America's small businesses. I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia for his vision and hard work on all these issues.
In 1971, OSHA was created to ensure a safe and healthy workplace for workers throughout the Nation. However, the bureaucracy has led OSHA to develop an adversarial relationship with our small businesses, defying common sense, good government principles and congressional intent. In order to successfully create a safe work environment, OSHA must be cooperative, not confrontational or punitive. People who own and operate businesses do not want dangerous workplaces or injured workers. They want to do the right thing, and OSHA should be there as a guide and resource, cooperatively working for a safer work environment. Unfortunately, this is simply not what is happening with OSHA.
This is particularly true in the residential construction industry where OSHA seemed to unfairly target small homebuilders in Sedgwick County, Kansas. In June of 2003, I was contacted by a group of homebuilders in Wichita who were frightened by the prospect of having to stop working in order to avoid fines from OSHA. These constituents told me OSHA was planning to fine builders for plastic cups on stairs and for workers' failure to wear earplugs while operating a wet vac. While seemingly minor issues to most of us, these fines, which some in the community claimed could be as high as $50,000, would effectively put small businesses out of business.
While OSHA claimed these reports were exaggerated, there is no way I can exaggerate the impact OSHA's hostility and excessive regulation can have on the still-recovering Wichita economy. In the case of these small construction companies, OSHA chose surprise visits, ill-conceived compliance guidelines and an adversarial demeanor to achieve everyone's goal of a safer, more secure workplace. The results were that many small contractors in my area of the country were forced to stop working in order to avoid unfair fines which could have been as high as $7,000 per infraction, no matter how insignificant. Under this approach, OSHA was doing more to hurt employees than to help them, threatening the ability of the men and women of the residential construction to make a living. That is why I am a strong supporter of the gentleman from Georgia's OSHA reform legislation, including H.R. 741. This is important piece of legislation would establish an independent review of OSHA citations.
The American political structure is based on a system of checks and balances, Federal and State, the executive, legislative and judicial branches. However, OSHA currently acts both as the prosecutor and the judge for the disposition of OSHA citations. Not only is this inherently unfair and inconsistent with our political system, the structure of the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission does not live up to congressional intent.
As the gentleman from Georgia has eloquently explained, when Congress established the OSHRC, it was designed to be an independent judicial entity to provide proper and nonbiased review and adjudication of OSHA citations.
This independent citation is critically important to the integrity and fairness of OSHA. Restoring this independence will help OSHA and the workers it serves.
I support the competitiveness agenda for America, and I support eliminating bureaucratic red tape, and I support the gentleman from Georgia's (Mr. Norwood) OSHA reform legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished member of the Committee on Rules for yielding me this time and also for his leadership. Mr. Speaker, let me just say that I wish we were on the floor today…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished member of the Committee on Rules for yielding me this time and also for his leadership.
Mr. Speaker, let me just say that I wish we were on the floor today actually passing a minimum wage bill. The reason why I say that is I do not believe there is one Member of Congress in their district, no matter whether they are representing Beverly Hills or representing Palm Springs or maybe they are representing the Gold Coast in one of our great cities or maybe one of the higher-priced areas in the city of Houston, does not have some person in that district that is suffering from a lack of a reasonable income and no health insurance.
We know there are 44 million uninsured individuals in America, but we also know there are individuals who cannot afford to make ends meet because of a lack of a minimum wage. We come to the floor today to do something that I think is unfortunate: one, to not pay attention to the need for an increase in the minimum wage. But we also dumbed down the safety requirements of America. Can one imagine an accident, a tragedy occurs in their plant and their employer now does not have the responsibility of notifying OSHA or the Department of Labor? What an outrage, Mr. Speaker, because we in America believe that the Federal Government is there to provide the necessary umbrella of safety, the umbrella of security for Americans.
And yet we have legislation on the floor that would extend or eliminate the 15-day time frame in which they are supposed to respond. It also takes away the responsibility of the Department of Labor from overseeing OSHA and overseeing safety, overturning a Supreme Court decision. I cannot imagine, Mr. Speaker, that we would be here today after celebrating July 4, home with our friends and family, pledging our allegiance to the flag of the United States and the values of America that we come back one day, one day after that recess where we were suggesting the need for providing for America and do this kind of legislation.
I close on this: we have on the front lines of Iraq young men and women who have offered their lives. They will come back here to take minimum wage jobs. What an outrage that these young men and women, Reservists and National Guard, are on the front line and now they cannot get an increase in the minimum wage because today we take away safety, but we do not provide for an increase in the minimum wage.
I ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous question and also I ask them to vote ``no'' on the underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule, H. Res. 351, to provide for consideration of the four very contentious and overreaching bills that amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA)--H.R. 739, H.R. 740, H.R. 741, and H.R. 742. I am utterly disappointed by the fact that the Committee on Rules has issued a closed rule on the debate over all three bills. Furthermore, it is no mistake that the rule fails to make in order the amendment offered by Reps. George Miller and Major Owens to increase the minimum wage. This amendment is identical to the Minimum Wage bill that was introduced by Mr. Miller that would increase the minimum wage from $5.15 per hour to $5.85 per hour 60 days after enactment, up to $6.55 per hour one year after the first increase, and $7.25 an hour one year from the second increase.
I oppose the underlying bills partly because the relief granted have nothing to do with ``small businesses'' as their titles purport. Among other, they address a single situation
by overturning a case out of the Second Circuit, Chao v. Russell P. Le Frois Builder, Inc. (Second Circuit, May 10, 2002) to allow the employer to contest an OSHA citation with a ridiculous amount of latitude.
In Houston, OSHA proposed fines of $258,000 against the Pasadena Tank Corporation for an August 23, 2001 accident that killed a worker at a construction site. The company had 15 days in which to contest or pay the fines. The Houston-based firm received a citation of six willful and serious safety violations for failing to protect workers by providing an inadequate fall protection system. The employee repairing a rooftop of a storage tank fell 56 feet to the ground when the rooftop collapsed. An OSHA employee said of the situation, ``The employer knew about the unsafe working conditions, but continued to place workers at risk . . . A similar incident happened two years ago when two employees fell to their deaths from a storage tank. This company's continued failure to protect its workers from falls is simply unacceptable.'' This failure to act when there is sufficient knowledge to mitigate an unsafe condition is what these bills will sanction and permit.
Our innocent employers should not be punished from a piece of legislation that attacks from the ``back door'' by weakening a procedural standard that has been set in place to protect them. We should follow the motto, ``if it isn't broken, don't fix it.''
Mr. Chairman, I oppose the rule and the underlying bills, and I strongly urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens) for his defense of workers rights. I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 742 and to any bill that seeks to weaken OSHA at a time when we…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens) for his defense of workers rights.
I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 742 and to any bill that seeks to weaken OSHA at a time when we should be strengthening it. I further want to say that I think the passage of this bill sets a dangerous precedent because what we would be doing effectively is undermining OSHA, not only discouraging it from performing its statutory mission of making sure that the workplace is safe, but also setting the stage for depriving OSHA of any revenues
that it would need to be able to enforce the law.
It also occurs to me that there is a question of the constitutional rights of workers here, that since OSHA is given rather exclusive jurisdiction to protect the rights of workers and to enforce workplace safety standards, that working people would in effect be deprived of due process of law and equal protection of the law. So it seems to me there are constitutional issues here at stake as well.
The core mission of OSHA is to protect workers by enforcing safety standards. This bill will undermine that mission. It will alter OSHA's ability to enforce, and it will leave workers in danger. The latest numbers from the Bureau of Labor Statistics show a rise in deaths of American workers on the job. In 2002, 5,524 workers were killed due to injuries on the job. By 2003, that number had risen to 5,575. In 2003, 4.4 million, 4.4 million non-fatal workplace injuries were also reported.
Let us remember what OSHA is: OSHA is the Federal cop on the workplace safety beat. H.R. 742 will discourage OSHA from enforcing the laws against dangerous workplaces. Instead, OSHA will spend its time weighing the odds of winning against the costs to its budget if it loses.
H.R. 742 would require OSHA to pay attorneys fees in any case which it does not prevail. This would discourage settlements which save both time and money and in effect leave businesses with little or no reason to not contest charges.
Imagine if Congress were to consider a bill to require police departments to pay attorneys fees of a criminal defendant charged with reckless endangerment merely because they were acquitted or found guilty of a lesser charge. Would this House support that? The question answers itself.
Why support H.R. 742 which, in effect, does this same thing? The Nation's workplaces will be more dangerous and more lawless if the changes made by this bill are passed. This bill was designed to weaken enforcement of workplace safety laws and to in effect steal from exploited Americans the protection from injury and the justice they deserve. This legislation will severely handicap OSHA, the Federal workplace safety force, by discouraging it from citing employers unless the agency is completely certain it will win.
This legislation will endanger Americans, the vast majority of whom work for others to make a living. They work in factories, in shops, in hospitals. They work in nursing homes and in schools. They are not the bosses who decide if and how businesses will obey the law. Instead, they face the consequences of those decisions, and they live and die by those decisions. They need strong workplace safety laws and vigorous enforcement. They need to have H.R. 742 to feed it.
Current law already permits small businesses to recover litigation costs when the government position was not substantially justified. In the year 2000, 97.7 percent of all private establishments had less than seven employees and such establishments have a higher rate of occupational fatalities than establishments of more than 100 workers.
The fundamental question that faces this House here is, do workers have rights to fair compensation when they are hurt on the job? Because this is not just about workers; it is about the American family. Does a breadwinner have the right to be protected in the workplace? Do we have an obligation as a Congress to ensure a safe workplace? That is really the question that we are deciding here today. We are acting as though the interest of business and the interest of workers is somehow divided. The interest should be the same.
Workplace safety should be the highest criteria. We should not give up on workplace safety because of some odd notion that OSHA should pay if it brings a proceeding that is not upheld in a higher jurisdiction. We as Members of this House will pay a price if we fail to uphold workers' rights, if we fail to uphold the rights of a safe workplace, if we fail to uphold the right to fair compensation if someone is injured on the job, if we fail in our moral obligation to assure that corporations have a responsibility to their workers.
This should not be a matter of Democrat or Republican. It should not be a matter of labor management. This should be an American commitment to safe workplaces. And because of that I urge my colleagues to vote to defeat H.R. 742 and to work in a bipartisan way to assure that the American workplace is going to be safe for all those who toil for a living.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this bill. If the principle in this bill were applied to U.S. attorneys across the country, we would have a crime wave like you would not believe. If prosecutors…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this bill. If the principle in this bill were applied to U.S. attorneys across the country, we would have a crime wave like you would not believe. If prosecutors had to be sure they were going to win every time they brought a case, they would bring very few cases. And that is the flaw in this bill.
There are four kinds of results when OSHA brings an action. The first is the result when OSHA is right, when they win on every question. And this bill does not affect that situation.
The second is the mixed result where OSHA wins some and loses some, where some of the charges that they make are downgraded, others are dismissed, and others are upheld in their entirety. As I read this legislation, Mr. Speaker, in that case, it is indeed possible, perhaps likely, that OSHA would be held responsible for paying the attorneys' fees of the defendant or accused party in that case.
The third kind of case OSHA brings is one where OSHA loses on all counts, but the claim was not unreasonable, where they made a judgment call and they thought they were right, but the adjudicator, the court, the decisionmaker made a different decision.
Well, in that case, it is obvious under this bill that OSHA would be responsible for the counsel fees of the accused party.
The fourth kind of case is the case where OSHA brings a case that is unreasonable, that is arbitrary and capricious. Under present law, under such circumstances, OSHA is responsible for the counsel fees and attorneys' fees of the accused party.
Now, our friends on the other side say, well, this has been rarely invoked. I believe they said there are three cases in recent years, in a long time, where this has been invoked. And they draw from that the conclusion, Mr. Speaker, that there must be many, many cases where OSHA has done something arbitrary or unreasonable, but not been called on it, not been caught at it.
One could draw a very different set of conclusions from that record. It could draw the conclusion that in the vast majority of the cases, even when they
lose, their claims are reasonable; and the adjudicator and finder of fact in law has found that although OSHA is wrong, they were not acting in a vindictive or unreasonable way. This is a consistent principle across the board in Federal law.
If a Federal agency brings a case that is vindictive or unreasonable or patently unfair, then they are in fact responsible to pay the attorneys' fees of the accused party. But if they bring a case that is just wrong, but not unreasonable, where reasonable people could disagree before the case was brought as to whether it was right or wrong, then they do not have to pay the attorneys' fees, and it is for a very good reason.
It is because there are judgment calls that prosecutors have to make, there are judgment calls that enforcing agencies have to make, and we do not want to chill that judgment by saying, we will bring the case if you are sure that you are going to win. I am glad that the Securities and Exchange Commission is not going to be held to this standard, because if every time someone on Wall Street were accused of stock fraud, the SEC had to say, well, are we sure we are going to win before we bring this case, the cases of stock fraud that we have seen would be far more rampant than we have seen in recent years.
I am glad that other agencies, the mine safety agency is not held to this standard. You know, the basic question here is whether we want to so chill and corrode the enforcement powers of the agency that we want to wipe them out all together. I just do not think that makes any sense.
I think a far more sensible course would be to examine the existing legal provisions as to whether they go far enough, whether they are properly administered; but to make this wholesale change is to say to OSHA, unless you are sure you are going to win, do not bring the case.
You know, every lawyer is asked by every client at some phase of the litigation, am I going to win? Clients want to know this. And competent, honest lawyers usually give an answer that says, I am not sure. I can give you the probabilities. I can give you the circumstances under which I think we can win, and the circumstances under which I think we would not win. And a sensible client decides whether to go forward or not.
OSHA should have the same degree of discretion. If it abuses that discretion, it should be punished. If it does so on a consistent basis, we should change the law. But I believe there is no record that would demonstrate that conclusion, and I think that this proposal would seriously corrode the ability of this much needed agency to protect the working people of the country. I would urge both sides to cast a ``no'' vote on this bill.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 351 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
July 12, 2005.
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order
without intervention of any point of order to consider in the House the bill
(H.R. 739) to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide
for adjudicative flexibility with regard to the filing of a notice of contest by
an employer following the issuance of a citation or proposed assessment of a
penalty by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration. The bill shall be
considered as read. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the
bill to final passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate
on the bill equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Education and the Workforce; and (2) one motion to
recommit.
Sec. 2. Upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order without
intervention of any point of order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 740)
to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for greater
efficiency at the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission. The bill
shall be considered as read. The amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Education and the Workforce now printed in the
bill shall be considered as adopted. The previous question shall be considered
as ordered on the bill, as amended, to final passage without intervening motion
except: (1) one hour of debate on the bill, as amended, equally divided and
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Education and the Workforce; and (2) one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
Sec. 3. Upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order without
intervention of any point of order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 741)
to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for judicial
deference to conclusions of law determined by the Occupational Safety and Health
Review Commission with respect to an order issued by the Commission. The bill
shall be considered as read. The amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Education and the Workforce now printed in the
bill shall be considered as adopted. The previous question shall be considered
as ordered on the bill, as amended, to final passage without intervening motion
except: (1) one hour of debate on the bill, as amended, equally divided and
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Education and the Workforce; and (2) one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
Sec. 4. Upon the adoption of this resolution it shall be in order without
intervention of any point of order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 742)
to amend the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 to provide for the award
of attorney's fees and costs to small employers when such employers prevail in
litigation prompted by the issuance of a citation by the Occupational Safety and
Health Administration. The bill shall be considered as read. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill to final passage without
intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate on the bill equally divided
and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Education and the Workforce; and (2) one motion to recommit.
Sec. 5. (a) In the engrossment of H.R. 739, the Clerk shall--
(1) await the disposition of all the bills contemplated in sections
2-4;
(2) add the respective texts of all the bills contemplated in
sections 2-4, as passed by the House, as new matter at the end of H.R.
739;
(3) conform the title of H.R. 739 to reflect the addition to the
engrossment of the text of all the bills contemplated in sections 2-4
that have passed the House;
(4) assign appropriate designations to provisions within the
engrossment; and
(5) conform provisions for short titles within the engrossment.
(b) Upon the addition of the text of the bills contemplated in sections 2-4
that have passed the House to the engrossment of H.R. 739, such bills shall be
laid on the table.
(c) If H.R. 739 is disposed of without reaching the stage of engrossment as
contemplated in subsection (a), the bill contemplated in sections 2-4 that first
passes the House shall be treated in the manner specified for H.R. 739 in
subsections (a) and (b), and all other bills contemplated in sections 2-4 that
have passed the House shall be laid on the table.
Attest:
Clerk.