Meeting Our Responsibility to Medicare Beneficiaries Act of 2005
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Read twice and referred to the Committee on Finance. (text of measure as introduced: CR S207-208)
January 24, 2005
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Introduced in Senate
January 24, 2005
Read twice and referred to the Committee on Finance. (text of measure as introduced: CR S207-208)
January 24, 2005
Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about S. 18 on the floor
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Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about S. 18 on the floor
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Hutchison and myself, I rise today to introduce legislation to reauthorize the tremendously successful Breast Cancer Research Stamp for 2 additional years. Without…
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Hutchison and myself, I rise today to introduce legislation to reauthorize the tremendously successful Breast Cancer Research Stamp for 2 additional years.
Without Congressional action, the Breast Cancer Research Stamp will expire on December 31 of this year.
The life of this extraordinary stamp deserves to be extended as it has proven to be a highly effective and self-supporting fundraiser.
Since 1998, the American people have bought over 588 million breast cancer stamps--raising $42.66 million for breast cancer research.
The National Cancer Institute and the Department of Defense have put these research dollars to good use by funding novel and innovative research in the area of breast cancer.
Over a 7 year period, the Breast Cancer Stamp has demonstrated a very sustained and committed customer base.
Millions of Americans have bought the stamps to honor loved ones with the disease, to highlight their own personal battle with breast cancer or to promote general public awareness--in hope of helping to find a cure.
One cannot calculate in dollars and cents how the stamp has focused public awareness on this devastating disease and the need for additional research funding.
There is still so much more to do because this disease has far reaching effects on our Nation:
Breast cancer is the most commonly diagnosed cancer among women in the United States, ranking second among cancer deaths in women after lung cancer.
In 2005, approximately 211,240 women in the U.S. will get breast cancer.
About 40,410 women will die from the disease this year.
There are over two million women living today in the U.S. who have been treated for breast cancer.
Though much less common, about 1,300 men in America are diagnosed with breast cancer each year.
It is imperative that we extend the life of this stamp so that we can continue to reach out to American women and men who do not know of their cancer and to those who are living with it.
This legislation would extend the authorization of the Breast Cancer Research stamp for two additional years until December 31, 2007.
The stamp would continue to have a surcharge of up to 25 percent above the value of a first-class stamp with the surplus revenues going to breast cancer research.
Extending the Breast Cancer Research stamp does not affect any other semi-postal proposals under consideration by the Postal Service.
We urge our colleagues to join us in passing this important legislation to extend the Breast Cancer Research Stamp for another 2 years.
Thanks to breakthroughs in cancer research, more and more people are becoming cancer survivors rather than cancer victims. Every dollar we continue to raise will help save lives.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Robert Kuan Liang and his wife, Chun-Mei (``Alice'') Hsu-Liang, foreign nationals who live in San Bruno, California.
I have decided to offer private relief immigration bills on their behalf because I believe that, without it, this hardworking couple and their three United States citizen children would endure an immense and unfair hardship. Indeed, without this legislation, this family may not remain a family for much longer.
The Liangs are foreign nationals facing deportation on account of their overstay of visitors visas and the failure of their previous attorney to timely file a suspension of deportation application before the immigration laws changed in 1996.
Mr. Liang is a foreign national and refugee from Laos. His wife is a citizen of Taiwan. They entered the United States 22 years ago as tourists and established residency in the San Bruno, CA. Because they overstayed the terms of their temporary visas, they now face deportation from the United States.
After living here for so many years, removal from the United States would not come easily or perhaps without tearing this family apart. The Liangs have three children born in this country: Wesley, 13 years old, Bruce, 10 years old, and Eva, 7 years old. Young Wesley suffers from asthma and has a history of social and emotional anxiety. The immigration judge who presided over the Liang's case in 1997 concluded that there was no question that the Liang children would be adversely impacted if they were required to leave their relatives and friends behind in California to follow their parents to Taiwan, a country whose language and culture is unfamiliar to them. And that was 7 years ago. I can only imagine how much more they would be adversely impacted now given the passage of 7 more years.
The Liangs have filed annual income tax returns; established a successful business, Fong Yong Restaurant, in the United States; are home owners, and are financially successful. Since they arrived in the United States, they have pursued and, to a degree, achieved the American Dream.
Mr. and Mrs. Liang's quest to legalize their immigration status began in 1993 when they filed for relief from deportation before an immigration judge. The Immigration and Naturalization Service, however, did not act on their application until nearly 5 years later, in 1997, after which time the immigration laws had significantly changed.
According to the immigration judge, had the INS acted on their application for relief from deportation in a timely manner, they would have qualified for suspension of deportation, given that they were long-term residents of this country with US citizen children and other positive factors. By the time INS processed their application, however, Congress passed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, which changed the requirements for relief from removal to the Liangs' disadvantage.
I supported the changes of the 1996 law, but I believe sometimes there are exceptions which merit special consideration. The Liangs are such a couple and family. Perhaps what distinguishes this family from many others is that through hard work and perseverance, Mr. Liang has achieved a significant degree of success in the United States while battling a severe form of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. According to his psychologist, this disorder stems from the persecution he, his family and community experienced in his native
country of Laos during the Vietnam War. Throughout his childhood and adolescence, Mr. Liang was exposed to numerous traumatic experiences, including the murder of his mother by the North Vietnamese and frequent episodes of wartime violence. He also routinely witnessed the brutal persecution and deaths of others in his village. In 1975, he was granted refugee status in Taiwan.
The emotional impact of Mr. Liang's experiences in his war-torn native country have been profound and continue to haunt him. In addition to being diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, his psychologist has also indicated that he suffers from severe clinical depression, which has been exacerbated by the prospect of being deported to Taiwan, where on account of his nationality, he believes he and his family would be treated as second-class citizens. Moreover, Mr. Liang believes that the pursuit of further mental health treatment in Taiwan would only exacerbate the stigma of being an outsider in a country whose language he does not speak. Given those prospects, he also fears the impact such a stigma would have on the well-being and future of his children.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of the Liangs.
I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record and that the attached three letters of community support also be printed.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Shigeru Yamada, a 22-year-old Japanese national who lives in Chula Vista, CA.
I have decided to introduce a private bill on his behalf because I believe that Mr. Yamada represents a model American citizen, for whom removal from this country would represent an unfair hardship. Without this legislation, Mr. Yamada will be forced to return to a country in which he lacks any linguistic, cultural or family ties.
Mr. Yamada legally entered the United States with his mother and two sisters in 1992 at the young age of 10. The family was fleeing from Mr. Yamada's alcoholic father, who had been physically abusive to his mother, the children and even his own parents. Since then, he has had no contact with his father and is unsure if he is even alive. Tragically, Mr. Yamada experienced further hardship when his mother was killed in a car crash in 1995. Orphaned at the age of 13, Mr. Yamada
spent time living with his aunt before moving to Chula Vista to live with a close friend of his late mother.
The death of his mother marked more than a personal tragedy for Mr. Yamada; it also served to impede the process for him to legalize his status. At the time of her death, Mr. Yamada's family was living legally in the United States. His mother had acquired a student visa for herself and her children qualified as her dependents. Her death revoked his legal status in the United States. In addition, Mr. Yamada's mother was engaged to an American citizen at the time of her death. Had she survived, her son would likely have become an American citizen through this marriage.
Mr. Yamada has exhausted all administrative options under our current immigration system. Throughout high school, he contacted attorneys in the hopes of legalizing his status, but his attempts were unsuccessful. Unfortunately, time has run out and, for Mr. Yamada, the only option available to him today is private relief legislation.
For several reasons, it would be tragic for Mr. Yamada to be deported from the United States and forced to return to Japan.
First, since arriving in the United States, Mr. Yamada has lived as a model American. He graduated with honors from Eastlake High School in 2000, where he excelled in both academics and athletics. Academically, he earned a number of awards including being named an ``Outstanding English Student'' his freshman year, an All-American Scholar, and earning the United States National Minority Leadership Award. His teacher and coach, Mr. John Inumerable, describes him as being ``responsible, hard working, organized, honest, caring and very dependable.'' His role as the Vice-President of the Associated Student Body his senior year is an indication of Mr. Yamada's high level of leadership, as well as, his popularity and trustworthiness among his peers. As an athlete, Mr. Yamada was named the ``Most Inspirational Player of the Year'' in Junior Varsity baseball and football, as well as, Varsity football. His football coach, Mr. Jose Mendoza, expressed his admiration by saying that he has ``seen in Shigeru Yamada the responsibility, dedication and loyalty that the average American holds to be virtuous.''
Second, Mr. Yamada has distinguished himself as a local volunteer. As a member of the Eastlake High School Link Crew, he helped freshman find their way around campus, offered tutoring and mentoring services, and set an example of how to be a successful member of the student body. After graduating from high school, he volunteered his time for 4 years as the coach of the Eastlake High School Girl's softball team. The former head coach, who has since retired, Dr. Charles Sorge, describes him as an individual full of ``integrity'' who understands that as a coach it is important to work as a ``team player.'' His level of commitment to the team was further illustrated to Dr. Sorge when he discovered, halfway through the season, that Mr. Yamada's commute to and from practice was 2 hours long each way. It takes an individual with character to volunteer his time to coach and never bring up the issue of how long his commute takes him each day. Dr. Sorge hopes that, once Mr. Yamada legalizes his immigration status, he will be formally hired to continue coaching the team.
Third, sending Mr. Yamada back to Japan would be an immense hardship for him and his family here. Mr. Yamada does not speak Japanese. He is unaware of the nation's current cultural trends. And, he has no immediate family members that he knows of in Japan. Currently, both of his sisters are in the process of legalizing their immigration status in the United States. His older sister is married to a United States citizen and his younger sister is being adopted by a maternal aunt, who is a United States citizen. Since as all of his family lives in California, sending Mr. Yamada back to Japan would serve to split his family apart and separate him from everyone and everything that he knows. His sister contends that her younger brother would be ``lost'' if he had to return to live in Japan on his own. It is unlikely that he would be able to find any gainful employment in Japan due to his inability to speak or read the language.
As a member of the Chula Vista community, Mr. Yamada has distinguished himself as an honorable individual. His teacher, Mr. Robert Hughes, describes him as being an ``upstanding `All-American' young man''. Until being picked up during a routine check of riders' immigration status on a city bus, he had never been arrested or convicted of any crime. Mr. Yamada is not, and has never been, a burden on the State. He has never received any Federal or State assistance.
Currently, Mr. Yamada holds sophomore status at Southwestern Community College. However, he is taking this semester off in order to alleviate his financial burdens by working full time. He had hoped to pursue a career in law enforcement, but his plans have recently changed due to his current immigration status dilemma. Until he obtains citizenship, Mr. Yamada will be prohibited from pursuing a career in law enforcement. Due to the circumstances, Mr. Yamada has changed his career goal to that of becoming a high school teacher. Mr. Yamada's commitment to his education is admirable. He could have easily taken a different path but, through his own ``individual fortitude,'' he has dedicated himself to his studies so that he can live a better life.
With his hard work and giving attitude, Shigeru Yamada represents the ideal American citizen. Although born in Japan, he is truly American in every other sense. I ask you to help right a wrong and grant Mr. Yamada lawful permanent resident status so that he can continue towards his bright future.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of Mr. Yamada.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record and that the three letters of community support be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today a private immigration relief bill to provide lawful permanent residence status to Denes and Gyorgyi Fulop, Hungarian nationals who have lived in California for more than 20 years. The Fulops are the parents of six U.S. citizen children. Today, they face deportation having exhausted all administrative remedies under our immigration system.
The Fulop's story is a compelling one and one which I believe merits Congress' consideration for humanitarian relief.
The most poignant tragedy to affect this family occurred in May 2000, when the Fulops eldest child, Robert ``Bobby'' Fulop, an accomplished 15 year-old teenager, died suddenly of a heart aneurism. Bobby was considered the shining star of his family.
That same year their six-year-old daughter, Elizabeth, was diagnosed with moderate pulmonary stenosis, a potentially life-threatening heart condition and a frightening situation similar to Bobby's. Not long ago, she successfully underwent heart surgery, but requires medical supervision to ensure her good health.
The Fulop's youngest child, Matthew, was born seven weeks premature. He subsequently underwent several kidney surgeries and is still being closely monitored by physicians.
Compounding these tragedies is the fact that today the Fulops face deportation. They face deportation, in part, because in 1995 the family traveled to Hungary and remained there for more than 90 days. Under the pre-1996 immigration law, prior to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, their stay in Hungary would not have been a factor in their immigration case and they would have been eligible for adjustment of status to lawful permanent residents.
Indeed, in 1996, Mr. and Mrs. Fulop applied to the Immigration and Naturalization Service, INS, for permanent resident status. Due to large backlogs, the INS did not interview them until 1998. By the time their applications were considered, the new 1996 immigration law had taken effect. Given their one-time 90 day trip outside the United States, they were statutorily ineligible for relief pursuant to the cancellation of removal provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act.
One cannot help but conclude that had the INS acted on the Fulop's application for relief from deportation in a timelier manner, they would have qualified for suspension of deportation under the pre-1996 law, given that they were long-term residents of the United States with U.S. Citizen children and many positive factors in their favor.
The irony of this situation is that the Fulops were gone from the United States for nearly five months in 1995 because they traveled to Hungary to help Mr. Fulop's brother build his home. Mr. Fulop's brother is handicap and they went to help remodel his home.
The Fulops are good and decent people. Mr. Fulop is a masonry contractor and the owner and president of his own construction company--Sumeg International. He has owned this business for 10 years and currently has three full-time employees.
The couple are active in their church and community. As Pastor Peter Petrovic of the Apostolic Christian Church of San Diego says in his letter of support, ``[t]he family is an exceptional asset to their community.'' Mrs. Fulop has served as a Sunday school teacher and volunteers regularly at Heritage K-8 Charter School in Escondido. Mrs. Morris, a Heritage K-8 Charter School faculty member says in her letter of support that Mrs. Fulop is ``. . . a valuable asset to our school and community.''
Mr. President, this is a tragic situation. Essentially, as happened to many families under the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, the rules of the game were
changed in the middle. When the Fulops applied for relief from deportation they were eligible for suspension of deportation. By the time the INS got around to their application, nearly three years later, they were no longer eligible and in fact suspension of deportation as a form of relief ceased to exist.
The Fulops today have been in the United States since the early 1980s. Most harmful is the effect that their deportation will have on the children, all of whom were born here and who range from one year old to 17 years of age. Their eldest, Dennis, is a 4.0 honor student at Palomar Community College having graduated from high school one year early. His sister, Linda, has a 3.8 grade point average and is an honor student in high school.
It is my hope that Congress sees fit to provide an opportunity for this family to remain together in the United States given their many years here, the profound sadness they have already experienced and the harm that would come from their deportation to their six U.S. citizen children.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and three letters be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act of 2005. This legislation will require that individuals are notified when their most sensitive personal information is stolen from a corporate or government database. This is the second Congress in a row that I have introduced this legislation-- it is time for us to pass it to give Americans the notice they need to protect themselves from identity thieves.
Specifically, the bill would require government or private entities to notify individuals if a data breach has compromised their Social Security number, driver's license number, credit card number, debit card number or financial account numbers.
In most cases, if authorities know that someone is a victim of a crime, the victim is notified. But, that isn't the case if an individual's most sensitive personal information is stolen from an electronic database.
Measuring the problem of security breaches is difficult, because many companies never report breaches of their systems for fear that their reputation for securing data would be harmed. But, in a survey conducted in 2004 by the FBI and the Computer Security Institute, 52 percent of respondents reported some level of unauthorized use of their computer systems. (Source: 2004 CSI/FBI Computer Crime and Security Survey)
Data breaches are becoming all too common. Consider the following incidents which have compromised the
records of hundreds of thousands of Americans.
On January 10, 2005, George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia notified 30,000 students that their names, photos and Social Security numbers were taken by an online intruder; (Source: Cnet news, ``Hackers Steal ID Info from Virginia University,'' Monday, January 11, 2005)
On August 30, 2004, a University of California-Berkeley database containing the personal information of 600,000 people was penetrated. The computer contained names, addresses, telephone numbers, dates of birth and Social Security numbers; (Source: Associated Press, October 21, 2004)
Already in the new year, cell phone carrier T-Mobile announced that a hacker broke into its database and accessed the names and Social Security numbers of 400 customers. (Source: Cnet News, ``Hacker Had Limited Access'' January 12, 2004)
Last year, San Diego State University reported that hackers broke into a server, gaining access to names and Social Security numbers for more than 178,000 former and current students, alumni and staff; (Source: San Francisco Chronicle, ``Colleges Leaking Confidential Data,'' April 5, 2004)
At the Georgia Institute of Technology, a hacker downloaded information that could have included names, addresses, phone numbers and credit card numbers for about 57,775 people; (Source: San Francisco Chronicle, ``Colleges Leaking Confidential Data,'' April 5, 2004) and
Finally, in 2004, a Florida man and his employees hacked into Acxiom Corp.'s computer system for 16 months and stole large amounts of personal information. Christopher Way, a U.S. assistant attorney general, said then that the case represents ``what may be the largest intrusion of personal data ever.'' (Source: Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, ``Hacker Accesses Load of Data from Acxiom,'' July 22, 2004)
My home State of California has a similar data notification law, on which my bill today is modeled. But this sort of protection needs to be extended to all Americans.
I strongly believe Americans should be notified if a hacker gets access to their most personal data. This is both a matter of principle and a practical measure to curb identity theft.
Let me take a moment to describe the proposed legislation.
The Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act will set a national standard for notification of consumers when a data breach occurs.
The legislation requires a business or government entity to notify an individual when there is a reasonable basis to conclude that a hacker or other criminal has obtained unencrypted personal data maintained by the entity.
Personal data is defined by the bill as an individual's Social Security number, State identification number, driver's license number, financial account number, or credit card number.
The legislation's notification scheme minimizes the burdens on companies or agencies that must report a data breach. In general, notice would have to be provided to each person whose data was compromised in writing or through e-mail.
But there are important exceptions.
First, companies that have developed their own reasonable notification policies are given a safe harbor under the bill and are exempted from its notification requirements.
Second, encrypted data is exempted.
Third, where it is too expensive or impractical (e.g., contact address information is incomplete) to notify every individual who is harmed, the bill allows entities to send out an alternative form of notice called ``substitute notice.'' Substitute notice includes posting notice on a website or notifying major media. Substitute notice would be triggered if any of the following factors exist:
(i) the agency or person demonstrates that the cost of providing direct notice would exceed $250,000;
(ii) the affected class of subject persons to be notified exceeds 500,000; or
(iii) the agency or person does not have sufficient contact information to notify people whose information is at risk.
The bill has a tough, but fair enforcement regime. Entities that fail to comply with the bill will be subject to fines by the Federal Trade Commission of $5,000 per violation or up to $25,000 per day while the violation persists. State Attorneys General can also file suit to enforce the statute.
Additionally, the bill would allow California's law to remain in effect, but preempt conflicting state laws. It is my understanding that legislators in a number of states are developing bills modeled after the California law. Reportedly, some of these bills have requirements that are inconsistent with the California legislation. It is not fair to put companies in a situation that forces them to comply with database notification laws of 50 different states.
A year after California's landmark legislation went into effect, the law has raised overall awareness of the need to have strong privacy protections in place. Chris Jay Hoofnagle, associate director of the nonprofit Electronic Privacy Information Center, said: ``the California law has given the public a window into a very serious problem of information security.'' (Source: Associated Press, ``Authorities Probe U.C. Hacking Attack,'' October 21, 2004)
As Beth Givens, director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, points out ``if [California] didn't have this law, the vast majority of these situations would go unreported.'' (Source: The Orange County Register, ``Ingram Micro Discloses Database Break-In,'' May 15, 2004)
I strongly believe individuals have a right to be notified when their most sensitive information is compromised--because it is truly their information. Ask the ordinary person on the street if he or she would like to know if a criminal had illegally gained access to their personal information from a database--the answer will be a resounding yes.
Enabling consumers to be notified in a timely manner of security breaches involving their personal data will help combat the growing scourge of identity theft. If individuals are informed of the theft of their Social Security numbers or other sensitive information, they can take immediate preventative action.
They can place a fraud alert on their credit report to prevent crooks from obtaining credit cards in their name;
They can monitor their credit reports to see if unauthorized activity has occurred;
They can cancel any affected financial or consumer or utility accounts; and
They can change their phone numbers if necessary.
I look forward to working with my colleagues to pass this vitally needed legislation. This bill will give ordinary Americans more control and confidence about the safety of their personal information. Americans will have the security of knowing that should a breach occur, they will be notified and be able to take protective action. Thank you, Mr. President.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to re-introduce the ``Privacy Act of 2005.''
This legislation would establish, for the first time, a comprehensive national system of privacy protection. This is the second Congress in a row that I have introduced this legislation. Every year that we wait, millions more Americans become victims of identity theft. It is time for us to act.
As you know, Mr. President, I have ardently fought for years for legislation to hamper identity theft. Today, this legislation is one of three bills that I am introducing to continue that fight. I am also introducing the Social Security Number Misuse Prevention Act of 2005, and the Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act of 2005. I urge my colleagues to pass all of them, to protect Americans from those who would steal our very identities.
At the heart of this bill is the requirement that companies may not sell consumers' most intimate personal information unless consumers affirmatively give their authorization. This is known as ``opt-in.'' Therefore, companies must obtain consumers' written consent prior to selling their personal health information, financial information, Social Security numbers, and drivers' license data (opt-in). For this sensitive data, the bill gives the individual ultimate control over whether
or not his or her information is shared. If an individual does not actively decide to permit sharing of personal data, the data is not disclosed.
The bill recognizes that different sorts of information deserve different levels of protection. For information that is still personal, but not as intimate, the bill allows businesses more flexibility. Therefore, for other personal information--names, physical addresses, e-mail addresses, telephones, photographs, birth dates, places of birth, and birth certificate numbers--companies can sell the information so long as consumers receive notice of the companies' intent, and an opportunity to object and prohibit the sale of their information. This is known as ``opt-out.''
That is structure of the overall bill. Let me take a moment to go over some of the specifics.
For financial data, the Privacy Act would tighten the information- sharing provisions of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. This legislation would modify that statute, to prohibit the sale or disclosure of sensitive personal financial information to third parties unless the consumer affirmatively consents or opts in. The legislation would also require that banks let consumers opt out of the sharing of their personal financial information with the bank's affiliates or joint partners. The bill makes exceptions for vital public safety concerns. The Privacy Act of 2005 also prohibits banks from denying a customer a financial product or financial service if the consumer withholds consent.
For sensitive medical information, this legislation would expand on the Department of Health and Human Services privacy regulations, by extending the restrictions placed on ``covered entities'' (health insurers, health providers, and health care clearinghouses) to ``non- covered entities'' (business associates, health researchers, schools or universities, and life insurers). All of those entities will be able to share information only with the patients' consent.
For Social Security numbers, this bill will prohibit the sale or display of an individual's Social Security number to the general public without the individual's express consent, and prohibit federal, state, and local governments from displaying the numbers on the Internet, or from printing them on checks and drivers' licenses. This legislation also recognizes legitimate uses of Social Security numbers, by allowing the sale of Social Security numbers between businesses, or between the government and businesses, among other exceptions.
This legislation protects the privacy of information regardless of the medium through which it is collected. Therefore, it recognizes that both paper and electronic records are important to protecting the identities of Americans.
To minimize the regulatory burden of these privacy rules, the bill sets up a safe harbor so that industries that established approved policies will be exempt from some regulatory requirements of the legislation.
To ensure uniformity of the laws across all 50 states, the bill preempts inconsistent state laws regarding the treatment of non- sensitive information.
I note that this legislation is modeled on the California Financial Information Privacy Act, which gives consumers the right to require their consent before financial companies share their most intimate data. The plan is a good one for Californians, and it is a good one for all Americans. The fact that the California law is under assault in the courts makes it all the more vital that the uniform, national standard I introduce today becomes law.
I want to give a sense of why this legislation is so necessary. Recent statistics on the growth of identity theft show we have no time to waste in protecting personal privacy.
For years, identity theft has topped the list of complaints reported to the Federal Trade Commission. In 2003, the Commission received over half a million such complaints, about 42 percent of the total. While the FTC will not report its numbers for 2004 until early February, I unfortunately expect to again see identity theft as the cause of the most complaints.
According to a 2003 report from the FTC, 10 million Americans discovered that year their identities had been stolen. The report also stated that consumers have to spend an average of 30 hours to clear their name; The Identity Theft Resource Center puts the number at 175 hours. And as Attorney General John Ashcroft said last August, ``Identity theft costs the nation's businesses nearly $50 billion a year in fraudulent transactions and often involves coordinated criminal conduct.''
My own State, California, has more victims of identity theft than any other state. The FTC recorded 39,452 complaints of identity theft cases in 2003 in California alone.
But the numbers tell only part of the story. More important are the individual people whose lives have been devastated by identity theft. Let me tell just one story that I find particularly disturbing:
Eric Drew was a patient in a hospital receiving a bone marrow transplant. Yet unbeknownst to him, a worker in the hospital had stolen Drew's identity, and had taken advantage of this sick patient. As the Associated Press reported, ``Drew said that while he was lying in a hospital bed, dying from cancer and weak from massive doses of chemotherapy, he began to get mail thanking him for opening accounts he knew nothing about.'' In this case, luckily, the criminal was caught and convicted.
Since I introduced this legislation for the first time in the 108th Congress, there are millions more stories like this one.
Indeed, there are also new common methods of identity theft. There has been a massive upswing in the phenomenon known as ``Phishing,'' in which criminals send emails to people, spoofed to fraudulently look like emails from banks and other financial institutions. These emails tell consumers to click on a Web page, and then to enter their name, account numbers, passwords, and other sensitive financial information. The criminals then use this information not only to steal from the unwitting consumers, but to literally lock them out of their own accounts. This one sort of identity theft has, according to a December study from e-mail security company MessageLabs, increased by almost tenfold over the last year.
Given the grave risks that technology poses to our privacy, it is our responsibility to start taking action. This is especially the case for older Americans, who are disproportionately vulnerable to identity theft, as I tried to highlight last year by cosponsoring the ``Protecting Older Americans From Fraud Month'' resolution last October.
I would like to highlight some of the key provisions of the law.
For financial information this legislation tightens the privacy provisions of the Financial Services Modernization Act, commonly known as the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. Under Gramm-Leach-Bliley, a bank can share a customer's personal information with other companies so long as it gives consumers notice and the right to opt-out of the data sharing.
The problem with the prevailing opt-out is that most people throw away their privacy notices from banks along with the rest of the unrelenting pile of commercial solicitations they receive. Since the passage of Gramm-Leach-Bliley, banks have sent out over one billion privacy notices.
According to available published information, fewer than 5 percent of bank customers have opted out of sharing their personal information, and for many financial institutions, the response rate has been less than one percent.
Accordingly, this legislation prohibits the sale or disclosure of sensitive personal financial information to third parties unless the consumer affirmatively consents or opts in--the burden thus shifts off of the consumer.
This legislation also toughens Federal financial privacy laws for affiliate-sharing and joint-marketing. An affiliate is a company that is linked by common ownership with another company. Under Federal law, a bank can share with affiliates or joint marketing partners regardless of whether the consumer wants this information shared.
This legislation would require that banks give consumers the option of opting out of the sharing of their personal financial information with the bank's affiliates or joint partners.
I would also like to describe several other key components of the financial privacy section.
The bill prohibits banks from denying a customer a financial product or financial service just because the customer chooses to not disclose his personal information to third parties, affiliates, or joint venture partners. However, the bill does allow banks to offer incentives to customers to encourage them to permit the sharing of their personal information.
Additionally, the bill permits banks to disclose, but not sell, personal information to third parties for vital public interest purposes such as identifying or locating missing and abducted children, witnesses, criminals and fugitives, parents delinquent in child support payments, organ and bone marrow donors, pension fund beneficiaries, and missing heirs.
Just as with financial data, personal health and medical data deserves the most stringent privacy protections.
The recently adopted Department of Health and Human Services privacy regulations set a basic opt-in framework for disclosure of health information. But more can be done to protect patient privacy.
The regulations only prohibit ``covered entities''--namely health insurers, health providers, and health care clearinghouse--from selling a patient's health information without that patient's prior consent.
Meanwhile, non-covered entities--such as business associates, health researchers, schools or universities, and life insurers--are not subject to this opt-in requirement, except through contractual arrangements.
This legislation would preserve the privacy of health information wherever the information is sold. Any business associate, life insurer, school or non-covered entity trying to sell or market protected health information would, like covered entities, have to get the patient's prior consent. This is a crucial step to protect what is truly our most intimate information.
Drivers' license data also are given the strongest level of protection under this bill.
The Driver's Privacy Protection Act, DPPA was amended in 2000 to offer some meaningful protections for drivers' privacy.
For example, under the DPPA, a State Department of Motor Vehicles must obtain the prior consent (opt-in) of the driver before ``highly sensitive information''--defined as a physical copy of the license, a Social Security number, medical or disability information, and other information can be disclosed to a third party.
However, loopholes remain. Other sensitive information found on a driver's license deserves equal protection.
This legislation would expand the definition of ``highly sensitive information'' to include a physical copy of a driver's license, the driver identification number, birth date, information on the driver's physical characteristics and any biometric identifiers, such as a fingerprint, that are found on the driver's license.
Thus, this bill would ensure consumers have control over how their motor vehicle records and driver's license data are used.
I would like to take a moment to highlight the Social Security number section of this legislation. I have also introduced this section as a stand-alone bill, the ``Social Security Number Misuse Prevention Act of 2005.''
It is crucial to protect Social Security numbers because Social Security numbers are the key to a person's identity. Many identity theft cases start with the theft of a Social Security number. Once a thief has access to a victim's Social Security number, it is only a short step to acquiring credit cards, driver's licenses, or other crucial identification documents.
This legislation bars the sale or display of Social Security numbers to the public except in a very narrow set of circumstances. In general display or sale is permitted only if the Social Security number holder affirmatively consents or if there are compelling public safety needs. Government entities will have to redact Social Security numbers from electronic records that are readily available to the public on the Internet. State governments will no longer be permitted to use the Social Security number as the default driver's license number.
The legislation, however, recognizes that some industries rely on Social Security numbers to exchange information for certain transactions.
Thus, the bill directs the Attorney General to develop regulations allowing for the sale or purchase of Social Security Numbers to facilitate business-to-business and business-to-government transactions, so long as businesses put appropriate safeguards in place and do not permit public access to the number.
This legislation codifies steps Congress can take to protect citizens from identity thieves and other predators of personal information.
It restores to an individual more control over her most sensitive personal information, such as Social Security numbers, health information, and financial information. It also sets reasonable guidelines for businesses that handle our personal information every day. Every American has a fundamental right to privacy, no matter how fast our technology grows or changes.
Last year, President Bush signed into law the Identity Theft Penalty Enhancement Act, legislation that I helped to write, to increase punishment on people who steal others' identities. I am proud of my work to make that bill into a law. But we all must realize that punishment is no substitute for prevention. My legislation today will make fewer suffer from identity theft in the first place.
I look forward to working with my colleagues to enact this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President. I rise today with Senator Voinovich to introduce legislation to expand the federal loan forgiveness program to include Head Start teachers.
Nationwide, only 30 percent of Head Start teachers have completed a baccalaureate or advanced degree program.
In California, that number is even smaller: about eighteen percent of Head Start teachers have completed a bachelor's degree.
To prepare Head Start children for elementary school, we must recruit highly qualified teachers who have demonstrated knowledge and teaching skills in reading, writing, early childhood development, and other areas of the preschool curriculum with a particular focus on cognitive learning.
Recruiting and maintaining teachers with such qualifications is the only way to jump-start cognitive development and ensure that our children start elementary school ready to learn.
A survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services called the Head Start Family and Child Experiences Survey (FACES) found a strong relationship between the education of Head Start teachers and classroom quality. Teachers with higher education levels were found to be more sensitive and responsive to their children, to have more high quality language activities, and more creative activities in their classrooms.
Teachers with higher levels of education also had classes with higher quality language activities such as reading books for the children and provided more opportunities for children to develop skills in expressing thoughts.
Head Start is the primary federal program that has the potential to reach out to low-income children early in their formative years when their cognitive skills are just developing.
We know that poor children disproportionately start school behind their peers--they are less likely to count to 10 or to recite the alphabet.
Many of our nation's youngsters enter elementary school without the basic skills necessary to succeed. Often these children lag behind their peers throughout their academic career.
As taxpayers, we will spend millions on efforts to help these children catch up. Many of these children will never catch up. A recent national study by The High/Scope Perry Preschool confirms the importance of providing preschool children with the opportunity early on to gain the basic skills necessary for school.
The study found that preschoolers were more likely to graduate from high school and be employed at age 40, earn more money a year, and were more likely to own a home and have a savings account.
We can save millions by providing low-income children with access to quality preschool where they will gain the necessary skills to succeed in school and life.
In order to give every child a head start in life, we must continue to recruit highly qualified teachers to the Head Start field and prevent the best teachers from leaving.
Many Head Start programs across the country, including in California, are losing qualified teachers to local school districts in part because the pay is better.
Nationally, the average Head Start teacher earns a salary of $21,287 compared to $43,152 for an elementary school teacher.
Head Start teachers are making half of what elementary school teachers are paid on average.
Low pay, combined with increasing student debt, is a real deterrent to getting college graduates to become Head Start teachers.
And every teacher that Head Start loses impacts the quality and access to services for our nation's low-income children.
One way to recruit and retain highly qualified Head Start teachers is to offer incentives to pursue a career in this field.
Current law allows elementary and secondary school teachers to receive up to $5,000 in loan forgiveness in exchange for five years of service.
We believe Head Start teachers should be given this same opportunity.
The legislation we are introducing today is meant to encourage recent graduates, current Head Start teachers without a degree, and college students to enter and remain in the Head Start field.
In exchange for 5 years of service, a Head Start teacher could receive up to $5,000 of their federal loans forgiven.
We must continue to improve the Head Start program so that children will have the necessary cognitive skills when they leave the program, such as being able to count to ten, begin to recite the alphabet, and recognize sizes and colors.
This is just the first step. To further ensure cognitive learning, we must also continue to raise the standards and pay for Head Start teachers.
Providing our nation's low-income children with access to highly educated and qualified teachers so that they enter school ready to learn is critical to their future success and should be a priority of this Congress.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Maria Cristina Degrassi, a 37-year-old severely disabled Italian national currently living with her family in San Mateo, California.
I have decided to offer private relief legislation on Ms. Degrassi's behalf because I believe that her removal from the United States would be tragically unfair not only to her, but to her sister and brother-in- law, Daniela Degrassi and Luca Prasso, who reside legally in the United States and who are Ms. Degrassi's closest family and only willing caregivers.
Ms. Degrassi has legally resided in the United States since 1997 on a non-immigrant tourist visa. However, she is not like an ordinary tourist. She cannot enjoy California's beautiful coastline or stunning mountain ranges. She cannot tour Hollywood movie studios or Napa Valley wineries. Ms. Degrassi was born premature in 1965 and, consequently, is severely mentally handicapped and autistic. Because of these disabilities, Ms. Degrassi has the mental capacity of a two-year old, cannot speak and understands only a few sentences in Italian.
In addition to these challenges, Ms. Degrassi was diagnosed with diabetes in 2001 and now requires daily insulin shots and a carefully monitored diet.
For Ms. Degrassi, the sum of these health problems means that she must have 24-hour-a-day, 7-day-a-week personal care and attention. Luckily, however, there are two people in Ms. Degrassi's life who are more than happy not only to care for her daily needs, but to love and nurture her.
Ms. Degrassi's sister, Daniela, and her brother-in-law, Luca, are legal permanent residents of the United States. Mr. Prasso is a highly skilled and valued employee of PDI-DreamWorks, the world renowned movie production company. Serving as a Character Technical Supervisor and earning nearly $200,000 per year, Mr. Prasso has worked on such critically acclaimed films as ``Shrek'' and ``ANTZ.'' In the course of that work, Mr. Prasso has developed and patented new technologies and become a leader in his field. In a letter in support of this private legislation, DreamWorks referred to Mr. Prasso's skills as ``rar[e]'' and ``irreplaceable.''
Daniela Degrassi has also excelled in the United States, starting a successful freelance photography career and business.
Together, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi have provided Ms. Degrassi with the love, care and attention that she so desperately needs. When Ms. Degrassi's father and aunt died in 1997, the couple knew that they were the only family left who was willing to care for her. The choice for them was clear. Mr. Prasso wrote in a letter he sent me, ``My wife and I then faced a big decision. We refuse[d] completely to put her in an institution. We [could not] accept the idea of not being able to properly take care of her. No other relative was alive or came forward to offer help. We were the only and closest persons to Cristina. We decided to take care of her like a daughter.''
For the past seven years, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi have done just that, organizing their lives around caring for and attending to Ms. Degrassi.
They cook for her and clothe and bathe her on a daily basis. Because of the close monitoring Ms. Degrassi's diabetic condition requires, when the couple wants to go out to dinner or see a movie, they must do so separately so that one of them is always with Ms. Degrassi in case of an emergency.
Despite the hardships that caring for Ms. Degrassi have imposed upon Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi, the experience has deeply enriched their lives. In Mr. Prasso's letter, he wrote, ``despite my long work hours and my wife['s] new successful business as a photographer, we are able and fully committed to continue to take care [of Cristina] 24 hours a day . . . The reward of a kiss, hug or smile from Cristina is an amazing thing and makes all the pain disappear.''
Unfortunately, if this private relief bill is not approved, this wonderful family will face a tragic set of choices. Since 1997, Ms. Degrassi has applied for and always received six-month extensions of her non-immigrant tourist visa. The Degrassi's lawyer has informed the couple that approval of the current extension is unlikely and has recommended they withdraw their petition. This would leave Ms. Degrassi with nothing. There are no other avenues available for her to remain in the United States lawfully. In short, if this private relief legislation is not approved, Ms. Degrassi will be forced to return to Italy.
However, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi's love for their sister will never allow her to return to Italy alone. Faced with Ms. Degrassi's removal, the couple will leave their lives in California and move back with her in order to continue to provide the care and attention on which Ms. Degrassi depends.
The consequences of such a move will be tragic for this family. It will mean the end of Mr. Prasso's highly accomplished career with DreamWorks, as well as, the end of the photography career Daniela Degrassi has worked so hard to build. In addition, both Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi are eligible to become United States citizens this year.
I can think of no compelling reasons why the United States should not enable this family to continue as they have in California. Because of the substantial salary that Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi earn and because of the monthly pension Ms. Degrassi receives, due to her disability, from the Italian government, there is almost no chance that Ms. Degrassi will become a burden on the state or federal government.
In Mr. Prasso's letter to me, he made this simple request, ``We are looking forward to find[ing] a permanent solution to this dilemma that does not involve dismembering this family or giving up on a wonderful job. A solution that will allow us to live a normal life like a normal family.''
We can make this solution a reality for Ms. Degrassi and this wonderful family. For that reason, I offer this private relief legislation and ask my colleagues to support it.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of Ms. Degrassi.
I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I introduce today the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act of 2005'', legislation to reform the way the federal government treats unaccompanied alien children who are apprehended by federal immigration officials at our borders or within the United States.
I first introduced legislation similar to this bill during the 107th Congress and still strongly believe that its passage is necessary to ensure the proper treatment of unaccompanied alien children within our federal system. With each passing year, as members realize the necessity for this legislation, the bill has moved further along in the process.
I am pleased to be joined by Senators Collins, Schumer, Hagel, Durbin, DeWine, Cantwell, Inouye and Feingold as original co-sponsors of this legislation.
During the 108th Congress, the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' passed the Senate by unanimous consent, after garnering no less than 34 co-sponsors. Unfortunately, the bill stalled in the House of Representatives.
So today I re-introduce this legislation, and again, this will be one of my top legislative priorities because I believe we have a special obligation to ensure that every child that comes into contact with federal officials is afforded fair and humane treatment.
In 2004, approximately 6,200 unaccompanied alien children were apprehended by Department of Homeland Security officials and transferred to the care of the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the Department of Health and Human Services. This number has grown over the years and shows no signs of abating.
Thousands of foreign-born children under the age of 18 enter the United States each year unaccompanied by parents or other legal guardians. These children are among the most vulnerable of the immigrant population and these numbers are going to continue to grow given the greater emphasis on enforcement actions by immigration officials--which I support--and the relatively unchanged conditions bringing them here.
These children are from all over the world, although the majority encountered by immigration officials today are from Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador. Some are asylum seekers fleeing human rights abuses and armed conflict in their homelands. Others are fleeing abuses specific to children, such as forced recruitment of child soldiers, forced prostitution and servitude, sexual slavery and exploitation, child labor, abuse of street children, child brides and female genital mutilation. Yet other children come to the United States because they have been abused, abandoned or neglected by their parents or caregivers. And finally, some come seeking to reunify with family members already in the United States or seeking a better life.
Historically, U.S. immigration law and policies have been developed and implemented without regard to their effect on children. This result has been similar to trying to fit a square peg in a round hole--it just doesn't work.
Under current immigration law, these children are forced to struggle through a system designed for adults, even though they lack the capacity to understand nuanced legal principles or courtroom and administrative procedures. Because of this, children who may very well be eligible for relief are often vulnerable to being deported back to the very life-threatening situations from which they fled--before they are even able to make their cases before the Department of Homeland Security or an immigration judge.
Prior to March 1, 2003, the Immigration and Naturalization Service had responsibility for the care, custody and treatment of unaccompanied alien children. Unfortunately, the Immigration and Naturalization Service fell short in
fulfilling these responsibilities. The legislation that I am introducing today builds on Section 462 of Public Law 107-296, the Homeland Security Act of 2002, which provided for the transfer of responsibility for the care and placement of unaccompanied alien children from the now-abolished Immigration and Naturalization Service to the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the Department of Health and Human Services.
Section 462 was based on S. 121, comprehensive legislation relating to unaccompanied alien children that I introduced during the 107th Congress.
With the enactment of the Homeland Security Act of 2002, we set into motion the centralization of responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children with the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The first phase of this transfer of responsibility occurred on March 1, 2003. Once the transition was completed, we finally resolved the conflict of interest inherent in the former system which pitted the enforcement side of the Immigration and Naturalization Service against the benefits side of that same agency in the care of unaccompanied alien children.
I am pleased that the provision transferring responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children was contained in the Homeland Security Act and that by all accounts the transition in the care of children between the affected agencies has gone well.
But, the transfer of authority to the Office of Refugee Resettlement--by itself--is not enough to ensure that these children are treated fairly and humanely. Congress now has a responsibility to go beyond the simple transfer to actually laying out the process and steps to ensure that unaccompanied alien children are treated fairly and humanely. We must provide the Office of Refugee Resettlement, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice with the tools they will need to succeed in their missions regarding the care of unaccompanied alien children after the transfer of jurisdiction took place.
First of all, I want to stress that this bill is not about benefits, as it provides no new immigration benefit to unaccompanied alien children. Rather, this bill is about the process of how we treat these children.
The ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' provides guidance and instruction to the Office of Refugee Resettlement, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice in the following areas:
First, in the custody, release, family reunification and detention of unaccompanied alien children;
Second, it provides access by unaccompanied alien children to guardians ad litem and pro bono counsel;
Third, it streamlines the Special Immigrant Juvenile (SIJ) program and provides guidance on the training of federal government officials and private parties who come into contact with unaccompanied alien children;
Fourth, it requires the issuance of guidelines specific to children's asylum claims;
Fifth, it authorizes appropriations for the care of unaccompanied alien children; and
Sixth, it amends the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to provide additional responsibilities and powers to the Office of Refugee Resettlement with respect to unaccompanied alien children.
Central throughout the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' are two concepts:
The United States government has a fundamental responsibility to protect unaccompanied children in its custody; and in all proceedings and actions, the government should have as a priority protecting the interests of these children.
I first became involved in this issue in 2000 when I heard about a young 15-year old Chinese girl who stood before a U.S. immigration court facing deportation proceedings with her hands chained to her waist, like a criminal. She had found her way to the United States as a stowaway in a container ship captured off of Guam, hoping to escape the repression she had experienced in her home country.
She had been placed on a boat bound for the United States by her very own parents, fleeing China's rigid family planning laws. Under these laws, she was denied citizenship, education and medical care. She came to this country alone and desperate.
And what did our immigration authorities do when they found her? The Immigration and Naturalization Service detained her in a juvenile jail in Portland, Oregon for eight months before her asylum hearing, and more than seven weeks after she was granted asylum.
At her asylum hearing, the young girl stood before a judge, unrepresented by counsel, confused and unable to understand the proceedings against her. She could not wipe away the tears from her face because her hands were chained to her waist. According to a lawyer who later came to represent her, ``her only crime was that her parents had put her on a boat so she could get a better life over here.''
While the young girl eventually received asylum in our country, she unnecessarily faced an ordeal no child should bear under our immigration system. This young Chinese girl represents only one of the more than 6,000 foreign-born children who, without parents or legal guardians to protect them, are discovered in the United States each year in need of protection.
This is unacceptable treatment and we have a responsibility to do better than this.
Imagine the fear of an unaccompanied alien child, in the United States alone, without a parent or guardian. Imagine that child being thrust into a system he or she does not understand, provided no access to pro bono counsel or guardians ad litem, placed in jail with adults or housed with juveniles with serious criminal convictions. I find it hard to believe that our country would allow children to be treated in such a manner.
That is why I am introducing this legislation today. The ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' will help our country fulfill the special obligation to these children to treat them fairly and humanely.
I am proud to have the support of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, the Women's Commission on Refugee Women and Children, the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, Amnesty International USA and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and many other organizations with whom I have worked closely to develop this legislation.
I urge my colleagues to join with me by cosponsoring this important measure and ensuring that these reforms are finally enacted.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private immigration relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Esidronio Arreola-Saucedo, Maria Elena Cobian Arreola, Nayely Bibiana Arreola and Cindy Jael Arreola, Mexican nationals living in the Fresno area of California.
Mr. and Mrs. Arreola have lived in the United States for almost 20 years. Two of their five children, Nayely, age 18, and Cindy, age 16, also stand to benefit from this legislation. Their other three children, Roberto, age 13, Daniel, age 9, and Saray, age 8, are United States citizens. Today, Mr. and Mrs. Arreola and their two eldest children face deportation.
The story of the Arreola family is compelling and I believe they merit Congress's special consideration for such an extraordinary form of relief as a private bill.
The Arreolas are in this uncertain situation in part because of grievous errors committed by their previous counsel, who has since been disbarred. In fact, the attorney's conduct was so egregious that it compelled an immigration judge to write the Executive Office of Immigration Review seeking his disbarment for the detriment he caused his immigration clients.
Mr. Arreola has lived in the United States since 1986. He was an agricultural migrant worker in the fields of California for several years, and as such would have been eligible for permanent residence through the Seasonal Agricultural Workers, SAW, program had he known about it.
Mrs. Arreola was living in the United States at the time she became pregnant with her daughter Cindy, but returned to Mexico to give birth so as to avoid any problems with the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
Given the length of time that the Arreolas had, and have been, in the United States it is quite likely that they would have qualified for relief from deportation pursuant to the cancellation of removal provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act, but for the conduct of their previous attorney.
Perhaps one of the most compelling reasons for permitting the family to remain in the United States is the devastating impact their deportation would have on their children--three of whom are U.S. citizens, as I stated earlier, and the other two who have lived in the United States since they were toddlers. For these children, this country is the only country they really know.
Nayely, the oldest, is a freshman at Fresno Pacific University. She was the first in her family to graduate from high school and the first to attend college. She attends Fresno Pacific University, a regionally ranked university, on a full tuition scholarship package and works part-time in the admissions office.
At her young age, Nayely has demonstrated a strong commitment to the ideals of citizenship in her adopted country. She has worked hard to achieve her full potential both in her academic endeavors and through the service she provides her community. As the Associate Dean of Enrollment Services, Cary Templeton, at Fresno Pacific University states in a letter of support, ``[t]he leaders of Fresno Pacific University saw in Nayely, a young person who will become exemplary of all that is good in the American dream.''
In high school, Nayely was a member of Advancement Via Individual Determination, AVID, a college preparatory program in which students commit to determining their own futures through achieving a college degree. Nayely was also president of the Key Club, a community service organization. She helped mentor freshmen and participates in several other student organizations in her school. Perhaps the greatest hardship to this family, if forced to return to Mexico, will be her lost opportunity to realize her dreams and further contribute to her community and to this country.
It is clear to me that Nayely feels a strong sense of responsibility for her community and country. By all indications, this is the case as well for all of the members of her family.
The Arreolas also have other family who are lawful permanent residents of this country or United States citizens. Mrs. Arreola has three brothers who are U.S. citizens and Mr. Arreola has a sister who is a U.S. citizen. It is also my understanding that they have no immediate family in Mexico.
According to immigration authorities, this family has never had any problems with law enforcement. I am told that they have filed their taxes for every year from 1990 to the present. They have always worked hard to support themselves. As I previously mentioned, Mr. Arreola was previously employed as a farm worker, but now has his own business repairing electronics. His business has been successful enough to enable him to purchase a home for his family.
It seems so clear to me that this family has embraced the American dream and their continued presence in our country would do so much to enhance the values we hold dear. Enactment of the legislation I have introduced today will enable the Arreolas to continue to make significant contributions to their community as well as the United States.
I ask my colleagues to support this private bill. I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record and that the three letters of community support be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce legislation cosponsored by Senator Boxer to adjust the boundary of Redwood National Park in the State of California to include the addition of the Mill Creek property. This continues the effort initiated in the last Congress with the leadership of Congressman Mike Thompson, to solidify and expand the co-operative management relationship between the United States Government and the State of California, working together to protect forever the ancient majesty of the redwood forest.
In 2002, the California Department of Parks and Recreation acquired from the Save-the-Redwoods League 25,000 acres of forest land known as the Mill Creek property in Del Norte County, which is contiguous with the Redwood National and State parks boundary. This bill would include within the park boundary the Mill Creek acquisition and about 900 acres of land acquired and added to the State redwood parks since the 1978 expansion of the Redwood National Park boundary. There would be no Federal costs for land acquisition or development resulting from this legislation.
Approval of the expansion of the boundary of Redwood National Park to include the headwaters of Mill Creek will complete the vision of the Redwood Park embraced by Senator Kuchel in S.1370 that he introduced in 1967, a vision dating back to the McLaughlin-Cook report issued by the National Park Service in 1937. Protection of the headwaters of Mill Creek will secure the long term viability of the ancient redwoods already within Redwood National and State Park. It would permanently safeguard the coho salmon who return to spawn in the clear, cold waters of this forest.
These lands will be managed by the same cooperative management agreement between the National Park Service and the California Department of Parks and Recreation. This partnership is viewed as a model of interagency cooperative management efforts and will provide for more efficient and costeffective management of an ecologically significant resource.
This bill enjoys strong support from local and Federal officials, including Del Norte County and the Department of the Interior. Given this support and lack of controversy, I believe this legislation to be of great importance to ensure that our Redwood National Park is further protected.
I have long held a deep interest in protecting California's magnificent Redwoods. The coast redwood, the sequoia sempervirens, is native only to the West Coast where it stands in a narrow band from the tip of the Big Sur Coast to the Chetco River, just north of the California-Oregon border. The redwood stands taller than any other tree in the world and traces its lineage to among the oldest of living things. The cathedrals formed by these ancient trees inspire the best in us as a people. The redwood forests of California are a national and worldwide treasure that is ours to protect and preserve.
In 1966, the Headwaters Agreement was negotiated in part in my offices to protect approximately 7,500 acres of old growth redwoods, which was the largest grove of redwoods held in private ownership at the time. It is my great pleasure today to introduce this legislation to extend our national commitment to collaboration in preservation of the redwoods and the watersheds they anchor.
I applaud Congressman Mike Thompson's commitment to this issue and urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
I rise today to introduce a bill that combines needed help for small Yosemite schools, and an addition to the beautiful Golden Gate National Recreation Area. Each of these bills individually has passed both the House and Senate in previous Congresses.
The first title of this legislation provides critical funds to three small schools nestled in the heart of Yosemite National Park and authorizes the Yosemite Regional Transportation System to shuttle visitors in and out of the park.
Approximately 130 children of park service employees are taught in the three elementary small schools located in Yosemite National Park-- Wawona, El Portal, and Yosemite Valley elementary schools.
These schools represent a dying breed of education models; they are small schools that teach children who live in remote communities and are taught by one or a group of teachers. At El Portal, three teachers instruct 53 students in seven grades. Wawona has 17 students in 7 grades who are taught by one teacher/principal.
And Yosemite Valley serves 60 students in 8 grades who are taught by two teachers.
The remote location of these schools, their small sizes and California's unique method for funding education, have all contributed to the schools amassing a combined deficit of $290,000. In their efforts to continue to provide basic educational services to students, the schools have had to cut supplemental instruction that would normally be available to students taught outside of the park.
Some have suggested that these schools consolidate into one to pool their limited resources. While this may seem to solve the problem, you must understand that many of these students already travel many miles on treacherous mountainous roads to attend their current schools. If the three schools were to consolidate, this problem would be exacerbated, requiring many students to make a 2 hour commute to their new schools.
I do not believe this is a viable option and that is why I support this legislation.
Last year, Senator Bingaman, Congressman Radanovich and I worked out a compromise on this legislation that would help the schools while protecting the National Park Service's budget. The compromise includes the following terms:
For fiscal year 2006 through 2009, the Secretary of the Interior may provide up to $400,000 in funds to the Bass Lake Union Elementary School District and the Mariposa Unified School District for educational services to students who are dependents of persons engaged in the administration, operation, and maintenance of the Park or students who live at or near the Park; the Secretary can only provide the funds if the State of California and local agencies maintain 2005 per-student funding levels to the schools, and the Secretary also must make sure that the assistance to the schools does not reduce the remaining funding available to Yosemite National Park below fiscal year 2005 levels.
Furthermore, this legislation allows the Park Service to allot federal funds for the continuing operation of a bus service that shuttles visitors through Yosemite National Park--the Yosemite Area Regional Transportation System.
The federally funded demonstration project that allowed YARTS to offer services on a temporary basis expired in May 2002 and since then, YARTS has leveraged local funds to ensure that services were not discontinued.
Both the Park Service and YARTS are supportive of continuing their mutually beneficial agreement. This legislation would do just that by taking the burden off local entities and providing the necessary assistance that this service needs.
I am also pleased to introduce today a second title in this legislation to allow the National Park Service to extend the boundaries of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, GGNRA, by acquiring critical natural landscapes and scenic vistas.
This bill meets several distinct needs in California and national needs of all National Park System visitors by adding 4,600 acres of pristine natural land to the boundary of the Golden Gate Recreation Area. It will protect four major watersheds, preserve the home of numerous threatened, rare and endangered plant and animal species in the region, allow potential access to valuable future trail links to contiguous State and county parks, and establish a dramatic and logical southern entrance to the park.
A key component of this legislation is its three-way, local-state- federal partnership. Half of the total purchase price of these lands has already been donated by local and State sources. Additionally, this legislation specifically provides that all land transactions involve a willing seller and willing buyer.
Furthermore, this bill has the strong support of local community groups, the former Golden Gate National Recreation Area Advisory Commission, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors, the National Park Service, and the California State Farm Bureau. It also has the endorsement of the San Francisco Chronicle and the San Jose Mercury News. I know of no opposition to this bill.
Expanding the boundary of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to include Rancho Corral de Tierra through such a beneficial partnership is an opportunity not to be missed. A vast land within a major metropolitan area that offers extraordinary scenic views of the Pacific coastline and the greater Bay Area, a place with plants found nowhere else on earth find refuge, a home for rare and endangered animals, is available now for protection and enjoyment. We have the chance to enjoy this special land and to leave a lasting legacy for our children and our grandchildren.
California's national parks are truly invaluable and the park that this bill supports offers an opportunity for visitors and residents to enjoy unique national habitats and offers a unique chance for the National Park Service and the community to work together, not only to protect the environment, but also the interests of the nearby communities and national and international visitors.
This bill enjoys strong support from local and State officials and I hope that it will have as much strong bipartisan support this Congress, as it did last Congress. Congressman Tom Lantos plans to introduce companion legislation for this bill in the House and I applaud his leadership on this issue.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the United States Military Cancer Institute Research Collaborative Act. This legislation would formally establish the United States Military Cancer Institute (USMCI),…
Mr. President, today I introduce the United States Military Cancer Institute Research Collaborative Act. This legislation would formally establish the United States Military Cancer Institute (USMCI), and support the collaborative augmentation of research efforts in cancer epidemiology, prevention and control. Although the USMCI already exists as an informal collaborative effort, this bill will formally establish the institution with a mission of providing for the maintenance of health in the military by enhancing cancer research and treatment, and studying the epidemiological causes of cancer among various ethnic groups. By formally establishing the USMCI, it will be in a better position to unite military research efforts with other cancer research centers.
Cancer prevention, early detection, and treatment are significant issues for the military population, thus the USMCI was organized to coordinate the existing military cancer assets. The USMCI has a comprehensive database of its beneficiary population of 9 million people. The military's nationwide tumor registry, the Automated Central Tumor Registry, has acquired more than 180,000 cases in the last 14 years, and a serum repository of 30 million specimens from military personnel collected sequentially since 1987. This population is predominantly Caucasian, African-American, and Hispanic.
The Director of the USMCI, Dr. John Potter, is a Professor of Surgery at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences (USUHS). A highly talented cancer epidemiologist, Dr. Kangmin Zhu, has also been recruited to lead the USMCI Prevention and Control Programs.
The USMCI currently resides in the Washington, D.C., area, and its components are located at the National Naval Medical Center, the Malcolm Grow Medical Center, the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, and the Armed Forces Radiobiology Research Institute. There are more than 70 research workers, both active duty and Department of Defense civilian scientists, working in the USMCI.
The USMCI intends to expand its research activities to military medical centers across the Nation. Special emphasis will be placed on the study of genetic and environmental factors in carcinogenesis among the entire population, including Asian, Caucasian, African-American and Hispanic subpopulations.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Tsunami Preparedness Act with my friend and distinguished colleague, Senator Ted Stevens, in our new capacities as Co-Chair and Chair of the Commerce Committee. Our bill today provides a scientific and technological response to minimize the threats posed by tsunami to our own shores, and the coastal communities of the world, as exemplified by the appalling scope of the Indian Ocean tragedy. The bill builds on our work to establish a system in the Pacific that is a model for the world, and also provides for its expansion and improvement to repair gaps that have been identified recently.
Protecting human life and property from natural disaster requires the ability to reliably detect and forecast, the capacity to broadcast warnings in a timely and informative manner, and the knowledge in communities of how to respond and evacuate to safety. Above all, however, it requires the willingness to invest resources to prepare for a threat that is largely unseen and unpredictable until the last moment, when a monstrous wave actually strikes.
The people of Alaska and Hawaii have long memories of the threat of tsunami. Perhaps it is because Hawaii sits in a position of terrible vulnerability in the Pacific Ocean, which is the site of 85 percent of the world's tsunami activity, and because Alaska, perched on the northern edge of the Pacific's Ring of Fire, suffers frequent tsunami- generating earthquakes.
In order to protect local communities, Hawaii established in 1949 a tsunami warning center, following a tragic Hilo tsunami. In response to the Good Friday earthquake and tsunami of 1964, which accounted for 90 percent of the deaths in the state that year, Alaska followed suit by establishing an observatory in Palmer, Alaska, in 1967. Collaborations between the two centers and other partners led to a nascent capacity for predicting and warning coastal communities about potential tsunami in Alaska and Hawaii and beyond.
As we came to understand the broader threat that tsunami posed, Ted Stevens and I worked together to pass legislation in 1994 to direct the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to develop a Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program.
We are pleased to report that the program has laid the foundation for tsunami preparedness. Through its Pacific Marine Environmental Laboratory (PMEL), NOAA has developed Deep ocean Assessment and Reporting of Tsunami--or ``DART''--buoys, which accurately measure the subtle variations in the ocean's sea level caused by tsunami traveling over open water. With these measurements, as well as readings from coastal gauges, the mathematical models PMEL and others have developed can forecast tsunami direction, speed, and inundation with astonishing accuracy. Although the worldwide network of seismic sensors operated by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) provides excellent notice of earthquakes with the potential to generate tsunami, the DART buoys represent a next-generation approach to detection and forecasting of tsunami that will form the backbone of our domestic preparedness.
Interpreting these data and issuing warnings are Hawaii's Pacific Tsunami Warning Center, and Alaska's West Coast/Alaska Tsunami Warning Center, which jointly have the capacity to cover our domestic shores, and, at the same time, to reach out to all cooperating nations of the world.
Forecasting and warning networks, however, depend on ears who know how to respond, and so the Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program has partnered with states and local authorities to produce inundation mapping, develop evacuation routes, and conduct tsunami education. As a result of much hard work, fifteen counties up and down the west coast, and in Alaska and Hawaii have become national and world leaders by becoming ``tsunami ready.''
The appalling scope of the Indian Ocean tragedy illustrates the importance and necessity of our work of the past ten years, and with stark clarity, we can see that despite our best efforts, much remains to be done. Now, as before, Senator Stevens and I have come together to lead the charge toward national and international tsunami preparedness.
Our legislation today formally authorizes NOAA to establish, operate, and maintain a dependable national tsunami warning system that would provide maximum tsunami detection capability for the nation. The system would build on the model established in the Pacific, and provide for its repair, expansion and modernization by the close of calendar year 2007. The system would include four components: an expanded and upgraded detection and warning system, a federal-state tsunami hazard mitigation program, a tsunami research program, and a modernization and upgrade program. In addition, the bill would direct NOAA to provide any necessary technical or other assistance to international efforts to establish regional systems in other parts of the world, including the Indian Ocean.
The detection and warning system established by the bill would cover the Pacific Ocean region, as well as the Atlantic-Caribbean-Gulf of Mexico region, and incorporate a variety of seismic and tsunami detection technologies, including deep ocean buoys, as well as encompass tsunami warning centers charged with collecting and analyzing the data and distributing warnings--including the existing Pacific Tsunami Warning Center in Hawaii and the West Coast/Alaska Tsunami Warning Center in Alaska, as well as any others deemed necessary by the NOAA Administrator.
The bill also formally authorizes NOAA's Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program and its community-based tsunami hazard mitigation program to improve tsunami preparedness of at-risk areas. The bill directs a Federal-State coordinating committee for the program, consisting (FEMA), the United States Geological Survey (USGS), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and affected coastal states and territories, to work together to improve inundation mapping, community outreach and education, and promote and integrate tsunami warning and mitigation measures, including rescue and recovery guidelines. The program would provide grants to states to ensure the program elements are implemented in coastal communities.
The bill also requires NOAA to establish, along with other agencies and academic institutions, a tsunami research program to continuously improve detection, prediction, communication, and mitigation science and technology to support tsunami forecasts and warnings. This program would also focus on the potential for improved communications systems for tsunami and other hazard warnings, including telephones, wireless and satellite technology, the Internet, television and radio, and any innovative combination of these technologies.
A critical component of the bill requires NOAA to upgrade and modernize the U.S. tsunami detection system by December 2007, as well as provide accountability for the long-term operation of the system. NOAA is required to repair and upgrade the system, ensuring deployment of existing deep ocean detection buoys and related detection equipment, as well as notify Congress upon any equipment or system failures that will impair regional detection, and of significant contractor failures or delays. In addition, the bill calls for the National Academy of Sciences to review the system for further modernization recommendations.
The bill recognizes the need for global coordination on tsunami preparedness, requiring NOAA, and the interagency coordinating committee of the U.S. Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program, to provide technical assistance and advice to international entities as part of an international effort to develop a fully functional global tsunami warning system.
Finally, the bill authorizes $35 million annually for six years to support these activities. Through this legislation, the work Senator Stevens and I started over ten years ago will step up to the next level, and provide our nation with coverage and protection that it needs, while fulfilling our duties as citizens of the global community.
I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a bill which is of great importance to a group of patriotic Americans. This legislation is designed to extend space-available travel privileges on military aircraft to those who have been totally disabled in the service of our country.
Currently, retired members of the Armed Services are permitted to travel on a space-available basis on non-scheduled military flights within the continental United States, and on scheduled overseas flights operated by the Military Airlift Command. My bill would provide the same benefits for veterans with 100 percent service-connected disabilities.
We owe these heroic men and women who have given so much to our country a debt of gratitude. Of course, we can never repay them for the sacrifices they have made on behalf of our Nation, but we can surely try to make their lives more pleasant and fulfilling. One way in which we can help is to extend military travel privileges to these distinguished American veterans. I have received numerous letters from all over the country attesting to the importance attached to this issue by veterans. Therefore, I ask that my colleagues show their concern and join me in saying ``thank you'' by supporting this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing legislation to enable those former prisoners of war who have been separated honorably from their respective services and who have been rated as having a 30 percent service-connected disability to have the use of both the military commissary and post exchange privileges. While I realize it is impossible to adequately compensate one who has endured long periods of incarceration at the hands of our Nation's enemies, I do feel this gesture is both meaningful and important to those concerned because it serves as a reminder that our Nation has not forgotten their sacrifices.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation to amend Title XVIII of the Social Security Act to correct discrepancies in the reimbursement of clinical social workers covered through Medicare, Part B. The three proposed changes contained in this legislation clarify the current payment process for clinical social workers and establish a reimbursement methodology for the profession that is similar to other health care professionals reimbursed through the Medicare program.
First, this legislation sets payment for clinical social worker services according to a fee schedule established by the Secretary. Second, it explicitly states that services and supplies furnished by a clinical social worker are a covered Medicare expense, just as these services are covered for other mental health professionals in Medicare. Third, the bill allows clinical social workers to be reimbursed for services provided to a client who is hospitalized.
Clinical social workers are valued members of our health care provider network. They are legally regulated in every state of the nation and are recognized as independent providers of mental health care throughout the health care system. It is time to correct the disparate reimbursement treatment of this profession under Medicare.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a private relief bill on behalf of Jim K. Yoshida, to obtain recognition of his service with the U.S. military in Korea so that he may obtain veteran's status.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Nursing School Clinics Act. This measure builds on our concerted efforts to provide access to quality health care for Americans by offering grants and incentives for nursing schools to establish primary care clinics in underserved areas where additional medical services are most needed. In addition, this measure provides the opportunity for nursing schools to enhance the scope of student training and education by providing firsthand clinical experience in primary care facilities.
Primary care clinics administered by nursing schools are university or nonprofit primary care centers developed mainly in collaboration with university schools of nursing and the communities they serve. These centers are staffed by faculty and staff who are nurse practitioners and public health nurses. Students supplement patient care while receiving preceptorships provided by college of nursing faculty and primary care physicians, often associated with academic institutions, who serve as collaborators with nurse practitioners. To date, the comprehensive models of care provided by nursing clinics have yielded excellent results, including significantly fewer emergency room visits, fewer hospital inpatient days, and less use of specialists, as compared to conventional primary health care.
This bill reinforces the principle of combining health care delivery in underserved areas with the education of advanced practice nurses. To accomplish these objectives, Title XIX of the Social Security Act would be amended to designate that the services provided in these nursing school clinics are reimbursable under Medicaid. The combination of grants and the provision of Medicaid reimbursement furnishes the financial incentives for clinic operators to establish the clinics.
In order to meet the increasing challenges of bringing cost-effective and quality health care to all Americans, we must consider a wide range of proposals, both large and small. Most importantly, we must approach the issue of health care with creativity and determination, ensuring that all reasonable avenues are pursued. Nurses have always been an integral part of health care delivery. The Nursing School Clinics Act recognizes the central role nurses can perform as care givers to the medically underserved.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Rural Preventive Health Care Training Act, a bill that responds to the dire need of our rural communities for quality health care and disease prevention programs. Almost one fourth of Americans live in rural areas and frequently lack access to adequate physical and mental health care. As many as 21 million of the 34 million people living in underserved rural areas are without access to a primary care provider. Even in areas where providers do exist, there are numerous limits to access, such as geography, distance, lack of transportation, and lack of knowledge about available resources. Due to the diversity of rural populations, language and cultural obstacles are often a factor in the access to medical care.
Compound these problems with limited financial resources, and the result is that many Americans living in rural communities go without vital health care, especially preventive care. Children fail to receive immunizations and routine checkups. Preventable illnesses and injuries occur needlessly, and lead to expensive hospitalizations. Early symptoms of emotional problems and substance abuse go undetected, and often develop into full-blown disorders.
An Institute of Medicine IOM report entitled, ``Reducing Risks for Mental Disorders: Frontiers for Preventive Intervention Research,'' highlights the benefits of preventive care for all health problems. The training of health care providers in prevention is crucial in order to meet the demand for care in underserved areas. Currently, rural health care providers lack preventive care training opportunities.
Interdisciplinary preventive training of rural health care providers must be encouraged. Through such training, rural health care providers can build a strong educational foundation from the behavioral, biological, and psychological sciences. Interdisciplinary team prevention training will also facilitate operations at sites with both health and mental health clinics by facilitating routine consultation between groups. Emphasizing the mental health disciplines and their services as part of the health care team will contribute to the overall health of rural communities.
The Rural Preventive Health Care Training Act would implement the
risk-reduction model described in the IOM study. This model is based on the identification of risk factors and targets specific interventions for those risk factors. The human suffering caused by poor health is immeasurable, and places a huge financial burden on communities, families, and individuals. By implementing preventive measures to reduce this suffering, the potential psychological and financial savings are enormous.
Mr. President. I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Native Hawaiian Medicaid Coverage Act. This legislation would authorize a Federal Medicaid Assistance Percent (FMAP) of 100 percent for the payment of health care costs of Native Hawaiians who receive health care from Federally Qualified Health Centers or the Native Hawaiian Health Care System.
This bill was originally a provision within the Medicare Prescription Drug Bill, which the Senate passed by an overwhelming majority of 76 to 21, but was dropped from the final Medicare Prescription Drug Conference Report.
This bill is modeled on the Native Alaskan Health Care Act, which provides for a Federal Medicaid Assistance Percent (FMAP) of 100 percent for payment of health care costs for Native Alaskans by the Indian Health Service, an Indian tribe, or a tribal organization.
Community health centers serve as the ``safety net'' for uninsured and medically underserved Native Hawaiians and other United States citizens, providing comprehensive primary and preventive health services to the entire community. Outpatient services offered to the entire family include comprehensive primary care, preventive health maintenance, and education outreach in the local community. Community health centers, with their multidisciplinary approach, offer cost effective integration of health promotion and wellness with chronic disease management and primary care focused on serving vulnerable populations.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a private relief mill on behalf of Donald C. Pence of Stanford, North Carolina, for compensation for the failure of the Department of Veterans Affairs to pay dependency and indemnity compensation to Kathryn E. Box, the now- deceased mother of Donald C. Pence. It is rare that a federal agency admits a mistake. In this case, the Department of Veterans Affairs has admitted that a mistake was made and explored ways to permit payment under the law, including equitable relief, but has found no provision authorizing the Department to release the remaining benefits that were unpaid to Mrs. Box at the time of her death. My bill would correct this injustice, and I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce legislation to authorize the autonomous functioning of clinical psychologists and clinical social workers within the Medicare comprehensive outpatient rehabilitation facility program.
In my judgment, it is unfortunate that Medicare requires clinical supervision of the services provided by certain health professionals and does not allow them to function to the full extent of their State practice licenses. Those who need the services of outpatient rehabilitation facilities should have access to a wide range of social and behavioral science expertise. Clinical psychologists and clinical social workers are recognized as independent providers of mental health care services under the Federal Employee Health Benefits Program, the TRICARE Military Health Program of the Uniformed Services, the Medicare (Part B) Program, and numerous private insurance plans. This legislation will ensure that these qualified professionals achieve the same recognition under the Medicare comprehensive outpatient rehabilitation facility program.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Registered Nurse Safe Staffing Act. I am introducing this bill on behalf of the American Nurses Association's Chief Executive Officer and President Linda Stierle, MSN, RN, CNAA and Barbara A. Blakeney, MS, APRN, BC, ANP, respectively. For over four decades I have been a committed supporter of nurses and the delivery of safe patient care. While enforceable regulations will help to ensure patient safety, the complexity and variability of today's hospitals require that staffing patterns be determined at the hospital and unit level, with the professional input of registered nurses. More than a decade of research demonstrates that nurse staff levels and the skill mix of nursing staff directly affect the clinical outcomes of hospitalized patients. Studies show that when there are more registered nurses, there are lower mortality rates, shorter lengths of stay, reduced costs, and fewer complications.
A study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that the risks of patient mortality rose by 7 percent for every additional patient added to the average nurse's workload. In the midst of a nursing shortage and increasing financial pressures, hospitals often find it difficult to maintain adequate staffing. While nursing research indicates that adequate registered nurse staffing is vital to the health and safety of patients, there is no standardized public reporting mechanism, nor enforcement of adequate staffing plans. The only regulations addressing nursing staff exists vaguely in Medicare Conditions of Participation which states: ``The nursing service must have an adequate number of licensed registered nurses, licensed practice (vocational) nurse, and other personnel to provide nursing care to all patients as needed''.
This bill will require Medicare Participating Hospitals to develop and maintain reliable and valid systems to determine sufficient registered nurse staffing. Given the demands that the healthcare industry faces today, it is our responsibility to ensure that patients have access to adequate nursing care. However, we must ensure that the decisions by which care is provided are made by the clinical experts, the registered nurses caring for these patients. Support of this bill supports our nation's nurses during a critical shortage, but more importantly, works to ensure the safety of their patients.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, all too often we find that our Nation's civilian employees of the Federal Government who have been forcibly detained or interned by a hostile government do not receive the recognition they deserve. My bill would correct this inequity and provide a prisoner of war medal for such citizens.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am reintroducing legislation today that would direct the Secretary of the Army to determine whether certain nationals of the Philippine Islands performed military service on behalf of the United States during World War II.
Mr. President, our Filipino veterans fought side by side with Americans and sacrificed their lives on behalf of the United States. This legislation would confirm the validity of their claims and further allow qualified individuals the opportunity to apply for military and veterans benefits that, I believe, they are entitled to. As this population becomes older, it is important for our nation to extend its firm commitment to the Filipino veterans and their families who participated in making us the great nation that we are today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, in our effort to accommodate many Americans by making Memorial Day the last Monday in May, we have lost sight of the significance of this day to our nation. My bill would restore Memorial Day to May 30 and authorize our flag to fly at half mast on that day. In addition, this legislation would authorize the President to issue a proclamation designating Memorial Day and Veterans Day as days for prayer and ceremonies. This legislation would help restore the recognition our veterans deserve for the sacrifices they have made on behalf of our Nation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I rise to introduce legislation which would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow Cooperative Housing Corporations (co-ops), to convert to condominium forms of ownership.
Under current law, a conversion from cooperative shareholding to condominium ownership is taxable at a corporate level as well as an individual level. The conversion is treated as a corporate liquidation, and therefore taxed accordingly. In addition, a capital gains tax is levied on any increase between the owner's basis in the co-op share pre-conversion and the market value of the condominium interest post- conversion. This double taxation dissuades condominium conversion because the owner is being taxed on the transaction which is nothing more than a change in the form of ownership. While the Internal Revenue Service concedes that there are no discernable advantages to society of the cooperative form of ownership, they do not view federal tax statutes as providing sufficient flexibility with which to address the obstacles of conversion.
Cooperative housing organizes the ownership structure into a corporation, with shares of stock for each apartment unit, which are sold to buyers. The corporation then issues a proprietary lease entitling the owner of the stock to the use of the unit in perpetuity. Because the investment is in the form of a share of stock, investors sometimes lose their entire investment as a result of debt incurred by the corporation in construction and development. In addition, due to the structure of a cooperative housing corporation, a prospective purchaser of shares in the corporation from an existing tenant- stockholders has difficulty obtaining mortgage financing for the purchase. Furthermore, tenant-stockholders of cooperative housing also encounter difficulties in securing bank loans for the full value of their investment.
As a result, owners of cooperative housing are increasingly looking toward conversion to the condominium structure of ownership. Condominium ownership permits the owner of a unit to own the unit itself, eliminating the cooperative housing dilemma of corporate debt that supercedes the investment of cooperative housing share owners, and other financial concerns.
The legislation I introduce today will remove the penalty of double taxation from the conversion of cooperative housing to condominium ownership, and will greatly benefit co-op owners across the nation. The bill does not apply to cooperatives which have been or are now being financed by any federal, state, or local programs for the purpose of assisting in the construction of affordable housing cooperatives or the conversion of rental units to affordable housing cooperatives. I urge my colleagues' consideration and support for this measure.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce a bill that would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exempt certain sightseeing flights from the air transportation excise tax. A clarifying amendment to the Tax Code is needed due to a problem that exists in the application of the excise tax.
In 1986, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), issued a Private Letter Ruling in which it exempted one Hawaii-based air tour operator from paying the air passenger transportation excise tax, but has not applied equal treatment to other similarly situated aerial sightseeing tour operators. It is my belief that the IRS should be consistent in its application of this excise tax.
Under current law, a variety of excise taxes on air transportation are imposed to finance the Airport and Airway Trust funds program that is administered by the Federal Aviation Administration. For example, an air passenger transportation excise tax is imposed on users of our nation's airports and airways. The Congress intended that the tax be levied on passengers traveling on scheduled commercial airlines. In addition, for the most part, the tax is imposed on each flight segment.
The Congress did not intend to have the tax applied to air tour operators, who utilize our system of airways differently. Our national transportation system receives little or no benefit from aerial sightseeing operations. Air tour operations are not scheduled commercial airlines. They are for entertainment purposes and are circular, in that they begin and end at the same destination point.
Hawaii is among a small handful of states where our citizens can enjoy aerial tours of sights that are remote or difficult to reach by land. Aerial sightseeing tours are also enjoyed in Alaska, California, Washington, Arizona, and even New York City. The imposition of the air transportation excise tax on aerial sightseeing flights will significantly raise the consumer price on air tours. Doing so will cause many small aerial sightseeing tour operators, especially in my home state, to lose customers. Many of these small companies have struggled to stay in business after incurring significant losses in the months following September 11, 2001, when our government imposed flight restrictions across the nation. Those flight restrictions prevented many flight operations in all segments of the general aviation industry for many months into early 2002.
Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support my bill, which would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exempt certain sightseeing trips from the air transportation excise tax. Under my bill, air tour operations would still be subject to the aviation fuel excise tax.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President today I am introducing legislation that would provide a federal charter for the National Academies of Practice. This organization represents outstanding health care professionals who have made significant contributions to the practice of applied psychology, medicine, dentistry, nursing, optometry, osteopathic medicine, pharmacy, podiatry, social work, and veterinary medicine. When fully established, each of the ten academies will possess 150 distinguished practitioners selected by their peers. This umbrella organization will be able to provide the Congress of the United States and the executive branch with considerable health policy expertise, especially from the perspective of those individuals who are in the forefront of actually providing health care.
As we continue to grapple with the many complex issues surrounding the delivery of health care services, it is clearly in our best interest to ensure that the Congress has direct and immediate access to the recommendations of an interdisciplinary body of health care practitioners.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce legislation to amend Title 18 of the United States Code to allow our Nation's clinical social workers to use their mental health expertise on behalf of the federal judiciary by conducting psychological and psychiatric exams.
I feel that the time has come to allow our Nation's judicial system to have access to a wide range of behavioral science and mental health expertise. I am confident that the enactment of this legislation would be very much in our Nation's best interest.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce legislation today to modify Title VII of the Public Health Service Act in order to provide students enrolled in graduate psychology programs with the opportunity to participate in various health professions loan programs.
Providing students enrolled in graduate psychology programs with eligibility for financial assistance in the form of loans, loan guarantees, and scholarships will facilitate a much-needed infusion of behavioral science expertise into our community of public health providers. There is a growing recognition of the valuable contribution being made by psychologists toward solving some of our Nation's most distressing problems.
The participation of students from all backgrounds and clinical disciplines is vital to the success of health care training. The Title VII programs play a significant role in providing financial support for the recruitment of minorities, women, and individuals from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Minority therapists have an advantage in the provision of critical services to minority populations because often they can communicate with clients in their own language and cultural framework. Minority therapists are more likely to work in community settings where ethnic minority and economically disadvantaged individuals are most likely to seek care. It is critical that continued support be provided for the training of individuals who provide health care services to underserved communities.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation to amend the Public Health Service Act for the establishment of a National Center for Social Work Research. Social workers provide a multitude of health care delivery services throughout America to our children, families, the elderly, and persons suffering from various forms of abuse and neglect. The purpose of this center is to support and disseminate information about basic and clinical social work research, and training, with emphasis on service to underserved and rural populations.
While the Federal Government provides funding for various social work research activities through the National Institutes of Health and other Federal agencies, there presently is no coordination or direction of these critical activities and no overall assessment of needs and opportunities for empirical knowledge development. The establishment of a Center for Social Work Research would result in improved behavioral and mental health care outcomes for our Nation's children, families, the elderly, and others.
In order to meet the increasing challenges of bringing cost- effective, research-based, quality health care to all Americans, we must recognize the important contributions of social work researchers to health care delivery and the central role that the Center for Social Work can provide in facilitating their work.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, on behalf of our Nation's clinical social workers, I am introducing legislation to amend the Public Health Service Act. This legislation would (1) establish a new social work training program, (2) ensure that social work students are eligible for support under the Health Careers Opportunity Program, (3) provide social work schools with eligibility for support under the Minority Centers of Excellence programs, (4) permit schools offering degrees in social work to obtain grants for training projects in geriatrics, and (5) ensure that social work is recognized as a profession under the Public Health Maintenance Organization Act.
Despite the impressive range of services social workers provide to people of this Nation, few Federal programs exist to provide opportunities for social work training in health and mental health care.
Social workers have long provided quality mental health services to our citizens and continue to be at the forefront of establishing innovative programs to serve our disadvantaged populations. I believe it is important to ensure that the special expertise social workers possess continues to be available to the citizens of this Nation. This bill, by providing financial assistance to schools of social work and social work students, acknowledges the long history and critical importance of the services provided by social work professionals. I believe it is time to provide them with the recognition they deserve.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am introducing legislation today to amend Title VII of the Public Health Service Act to establish a psychology post-doctoral program. Psychologists have made a unique contribution in reaching out to the nation's medically underserved populations. Expertise in behavioral science is useful in addressing grave concerns such as violence, addiction, mental illness, adolescent and child behavioral disorders, and family disruption. Establishment of a psychology post-doctoral program could be an effective way to find solutions to these issues.
Similar programs supporting additional, specialized training in traditionally underserved settings have been successful in retaining participants to serve the same populations. For example, mental health professionals who have participated in these specialized federally funded programs have tended not only to meet their repayment obligations, but have continued to work in the public sector or with the underserved.
While a doctorate in psychology provides broad-based knowledge and mastery in a wide variety of clinical skills, specialized post-doctoral fellowship programs help to develop particular diagnostic and treatment skills required to respond effectively to underserved populations. For example, what appears to be poor academic motivation in a child recently relocated from Southeast Asia might actually reflect a cultural value of reserve rather than a disinterest in academic learning. Specialized assessment skills enable the clinician to initiate effective treatment.
Domestic violence poses a significant public health problem and is not just a problem for the criminal justice system. Violence against women results in thousands of hospitalizations a year. Rates of child and spouse abuse in rural areas are particularly high, as are the rates of alcohol abuse and depression in adolescents. A post-doctoral fellowship program in the psychology of the rural populations could be of special benefit in addressing these problems.
Given the demonstrated success and effectiveness of specialized training programs, it is incumbent upon us to encourage participation in post-doctoral fellowships that respond to the needs of the nation's underserved.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Clinical Social Workers' Recognition Act to correct a continuing problem in the Federal Employees Compensation Act. This bill will also provide clinical social workers the recognition they deserve as independent providers of quality mental health care services.
Clinical social workers are authorized to independently diagnose and treat mental illnesses through public and private health insurance plans across the nation. However, Title V of the United States Code, does not permit the use of mental health evaluations conducted by clinical social workers for use as evidence in determining workers' compensation claims brought by federal employees. The bill I am introducing corrects this problem.
It is a sad irony that Federal employees may select a clinical social worker through their health plans to provide mental health services, but may not go to this same professional for workers' compensation evaluations. The failure to recognize the validity of evaluations provided by clinical social workers unnecessarily limits federal employees' selection of a provider to conduct the workers' compensation mental health evaluations. Lack of this recognition may well impose an undue burden on federal employees where clinical social workers are the only available providers of mental health care.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, it's an honor to join our Democratic Leader and so many of our colleagues in introducing the Affordable Health Care Act. This legislation states our strong commitment as Democrats to…
Mr. President, it's an honor to join our Democratic Leader and so many of our colleagues in introducing the Affordable Health Care Act.
This legislation states our strong commitment as Democrats to end the crisis in health care that affects every family. It's a down payment on our commitment to quality, affordable health care for every American, and we
will not rest until that goal is achieved.
The worsening crisis in health care is caused by skyrocketing costs, declining insurance coverage, and less security for every family. Businesses--especially small businesses--find it increasingly difficult to provide decent coverage for their employees. Companies struggling with foreign competition are at an every-larger competitive disadvantage because of their constantly rising costs.
Last year, the percentage of the Nation's gross domestic product devoted to health was 15.5%, the highest in our history. Since 2000, annual spending on health care has risen from $1.3 trillion to $1.7 trillion, an increase of almost half a trillion dollars in just four years.
Even worse, insurance premiums have soared by 59 percent during those four years. The cost of insurance for a family has risen by almost $3,000. Last year, the cost of the premiums for family coverage averaged $10,000, and was much higher for many families.
Drug costs are also out of control. According to current data, they rose 47 percent in the first three years of the Bush Administration. Too many patients are cutting the pills their doctors prescribe in half or going without them altogether, because they can't afford the drugs they need to treat or prevent disease.
Even Medicare premiums are out of control. The largest premium increase in Medicare's history went into effect just three weeks ago. Since President Bush took office, Medicare premiums have climbed by 72 percent. Senior citizens, with an average income of $15,000, now have to pay almost $1,000 a year for their Part B premiums under Medicare. The recent report of the Medicare trustees included the stunning revelation that Medicare cost sharing and premiums will soon eat up more than 40 percent of the total Social Security benefit of the typical 85 year old.
As a proportion of Gross Domestic Product spent on health care, America is first in the world by a large margin. We spend 30 percent more than the Swiss who are number two, a third more than the Germans, fifty percent more than the French and the Canadians, and seventy-eight percent more than the Japanese.
These extraordinarily high levels of health spending might be justified if they produced dramatically better health care for the American people. But they don't. Among the world's leading industrialized countries, the United States ranks 22nd in average life expectancy and 25th in infant mortality.
We also face a worsening crisis of the uninsured. Since President Bush took office, the number of uninsured Americans has increased by a shameful million a year. Today, 45 million Americans have no coverage. Between 2001 and 2004, five million jobs offering health insurance were lost.
Even these figures understate the problem. Over a two-year period, 82 million Americans--one out of every three non-elderly Americans--will be uninsured for a significant period of time.
Tragically, eight and a half million children are uninsured and may well be denied the opportunity for a healthy start in life that should be the birthright of every child. Even people who have health insurance today cannot count on it being there for them tomorrow. No American family is more than one pink slip or one employer decision away from being uninsured.
The uninsured are vulnerable not only to unaffordable costs, but to substandard or health care or no care at all. In any given year, one- third of the uninsured go without needed medical care. Two hundred seventy thousand children suffering from asthma never see a doctor. Three hundred fifty thousand children with recurrent earaches never see a doctor. Three hundred fifty thousand children with severe sore throats never see a doctor.
Twenty-seven thousand uninsured women are diagnosed with breast cancer each year. They are twice as likely as insured women not to receive medical treatment until their cancer has spread too far, and they are 50 percent more likely to die of the disease.
Thirty-two thousand Americans with heart disease go without life- saving and life-enhancing bypass surgery or angioplasty--because they are uninsured.
The bottom line is that whether the disease is AIDS or mental illness or cancer or heart disease or diabetes, the uninsured are left out and left behind. In hospital and out, young or old, black or brown or white, they receive less care, suffer more, and are 25 percent more likely to die prematurely than those who have insurance.
Even for those with insurance, the quality of health care is often needlessly compromised. Recent events cast serious doubt on the FDA's ability to respond promptly when drugs it has approved turn out to have dangerous side effects. By some estimates, tens of thousands of unnecessary deaths have resulted.
The lack of coordination in our system results in duplicative, costly, and often counterproductive tests and procedures. The Midwest Business Group on Health estimates that the cost of poor quality care to employers providing health insurance coverage is $2,000 per worker, and it's paid in the form of higher insurance premiums. A recent study found that for many serious illnesses, patients are as likely to receive substandard care as they are to receive care meeting accepted professional standards.
In the face of this massive crisis in health care, the Administration and Congress have been missing in action for too long. The Bush Administration and the Republican leadership in Congress defend the special interests that profit from the status quo and ignore the suffering of the millions of families victimized by their neglect.
Reports suggest in fact that the Administration's new budget will propose to cut Medicaid, which provides health care for more than 50 million of the poorest of the poor. The deficit must be addressed--but it was created by the Administration's tax breaks for the wealthy, and the poor and the sick should not have to bear the burden of reducing it. That's the wrong priority and the wrong values.
The legislation we are offering today will not solve all these problems, but it is a good start, and we are committed to finishing the job.
The Affordable Health Care Act guarantees that every child in America will have quality health care coverage.
It reduces health costs substantially, by making FDA-approved drugs available at the same fair prices available to Canadians and Europeans, rather than the inflated prices charged to U.S. patients.
It takes a giant step toward adoption of modern information technology in health care, which has the potential to dramatically improve the quality of care and dramatically reduce its cost--by as much as $140 billion a year. It also improves quality by giving the FDA additional authority to monitor the safety of approved drugs.
It addresses the special burden faced by small businesses by offering tax credits to reduce the premiums they pay to cover their employees. It also establishes a demonstration program in 25 cities to see if a successful program in Michigan to expand insurance coverage for small businesses can be replicated elsewhere. Finally, our bill includes a sense of the Senate resolution to put Congress firmly on record against destructive cuts in Medicaid.
Affordable health care is a high priority for every family, and it should be an equally high priority for this Congress. We face a crisis, and it is time to act. Senate Democrats are committed to guaranteeing the basic right to health care for all Americans, and when we say ``all'', we mean ``all''.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, the Bush Administration and the Republican Congress are no friend of America's seniors. In 2003, they enacted legislation to dismantle Medicare, even though Medicare has helped a generation of seniors live their golden years with health and dignity.
Now their target is Social Security. They want to privatize this trusted program for the benefit of Wall Street bankers. They even want to cut benefits for women because--in the Republican view--they live too long. It's time to end these shameful attacks on our senior citizens, restore Medicare and protect Social Security.
I commend the leadership of my colleague from Minnesota, Senator Dayton, and our Democratic Leader, Senator Reid, in introducing this urgently needed legislation today to enable Medicare to keep its promise to the elderly.
Forty years ago, Congress enacted the landmark legislation that established Medicare. We would do well today to remember President Lyndon Johnson's words on signing that historic bill in 1965: ``No longer will older Americans be denied the healing miracle of modern medicine. No longer will illness crush and destroy the savings they have so carefully put away over a lifetime so that they might enjoy dignity in their later years.''
The ruinous Medicare legislation that the Republican Congress enacted in 2003 breaks that solemn promise.
Before Medicare was created, millions of seniors could obtain health care coverage only at the whim of the insurance industry. If they were too sick or too poor to be profitable to an insurance company, they would be denied health care coverage. Their savings--and their children's savings--were in jeopardy when illness struck. Before Medicare, senior citizens were among the poorest Americans, with almost three in ten living in poverty. Bankruptcies from overwhelming medical bills were common.
Medicare changed all that, and 40 years later, President Bush and the Republican Congress are wrong to try to turn back the clock.
Some of my colleagues attempt to portray Medicare as a failure. But the facts show that it is one of the most successful endeavors the Nation has ever undertaken. In 1963, before Medicare was enacted, almost half of America's seniors were uninsured. Today that number is one in a hundred.
Before Medicare was enacted, Americans turning 65 could expect to live another 14 years. Today, they can expect almost 18 more years.
Seniors understand that Medicare works. They don't want to return to the days when they had to gamble their health, their savings and their lives on risky private insurance.
The 2003 Republican bill was sold to the American people as a way to help seniors with the high cost of prescription drugs, so you might think it does something about the high cost of drugs. But it doesn't.
It not only fails to help Medicare lower the cost of drugs--it actually makes it illegal for Medicare to try. Republicans were so worried about protecting drug company profits that they made it illegal for Medicare to do what
the Veterans Administration does for veterans--negotiate discounts on drug prices. The Bush Administration and the GOP Congress wouldn't dare to prohibit the VA from doing that for the veterans, and they shouldn't do it for senior citizens either.
The discounts on drug prices for veterans are substantial. On average, the price paid by the VA is 45 percent of the retail price, but often, the savings are even more dramatic. The retail price for Mevacor is $4 a pill, but the VA pays only 23 cents. The undiscounted price of Zantac is $1.83, but the VA pays two cents.
Senator Dayton's legislation abolishes the unconscionable provision that bars Medicare from negotiating discounts on drug prices for America's seniors. That's not price control--it's common sense.
Republicans also claim that their new drug benefit is ``voluntary.'' Not exactly. If seniors don't sign up the first year, they have to pay more and more to join in subsequent years. When they need the coverage, they may not be able to afford it.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this flagrant system of fines and makes the Medicare drug program truly voluntary. When Congress enacts it, seniors will be able to sign up for the drug program without facing ruinous fines.
Good prescription drug coverage for senior citizens is a priority for Democrats. For the Administration and the Republicans in Congress, however, tax cuts for billionaires are more important than health care for senior citizens.
In addition, the 2003 Medicare law leaves too many elderly citizens with unaffordable costs. Seniors with moderate incomes and high drug expenses still face high drug costs. The benefits under the GOP law-- with its $250 deductible, 25 percent cost-sharing, an out-of-pocket limit of $3,600 on costs, but continued co-payment obligations even after the limit is reached--are far less generous than those enjoyed by most younger Americans, even though the elderly's need for prescription drugs is much greater.
Senior citizens with an income of $15,000 and drug expenses of $4,000 would have to pay more than $2,900, including premiums, out of their own pocket. That's too heavy a burden.
If they fall into the so-called doughnut hole, their situation is much worse. Under the 2003 law, the government makes no contribution to any drug costs between $2,250 in expenditures and $5,100 in expenditures. Patients who need $5,200 worth of prescriptions could be forced to pay $2,850 in drug expenses without any help at all from Medicare. That's too much for an elderly person to pay and still meet other essential medical needs, pay the rent or mortgage, and buy food and other necessities of life.
Senator Dayton's proposal begins to fill in that doughnut hole by not allowing the cap on total out of pocket expenditures to rise year after year, as it does under the GOP act. Under Senator Dayton's proposal, seniors will have the certainty of knowing where that limit is from one year to the next. As drug expenses rise, more seniors will gain the benefit of the assistance from Medicare at these high spending levels, and ultimately, the doughnut hole will close.
The Republican Medicare law is a raw deal for seniors, but it's a bonanza for the drug industry and the insurance industry.
It gives massive subsidies to HMOs. Most Americans probably think it's the job of insurance companies to guarantee the health of their beneficiaries, but according to the Republican view that's wrong. They make America's seniors guarantee the health and wealth of HMOs.
The government already pays private insurance plans 104 percent of what it costs Medicare to provide seniors with the same health care. Republicans claim to be in favor of competition, but the playing field is tilted toward HMOs, and their 2003 Act tilted it further. You might think HMOs need that overpayment because they serve sicker or needier beneficiaries. Not true. Enrollees in private plans are actually healthier than those in Medicare, resulting in a further bonus of 8.7 percent to the private plans.
Senator Dayton's legislation requires realistic risk adjustment for private plans that provide services to seniors under Medicare. It removes the artificial calculations that inflate payments to HMOs and other private insurance carriers.
Another problem with the 2003 Act is that if the subsidies don't provide enough profits, the Republican bill provides cash handouts for the insurance industry. If an HMO doesn't think it can make enough money in some area of the country, the Bush Administration can simply ladle out the cash--up to $12 billion a year--until the bribe is high enough to get the company to participate.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this outrageous giveaway and ensures that the dollars devoted to this slush fund are used instead to provide better health care for seniors.
The Republican law stacks the deck against seniors in other ways. It allows a region to be served by only one prescription drug plan, along with a PPO. That gives the drug plan a monopoly in that region for seniors who want to remain in Medicare. If the only available drug plan is tailored to the healthiest and youngest seniors, it might be acceptable for a senior whose prescription needs are limited. But it gives no help to seniors who take medications for multiple chronic conditions every day. Seniors have no real recourse if they can't afford the monopoly drug plan. The only way they can get prescription drug coverage is to enroll in the PPO.
Senator Dayton's legislation provides an effective guarantee that seniors who wish to remain in traditional Medicare will have a genuine choice of prescription-only plans. If a choice between at least two private drug-only plans is not available in any region, the Federal Government will provide a plan. This proposal ensures that any senior who wishes to remain in Medicare will have access to high-quality affordable prescription drug coverage.
The Republican Medicare law also dealt a harsh blow to the employer plans that millions of retirees depend on. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that almost three million retirees will lose their current drug coverage, because employers will drop the coverage when retirees become eligible for the new federal benefit, which is not as comprehensive.
Democrats fought to include provisions in that flawed legislation to help employers maintain the good coverage that so many Americans depend on to meet their needs in retirement. Sadly, some employers could abuse these subsidies by failing to use them to assist their employees--and the Bush Administration is letting them get away with it. Toothless enforcement and weak regulation allow some unscrupulous employers to pocket the subsidy and weaken the coverage.
Senator Dayton's legislation will put an end to this scandalous practice by requiring employers to account for the funds they receive in subsidies. No longer will employers be able to hide that they are accepting subsidies to maintain retiree health coverage and still cut back the coverage. The Dayton bill also requires new research on ways to help employers maintain retiree coverage.
One of the most troubling aspects of the 2003 Act is that it victimizes six million senior citizens and disabled people on Medicaid--the poorest of the poor. Their out-of-pocket payments for drugs will be raised, even though they do not even have coverage for the drugs they need the most.
Today, under Federal law, people with drug coverage under Medicaid may be charged only nominal amounts for the drugs they need. The vast majority of states charge nothing.
For every other Medicare benefit, Medicaid wraps around Medicare coverage and picks up the out-of-pocket costs that Medicare does not pay. Not under this legislation. States are prohibited from wrapping around the Medicare benefits with their Medicaid program. Instead, a uniform Federal co-payment is imposed. It is indexed, so that it increases every year. If low income seniors need a drug that is not in the insurance company formulary, they have to go through a burdensome appeals process. Most will simply go without the drug they need.
The people we are talking about are truly the poorest of the poor. In most cases, their incomes are well below poverty. And the impact of even small
co-payments is devastating. Study after study finds that when the poor have to pay more for drugs, they end up hospitalized, in nursing homes, or dead.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this cruel provision and allows States to delay implementing the requirement that the new Medicare provisions must immediately supplant State Medicaid programs for the poorest of the poor.
Congress should be helping seniors with the burden of high drug costs, not allowing a right wing agenda to destroy the guarantee of affordable health care that America's seniors deserve and expect.
That's why Senator Dayton and Senator Reid have introduced this needed legislation, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. President, I'm honored to join my friend and colleague, Senator Kerry, in introducing this legislation to guarantee affordable health insurance for every child. We made a good start toward this goal in the 1990s, by enacting the Children's Health Insurance Program to cover more low-income children. Now it is time to finish the job.
Twelve million Americans who are twenty-one years old or younger have no health insurance today. Seven million are already eligible for Medicaid or CHIP, but five million are not eligible for these current programs.
Every uninsured child represents a national failure. Every uninsured child is at risk for losing the healthy start in life that should be birthright of every American. Every uninsured child is a potential source of heartbreak for parents and other loved ones. Every uninsured child is an American tragedy waiting to happen.
This year, three hundred eighty thousand children suffering from asthma will never see a doctor. Five hundred thousand children with recurrent earaches will never see a doctor. Five hundred thousand children with severe sore throats will never see a doctor.
Uninsured children pay for their lack of coverage in human suffering, unnecessary disability, and even death, and our society pays too. Sick children cannot learn. Every child whose education is limited or whose future potential is lost because of avoidable illness is a loss to America, because America's children are America's future.
The legislation we are introducing today will guarantee coverage for every child twenty-one years of age or younger. It makes health insurance affordable for every family, but it also asks families to share the responsibility of covering their children, when they are able to do so.
The bill expands Medicaid and CHIP up to 300 percent of poverty. Families of moderate means will be able to obtain subsidized coverage for their children. Families with incomes above 300 percent of poverty will be able to buy into Medicaid or CHIP for their children, and they will be guaranteed that the cost will not exceed 5 percent of their family income.
The bill also lifts the cap on CHIP funding that has caused some States to limit enrollment. It assists States financially by shifting current State spending for children under 100 percent of poverty to the Federal government. It requires all States to adopt the proven methods that encourage families to enroll and stay enrolled--methods such as presumptive eligibility, the ability to apply on-line or by telephone for the coverage, and coverage for at least twelve months without eligibility redeterminations.
This legislation is vitally important to all children. It is a pledge that they will have access to good health care without regard to their family's wealth. It is a commitment to a healthy start in life for every child.
As important as those objectives are, the significance of this legislation goes beyond coverage of all children. It is a major step toward the day when the basic right to health care will be a reality for every American, whatever their age or income. We will not rest until that goal is achieved, and I commend Senator Kerry for leading this essential effort.
Mr. President, today I am joining my good friend the Senator from Texas, (Mrs. Hutchison), and the Senator from Tennessee, the Majority Leader, Mr. Frist, in legislation to permanently extend the…
Mr. President, today I am joining my good friend the Senator from Texas, (Mrs. Hutchison), and the Senator from Tennessee, the Majority Leader, Mr. Frist, in legislation to permanently extend the State sales tax deduction. This bill aims to make permanent legislation that the Congress passed and the President signed into law last year on October 22, 2004 as a provision of the JOBS Act. It is a change to the tax code that I have worked to see enacted since coming to the U.S. Senate, and one I want to maintain.
The JOBS Act reinstituted, for a period of 2 years, the ability of taxpayers to deduct State and local sales taxes just as they would State and local income taxes. Residents of States such as Washington that do not have income
taxes, but have State sales taxes, had not been able to do this since the 1986.
Make no mistake about it: permanently extending the sales tax deduction is a tax cut for Washington State taxpayers. Such a cut will strengthen our economy and fundamentally restore basic tax fairness.
When the Federal income tax was first imposed in 1913, Congress allowed taxpayers to deduct State and local sales so they would not be taxed on once at the State level and then, again, at the Federal level in the same calendar year.
In 1986, after 74 years of precedent, this tax equity abruptly ended. Taxpayers from States without income taxes were given a raw deal when Congress made a budgetary squeeze play and ended the tax deduction for State sales taxes.
For States like Washington, where sales tax revenues are nearly 60 percent of the State budget, the impact is immense. The loss to Washington State taxpayers in 2004 alone, is estimated to be $500 million.
Washington taxpayers waited 18 years to for the Federal government to correct the unique burden on them that amounts to requiring them to pay taxes twice on the same money. Now that the burden has been lifted for 2 years, with thanks to this body and the President, Washington taxpayers are now looking for--and must have--permanence in the tax code with regard to their ability to deduct State and local sales taxes from their Federal income tax.
As I mentioned, this issue has been a primary one for me on behalf of the people I serve. In fact, when I became a member of this body in the 107th Congress, one of my first legislative acts was to cosponsor sales tax deduction legislation that at the time was introduced by the former Senator from Tennessee, Mr. Thompson. In the 108th Congress, Senator Hutchison and I carried the banner as the lead sponsors of similar legislation, the core of which we saw enacted into law for a 2-year period.
I am here once again in the 109th Congress with the Senator from Texas, Mrs. Hutchison, on the heels of a victory for a two-year reprieve for our constituents, looking, now, for permanent equity in the tax code. I look forward to continuing to work with Senator Hutchison, as well as Senator Frist and others, in moving this sales tax deduction legislation forward in the coming months.
Only by making the two-year law permanent will we be able to see to it that taxpayers from Washington State, or any other State, are not unfairly singled out to pay higher taxes.
I urge prompt action on this measure.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Electricity Needs Rules and Oversight Now, or ENRON, Act.
This legislation does two simple--yet critical--things. The ENRON Act would amend the Federal Power Act to put in place a broad prohibition on all manipulative practices in electricity markets--rather than just round-trip trading, as included in last year's comprehensive energy bill; and it would specify that electricity rates resulting from manipulative practices are not just and reasonable under the Federal Power Act.
Many of my colleagues are, by now, familiar with the provisions of this legislation, as I have often described the circumstances that led me to propose it. While the Senate has been considering comprehensive energy legislation over the past few years, various investigations have unearthed Enron's ``smoking gun'' memos--detailing the company's schemes to drive up electricity prices--and other evidence leading the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) to conclude that market manipulation was ``epidemic'' in western markets during 2000-2001. Recently, even more information--including audio files detailing Enron traders' conversations--has come to light. Meanwhile, the energy crisis continues to take a serious toll on American consumers and businesses: it's been estimated that, as a result, the West has lost $35 billion in domestic economic product--in other words, a 1.5 percent decline in productivity and a total loss of 589,000 jobs. Adding insult to injury, Enron has now sued a number of utilities throughout the country--for almost a $1 billion--attempting to collect penalty charges on inflated contracts, cancelled when the company went bankrupt. In essence, Enron is asking the same consumers it gouged to pay yet again.
As I have discussed on the Senate floor many times, the Western market meltdown of 2000-2001 has had a profound impact on my state's economy, the pocketbooks and economic well-being of my constituents-- too many of whom have had to make the choice between keeping their heat and lights on and buying food, paying rent, and purchasing prescription drugs. In some parts of Washington state, utility disconnection rates have risen more than 40 percent. People just can't pay their utility bills.
As my colleagues can imagine, what we have seen and heard since the height of the crisis--as we have learned about the market manipulation and fraud that took place in the Western market, while Enron energy traders laughed about the plight of ``Grandma Millie''--has added tremendous insult to substantial economic injury. Moreover, the Western crisis has brought to the forefront a number of very important policy questions about the kind of behavior that will be tolerated in our Nation's electricity markets, as the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission has continued to pursue its ``restructuring'' agenda.
I believe we need strong leadership that will condemn the types of schemes
used by Enron traders--manipulation tactics with infamous nicknames like Get Shorty, Death Star and Ricochet. We need to send a strong and unanimous message that these practices will not be tolerated in our nation's electricity markets. Next, we need to agree--as a matter of policy--that the victims of these schemes should not have to pay the inflated power prices resulting from market manipulation. The ENRON Act will make these commonsense principles the law of the land.
I would like to thank the original cosponsors of this legislation, the Senator from New Mexico, Mr. Bingaman, the Senator from California, Mrs. Feinstein, the senior Senator from Washington, Mrs. Murray, and the junior Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. Feingold, for joining me today. It is our hope that the Senate will move toward swift passage of the ENRON Act.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Animal Feed Protection Act of 2005. It is similar to legislation that I introduced in the 108th Congress.
Last week, during the Senate's consideration of the nomination of Governor Mike Johanns to be the Secretary of Agriculture, I spoke in favor of exercising caution with respect to re-opening the U.S.- Canadian border to imports of live animals and processed beef products until the Animal Protective Health Inspection Service fully investigates the most recent case of Mad Cow in that country. This legislation is important to our ongoing efforts to eradicate the possibility that Mad Cow disease will infect U.S. cattle herds.
My legislation provides necessary enhancements to current Federal feed regulations. It reduces the chance that the riskiest materials, those most likely to transmit Mad Cow disease, cross-contaminate cattle feed or are accidentally fed to cattle.
Specifically, my legislation would ban the inclusion of specified risk materials, or SRM, in all animal feed. Currently these materials are only banned from ruminant feed.
As we continue to negotiate the reopening of export markets to U.S. beef, a comprehensive SRM ban is a prudent step. It is necessary to assure our trading partners that we have secured our domestic feed, and eliminated the risk of spreading Mad Cow disease through feed.
As our domestic beef producers continue to suffer from the closure of our largest export markets, I encourage my colleagues to join me by cosponsoring this legislation--a measure that will strengthen our Mad Cow firewalls and our assurances to foreign beef consumers. I also hope that as the Senate Agriculture Committee conducts hearings next month into the appropriate Federal response to the most recent Canadian Mad Cow case, the committee will consider examining this legislation as well. The Senate should move toward its swift passage. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the White Salmon Wild and Scenic Rivers Act. I am pleased to be joined by the Senior Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray), who has been a strong supporter of this legislation.
This bill would designate some 20 miles of the main stem of the upper White Salmon River Salmon and one of its tributaries, Cascade Creek, all within the Gifford Pinchot National Forest, as components of the National Wild and Scenic Rivers System. By designating this upper third of the White Salmon, we can permanently protect this special river as a premiere recreational destination, a Southwest Washington economic resource, and an important wildlife habitat.
I am happy to note that my delegation colleague, Congressman Baird, recently offered identical legislation in the House.
The White Salmon River's remarkable beauty and pristine condition are not in question. In fact, the lower eight miles of the river received protection when Congress granted that stretch of the river Wild and Scenic status in 1986. As we saw then, its protected status hasn't prevented residents and visitors from taking advantage of the unique recreational opportunities the White Salmon River offers. Extending Wild and Scenic protection to the river's upper reaches today is an important step forward in protecting even more of its wild character for fishing, boating, and other recreational activities.
As one of the best whitewater rivers in the Pacific Northwest, the White Salmon already supports a number of whitewater rafting companies. About 12,000 whitewater boaters visit the river each year. So I see this designation as not just protecting a pristine river, but also its beneficial impact on the local economy downstream.
Protecting the White Salmon River will help increase opportunities for other outdoor sports, as well. This is an important sector of our state's economy. According to the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife, fish and wildlife related recreation pumps nearly $2.2 billion per year into our economy. And we rank first in the Northwest and eighth in the nation in spending by sport fishers.
Safeguarding the White Salmon through this designation will also be an important step toward restoring wildlife habitat. Once the Condit Dam is removed from the lower reach of the river, the White Salmon will again become valuable spawning habitat for salmon and steelhead.
I am proud that identical legislation to the measure I introduce today passed the Senate unanimously on October 10, 2004. While the bill narrowly missed clearing the House of Representatives, I am confident that because this bill has a broad range of support, and is a true win- win proposal for local interests, that it will become law during the 109th Congress.
Mr. President, I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Senate, as well as other members of the Washington state congressional delegation, to ensure swift passage of this important legislation. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
Mr. President, today I am introducing two pieces of legislation to help families save for their children's education.
In today's global marketplace, ensuring access to high-quality education--starting in early childhood and grade school, moving on to college and beyond--is central in maintaining America's competitive edge. To make paying for school easier, I am introducing two pieces of legislation that would expand Coverdell Education Savings Accounts or ESAs: The Education Savings for Students Act and College Savings Act.
Coverdell ESAs are trusts created solely for the educational benefit of any child under the age of 18. Contributions to a Coverdell Education Savings account can be used toward a child's education from kindergarten through 12th grade, college, and even graduate school. All earnings in the account grow tax-free and can be withdrawn on a tax- deferred basis, if used for educational expenses. Currently, annual contributions to each Coverdell ESA cannot exceed $2,000. But this particular provision will sunset on 12/31/2010 unless Congress takes action to extend it, otherwise the maximum contribution will drop back to a previously set stipulation of $500.
My bill, the Education for Students Act would expand the existing Coverdell ESA by permanently increasing the maximum annual contribution from $2,000 to $5,000. This bill keeps the current Coverdell ESA provision that investment earnings accumulate tax-free and withdrawals from the account are tax-exempt when the child uses the funds for school.
My other bill, the College Savings Act would also permanently increase the maximum annual contribution to a Coverdell ESA to $5,000. Instead of anticipating future earnings, families would be able to deduct the amount they contribute to their education savings account from income.
Rather than putting away money ad-hoc, both bills provide a financial incentive to save for college or other educational expenses. And since there is no limit on the number of Coverdell ESAs that may be opened for a child under age 18, parents have the flexibility to set aside money now through deductible contributions or bank on projected savings through tax-deferred earnings and withdrawals, or even take on both options. The College Savings and Education Savings for Students Acts will help families plan for future educational expenses, paving a path to financial self-sufficiency.
I understand that all families are different. Saving for college may be the last thing on a parent's mind, especially when their child is young and their family has significant financial needs. But just as fast as our children
grow, so does the cost of tuition. Mounting prices for books and materials, plus room and board have made colleges and universities less affordable for most families.
College is expensive. There are many parents whose children aim to go to college, but soon discover they can't afford it because the price of pursuing a higher education costs too much. If the College Savings and Education for Students Acts became law, families would have another powerful tool to help their children realize their educational dreams.
By saving money early and often, families won't feel as hard hit by skyrocketing college prices because you'll know what's coming in and what's going out of these accounts.
In 2002, the National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education reported on the national trends of rising college prices. The Center determined that if educational costs are unaddressed there will be adverse consequences for expanding students' opportunities to pursue a higher education and future career.
This report found that over the last two decades, the cost of attending two- and four-year public and private colleges have not only grown more rapidly than inflation, but faster than family incomes, increasing the share of family income that is needed to pay for tuition and other college expenses. From 1991 through 2001, tuition at four- year public colleges and universities rose faster than family income in 41 states, including my home state of Washington.
The Washington State Higher Education Coordinating Board reports that, over the last ten years, tuition and fees have far outpaced family income, increasing 89 percent compared to 51 percent in per capita personal income in my state. In comparison, the cost of most consumer goods increased an average of 20 percent during the same time. Per capita personal income in Washington increased 51 percent during this same period.
As a result, more students and families at all income levels are borrowing more money than ever before to pay for college. According to a recent study by the College Board, nonfederal borrowing reached $11.3 billion in 2003-04, up 39 percent over the previous year, and jumping nearly 150 percent in three years. Over $10 billion of these loans are private. Over the past five years, borrowing through banks and other private lenders has increased from 7 percent to 16 percent of education loan volume.
Although borrowing is an acceptable way to pay for college, the financial consequences of high debt can still ensue, and students spend years paying back loans, undermining their ability to purchase a home or save for retirement. Additionally, college students on average graduate with about $3,300 in credit card debit alone. Concern about the increase in educational loan debt may cause students to spend more time working than attending class or to opt out of enrolling in college altogether.
Moreover, the steepest increases in college and university tuition have been imposed during times of greatest economic hardship. Just in the past three years, our economy has experienced a loss of 1.8 million private sector jobs and 2.7 million manufacturing jobs. Preparing America's workforce and keeping up with the demand for skilled workers across all sectors of the 21st century economy is my priority. If we want to maintain our economic competitiveness, it is imperative that there are opportunities for individuals to fully take advantage of educational opportunities.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that six of the ten fastest- growing occupations in the U.S. economy require an associate's degree or bachelor's degree, and that all ten of these careers will require some type of skills training. By 2010, 40 percent of all job growth will require some form of post-secondary education.
On average, a college graduate earns nearly 73 percent more than a typical high school graduate. In 2003, the average worker in the U.S. with a four-year college degree earned just under $50,000, over 60 percent more than the $30,800 earned by the average worker with a high school diploma, reports the College Board. Those with advanced degrees earn two to three times as much as high school graduates. In addition, society reaps the benefits of an educated workforce by improving quality of life and overall, the well-being of our communities.
Affordability is key to expanding opportunities to go to college. Saving for college early and often will help lift the pressures off of parents who are feeling the financial squeeze of increased tuition and fees.
Because my family qualified for financial aid, I was able to work my way through college using Pell grant funding. But there are many families who do not qualify for Pell or other sources of financial aid.
For these families, Coverdell Education Savings plans provide necessary relief for the middle class. The purpose of education savings plans are to increase saving by increasing net returns. Today, parents can put up to $2,000 a year into a Coverdell Education Savings account. The actual contribution is not tax deductible, but all earnings in this account are free from taxes when they are withdrawn to pay for school.
However, the current $2,000 annual limit on Coverdell contributions will be repealed in 2010 unless Congress acts to extend it. If we don't extend the contribution level, the maximum contribution will drop to $500.
While the current tax benefit makes it easier to save for college, the Education Savings for Students Act would increase the annual contributions from $2,000 to $5,000; making this change permanent ensures greater savings for families. By increasing the amount parents can put aside for their children's college savings, middle-income parents will be able to save more easily for their child's college education.
Say, for example, parents start saving when their child turns eight years old. If they put away just $100.00 a month--at an interest rate of savings of four percent--by the time their kid turns 18, their account would have earned more than $12,400 in interest. Parents will save over $3,100 in taxes when that child is old enough to go to school.
In addition to projected savings, parents also have the option to save now. The College Savings Act would allow families to deduct Coverdell ESA contributions from their taxes each year.
Mr. President, both of these bills, the College Savings Act and the Education Savings for Students Act are financial incentives for people to save by allowing families to deduct the amount they contribute and take tax-free earnings when their child is ready to go to school. These bills would further lessen the financial burden that parents bear by saving money early and often.
Permanently expanding the Coverdell maximum contribution from its current threshold of $2,000 to $5,000 a year and allowing this contribution to be tax deductible is a common-sense savings vehicle that keeps future college costs from spinning out of control. Increasing contribution caps will make school more affordable at a time when a college education and advanced job training is becoming more and more important for economic success.
I urge my colleagues to support these measures and I ask unanimous consent that the full text of these bills be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am honored to introduce the Standing with Our Troops Act of 2005. This bill addresses the needs of the Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, and Marines who have responded so bravely to the…
Mr. President, I am honored to introduce the Standing with Our Troops Act of 2005. This bill addresses the needs of the Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, and Marines who have responded so bravely to the call of our Nation. We owe it to them and their families to ensure that they are properly trained and equipped for the hazardous duties they are performing, that they are fairly compensated for their service, and that they receive their pay in the correct amount, on time.
We start with the recognition that we have cut our troop strength too far to sustain current military operations. This bill would authorize increases of up to 40,000 additional active duty Soldiers and Marines over the next two years. The bill authorizes an increase in the active duty Army end strength by up to 20,000 Soldiers in 2006 and an additional 10,000 in 2007, and it authorizes an increase in the Marine Corps' active duty end strength by up to 5,000 Marines in 2006 and an additional 5,000 Marines in 2007.
The Department of Defense currently reports numbers of service members killed or seriously wounded in action in our ongoing combat operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This bill would require a formal monthly report that includes the numbers of Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen and Marines who are killed in action; killed as a result of non-combat injuries incurred during combat operations; killed as a result of self- inflicted wounds or suicide; wounded in action, when the injuries prevent the service member from returning to duty within 72 hours; wounded in action when the service member returns to duty within 72 hours, insofar as this data is currently maintained; and the total number of service personnel evacuated from theater for medical reasons.
To ensure that awards and decorations are expeditiously and fairly awarded to deserving military personnel, this bill would establish an Advisory Panel on Military Awards and Decorations to review the policies and practices of each of the Services for awarding medals and decorations and to report to Congress. This Panel would compare the different Service policies and practices for decorating its military personnel, and make a recommendation as to whether individual service practices should be continued or a single standard adopted that applies to all Services; recommend measures that can be taken to ensure that service members serving in combat are at least as likely to receive medals as those not exposed to combat, and enlisted personnel are just as likely as officers to be decorated for their service.
This bill would create an Office of Mobilization Planning and Preparedness within the National Security Council to ensure that all of our national resources are assembled and organized to respond to a national security emergency. National resources include our military, labor, transportation, industry and financial resources.
We know that current military operations are wearing out military equipment faster than we are replacing it. To address this, this bill would require the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on the needs of our military forces for reconstituting stocks of equipment and material damaged, destroyed, and worn out in Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom. The report will include the needs of each military service, including the reserve components, for repair and replacement of equipment; and authorize appropriation of $8.5 billion for the Army and $2.1 billion for the Marine Corps for repair, refurbishment, and replacement of equipment used in OIF and OEF.
The Government Accountability Office (GAO) found, and I agree, that the Department of Defense's mobilization and deployment policies were implemented in a piecemeal fashion not linked to a strategic framework. We owe it to our service men and women to have clear policies regarding lengths of deployments. The Department of Defense must clearly communicate these policies and other deployment related information to service members and their families. This bill would require the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on DoD policies on lengths of mobilization and deployment periods and on the use of stop-loss to keep military personnel in the service beyond their service commitments.
In two separate reports, the GAO has found that more than 90 percent mobilized reserve component personnel experienced pay problems. The GAO found that ``These pay problems often had a profound adverse impact on individual soldiers and their families.'' This bill would require the designation of a senior official to ensure implementation of GAO recommendations to correct these pay problems.
Representation of our reserve component personnel at the highest levels in the Department of Defense has not kept pace with the increased role of our Guard and Reserve personnel. Accordingly, this bill creates a new position, a Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs, to speak for the Reserve Components.
This bill would give tax relief to mobilized service members and employers who make up for pay lost to service members who are ordered to active duty. It would amend the Internal Revenue Code to authorize activated National Guard and Reserve personnel to make penalty free withdrawals from qualified retirement plans; allow employers a tax deduction for making up the difference between military pay and civilian income of mobilized reservists; and authorize a tax credit to small business employers who continue to compensate members of the Ready Reserve ordered to active duty and for costs of hiring a replacement employee.
We know that the military pay of about a third of our mobilized National Guard and Reserve personnel is less than the pay they received from their civilian jobs. Many private employers already pay a wage differential to those who lose money, and we will encourage more to do so with the tax incentives I have just described. The biggest employer of our Guard and Reserve personnel is the Federal Government, and the Federal Government should do as much as the private employers do for those who lose money while serving our Nation. This bill would require Federal Agencies to make up the pay differences for Federal employees who are ordered to active duty.
Studies have shown that 40 percent of our junior enlisted members in the reserve components have no health insurance except when they are on active duty. This bill would provide access to the military's TRICARE health care program for all members of the Selected Reserve and their families. They would pay a subsidized premium similar to the premium charged Federal Employees for health care. This will help to ensure that members of the National Guard and Reserves are medically ready when called to serve in the military.
When a Soldier, Sailor, Airmen or Marine dies on active duty, his survivors currently receive a death gratuity of just over $12,000. This is simply not enough. This bill would raise the death gratuity to $100,000, and would allow survivors to receive Dependency and Indemnity Compensation from the VA as well as a Survivor Benefit Plan annuity from the Department of Defense.
United States taxpayers have borne a disproportionate share of the cost for the reconstruction of Iraq. The support of the international community for this reconstruction is critical. This bill would require the President to report to Congress on U.S., Iraqi, and foreign contributions to Iraq's reconstruction before any new U.S. reconstruction funds are appropriated. The bill would also require any U.S. funds for reconstruction in Iraq be in the form of a collateralized loan which the U.S. would guarantee unless the President reports to Congress that it is in the U.S. national security interest to provide the funds other than in the form of a loan.
I again want to compliment the service of the young men and women serving in our military forces for their magnificent and unselfish service to our Nation. I trust that the measures included in this bill will serve as a token of the Nation's sincere appreciation for their great sacrifices and service.
Mr. President, the legislation I am introducing today along with my colleagues Senator Hatch and Senator Biden, addresses an unintended effect of a provision in the original Drug Abuse and Treatment Act of 2000 (DATA) that hinders access to a revolutionary new treatment for thousands of individuals who seek it.
When Congress passed DATA as Title XXXV of the Children's Health Act of 2000, it allowed for the dispensing and prescribing of Schedule III drugs, like buprenorphine/naloxone, in an office-based setting, for the treatment of heroin addiction. As a result of DATA, access to treatment is significantly expanded; patients no longer are restricted to receiving treatment in a large public clinic, usually at a great distance, but now may receive such care in the private, nearby office of qualified physicians.
DATA limits individual physicians to treating no more than 30- patients at a time. Unfortunately, the law results in the same 30- patient limit on physician group practices. The difficulties that have arisen, including the dashed hopes for treatment of many, have resulted in the underutilization of this proven therapy all across this country, including my home state of Michigan.
One of the authors of DATA, I can tell you that it clearly was not our intention that individuals seeking this new treatment have less access simply because they receive care from a physician practicing in a group, or from a group-based or mixed-model health plan. Nevertheless, this is the effect and it is having a severe effect.
The problem is addressed by removing the 30-patient aggregate limit on medical groups. This is achieved in the bill we are introducing today. Our bill simply removes the statutory limit on physician group practices, while maintaining the 30-patient limit on each physician. I am pleased that the Senate has already gone on record in support of this modification to DATA. On October 11, 2004, the Senate Passed S. 2976, to remove the 30-patient limit on the group practices. However, the House adjourned before acting on the legislation. It is our hope that the bill we are introducing today will receive speedy action in both the Senate and House in the very near future.
Mr. President, I would like to share some of the sentiments that have been expressed in support of the group practice modification, as well as some first hand accounts of individuals who are being successfully treated with buprenorphine/naloxone. Dr. Charles Schuster, a former director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse who currently heads the Addiction Research Institute at Wayne State University, writes:
We have three physicians in a group, all of whom have been
trained and granted waivers by the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services to prescribe Suboxone and Subutex for the
treatment of opiate addiction. All are specialists in the
treatment of addictive disorders. Rather than being able to
bring this potentially life saving therapy to 90 members of
our community, they are restricted to a total of thirty.
This situation is particularly heart breaking in places
where there are a few or only one provider. This situation
will only get worse as physicians and practice plans reach
their 30-patient limitation.
I have been involved in the development of Suboxone and
Subutex for the treatment of opiate addiction for many years.
It is a safer medication with less abuse potential than
methadone. It allows people who fear public knowledge of
their addictive disease to more discreetly seek help from a
private physician. It is a medication that can be used for a
short period with adolescents who have become addicted to
opiates because it is easier to taper them off of this drug
than methadone. In short, office-based practice with Suboxone
and Subutex is a major addition to our country's treatment
system for opiate addiction. It is essential that we remove
the impediment of limiting Physician Practice Plans to 30
patients so that each of the physicians in such Practice
Plans who are trained to use this medication can bring their
services to those in need.
Peter DeMarco, in an article in the May 30, 2004 Boston Globe, writes:
When buprenorphine became available as a treatment for
OxyContin and heroin addiction 18 months ago, many medical
professionals and addicts hailed it as a miracle drug,
bringing addicts back from the brink and helping them lead
normal lives when all else had failed. But for many addicts,
buprenorphine remains one of the hardest drugs to obtain. . .
. (B)prenorphine doesn't cloud the minds of patients,
allowing them to work or study as if they're not on any drug
at all. Nearly all who take buprenorphine, meanwhile, say
they lose all physical cravings for street drugs.
But a combination of federal limits on the distribution of
buprenorphine . . . has kept thousands of opiate addicts from
receiving the drug in Massachusetts and across the country.
At the heart of the issue is federal legislation passed in
2000--two years before the drug was approved by the FDA--that
restricts individual clinical practices from treating more
than 30 patients with buprenorphine at a time.
While many substance-abuse experts say the 30-patient
figure is too low for some practices, their main quarrel with
the Drug Addiction Treatment Act of 2000 is its failure to
differentiate single-physician practices, hospitals, and
health care organizations. For example, all the doctors who
work for Tufts Health Plan can treat a combined 30 patients--
the same total as can be seen by a physician practicing
alone.
Boston health officials, along with their counterparts in
the State and Federal governments, say the Federal
legislation erred on the side of caution, and needs to be
changed to allow wider access to buprenorphine.
``Boston Medical Center's main practice has 200 or more
general internal-medicine doctors, and within that practice,
we can only treat 30 people. It's the craziest loophole,''
said Colleen Labelle, nurse-manager of the hospital's Office-
Based Opioid Treatment Program. ``We get 20 calls a day from
across the state. People are begging, desperate to get
treated, who we can't treat.''
The Federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration has begun an internal process to increase the
30-patient cap. But because any proposed change would be
subject to the public-review process, approval could take as
long as two years, said Nick Reuter, a senior public health
analyst with the agency.
Timothy Tigges says his addiction began after he wrenched
his back and bummed a few Percocet pills, a prescription
analgesic, from a friend to dull the pain. Before he knew it,
he was hooked on opiates, alternating between OxyContin and
shooting up heroin as his life went to pieces.
In October, Tigges, a 27-year-old East Boston carpet
installer, began taking buprenorphine, placing an orange pill
the size of a dime under his tongue until it dissolves, four
times daily. He hasn't touched an illegal drug since the day
he started the program, has put on 80 pounds from lifting
weights at the gym, and has yet to miss a day of work. For
the first time in three years, Tigges hopes to see his 5-
year-old daughter, whose mother has refused to let him visit.
``I've had clean urines, 100 percent, for nine months now.
There's nothing I'm prouder of than that,'' he said, choking
back emotion. ``What I read on the front page of the paper
every day is 18- and 20-year-old kids dying of garbage drugs.
There's just no need for it. I would take every ounce of
heroin off the street and give them this stuff. You watch the
crime rate go down.''
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be included at the end of my remarks.
Mr. President, today I introduce with my colleague, Senator Lugar, a bill to grant normal trade treatment to the products of Ukraine. My brother, Congressman Sander Levin and other members are introducing a similar bill in the House. It is our hope that enactment of this legislation will help to build stronger economic ties between the United States and Ukraine.
The Cold War era Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions that deny most favored nation trade status to imports from former Soviet-Bloc countries are outdated and, when applied to Ukraine, inappropriate. Those restrictions were established as a tool to pressure Communist nations to allow their people to freely emigrate in exchange for favorable trade treatment by the United States.
Ukraine does allow its citizens the right and opportunity to emigrate. It has met the Jackson-Vanik test. In fact, Ukraine has been found to be in full compliance with the freedom of emigration requirements under the Jackson-Vanik law. Ukraine has been certified as meeting the Jackson-Vanik requirements on an annual basis since 1992 when a bilateral trade agreement went into effect.
It is time the United States recognizes this reality by eliminating the Jackson-Vanik restrictions and granting Ukraine normal trading status on a permanent basis. Our bill does this as well as addressing traditional Jackson-Vanik issues such as emigration, religious freedom, restoration of property, and human rights. It also deals with the important trade issues that must be considered when granting a country permanent normal trade relations (PNTR), such as making progress toward World Trade Organization (WTO), accession and tariff and excise tax reductions.
Since reestablishing independence in 1991, Ukraine has taken important steps toward the creation of democratic institutions and a free-market economy. As a member state of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Ukraine is committed to developing a system of governance in accordance with the principles regarding human rights that are set forth in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Helsinki Final Act.
On December 26, 2004, Ukraine took another historic step in its pursuit of democracy with the legitimate election of its new President Viktor Yuschenko. This election showed the world that Ukraine has joined the family of democracies. The United States can help advance this young democracy by repealing our Cold War-era laws that should no longer apply to them and welcoming them to the international economic community as a full partner. This bill will accomplish these goals.
In addition to welcoming the Ukrainian government to the family of democracies, we must also take a moment to honor the Ukranian people for their commitment to democratic institutions in civil society through peaceful demonstrations. Free and fair elections were conducted only because of the courage and hard work of the Ukranian people. Without their persistence Ukraine was in danger of moving forward with an illegitimately elected president.
By drawing Ukraine into normal trade relations, the international community will be helping Ukraine to achieve greater market reform and continue its commitment to safeguarding religious liberty and enforcing laws to combat discrimination. PNTR status will hopefully do more than increase bilateral trade between the United States and Ukraine and encourage increased international investment in Ukraine. Hopefully it will also stimulate the reform we all want and the Ukrainian people deserve on their way to achieving a more mature and stable democracy.
It's time we recognize Ukraine's accomplishments and status as an emerging democracy and market economy by lifting the Jackson-Vanik restrictions. I hope my colleagues will support this important bill.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
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Mr. President, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation that would put an end to automatic cost-of-living adjustments for congressional pay. As I have noted when I raised this issue in past years, it…
Mr. President, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation that would put an end to automatic cost-of-living adjustments for congressional pay.
As I have noted when I raised this issue in past years, it is an unusual thing to have the power to raise our own pay. Most of our constituents do not have that power. And that this power is so unusual is good reason for the Congress to exercise that power openly, and to exercise it subject to regular procedures that include debate, amendment, and a vote on the record.
I regret to say, that current law permits Congress to avoid that public debate and vote. All that is necessary for Congress to get a pay raise is that
nothing be done to stop it. The annual pay raise takes effect unless Congress acts.
This stealth pay raise mechanism began with a change Congress enacted in the Ethics Reform Act of 1989. In section 704 of that act, Members of Congress voted to make themselves entitled to an annual raise equal to half a percentage point less than the employment cost index, one measure of inflation.
It is true, that on occasion Congress has voted to deny itself the raise, and the traditional vehicle for the pay raise vote is the Treasury appropriations bill. But that vehicle is not always made available to those who want a public debate and vote on the matter. Just last year, for example, the Treasury appropriations bill was slipped into the massive Omnibus Appropriations conference report, and thus it was completely shielded from amendment. Senators were effectively prevented from offering an amendment to force an up or down vote on the annual pay raise. And that situation was not unique.
Getting a vote on the annual congressional pay raise is a haphazard affair at best, and it should not be that way. The burden should not be on those who seek a public debate and recorded vote on the Member pay raise. On the contrary, Congress should have to act if it decides to award itself a hike in pay. This process of pay raises without accountability must end.
This issue is not a new question. It was something that our Founders considered from the beginning of our Nation. In August 1789, as part of the package of 12 amendments advocated by James Madison that included what has become our Bill of Rights, the House of Representatives passed an amendment to the Constitution providing that Congress could not raise its pay without an intervening election. On September 9, 1789, the Senate passed that amendment. In late September 1789, Congress submitted the amendments to the States.
Although the amendment on pay raises languished for two centuries, in the 1980s, a campaign began to ratify it. While I was a member of the Wisconsin State Senate, I was proud to help ratify the amendment. Its approval by the Michigan Legislature on May 7, 1992, gave it the needed approval by three-fourths of the States.
The 27th amendment to the Constitution now states: ``No law, varying the compensation for the services of the senators and representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.''
I try to honor that limitation in my own practices. In my own case, throughout my 6-year term, I accept only the rate of pay that Senators receive on the date on which I was sworn in as a Senator. And I return to the Treasury any additional income Senators get, whether from a cost-of-living adjustment or a pay raise we vote for ourselves. I don't take a raise until my bosses, the people of Wisconsin, give me one at the ballot box. That is the spirit of the 27th amendment. The stealth pay raises like the one that Congress allowed last year, at a minimum, certainly violate the spirit of that amendment.
This practice must end. This bill will end it. Senators and Congressmen should have to vote up-or-down to raise congressional pay. My bill would simply require us to vote in the open. We owe our constituents nothing less.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Federal Death Penalty Abolition Act of 2005. This bill would abolish the death penalty at the Federal level. It would put an immediate halt to executions and forbid the imposition of the death penalty as a sentence for violations of Federal law.
Since 1976, when the death penalty was reinstated by the Supreme Court, there have been almost 1,000 executions across the country, including three at the Federal level. At the same time, over 100 people on death row were later found innocent and released from death row. Exonerated inmates are not only removed from death row, but they are usually released from prison altogether. Apparently, these people never should have been convicted in the first place. While death penalty proponents claim that the death penalty is fair, efficient, and a deterrent, the fact remains that our criminal justice system has failed and has resulted in at least 117 very grave mistakes.
Nine hundred and forty-four executions, and 117 exonerations in the modern death penalty era. That is an embarrassing statistic, one that should have us all questioning the use of capital punishment in this country. And we continue to learn about more cases in which our justice system has failed. Since I first introduced this bill in November of 1999, 36 death row inmates have been exonerated throughout the country, 12 since I introduced this bill in the last Congress in February 2003. Since I last introduced this bill, 115 people have been executed nationwide. How many innocents are among them? We may never know.
While executions continue and the death row population grows, the national debate on the death penalty intensifies and has become even more vigorous. The number of voices joining in to express doubt about the use of capital punishment in America is growing. As evidence of the flaws in our system mounts, it has created an awareness that has not escaped the attention of the American people. Layer after layer of confidence in the death penalty system has been gradually peeling away, and the voices of those questioning its fairness are growing louder and louder. Now they can be heard from college campuses and courtrooms and podiums across the Nation, to the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing room, to the Supreme Court. We must not ignore them.
That our modern society relies on killing as punishment is disturbing enough. Even more disturbing, however, is that our States' and Federal Government's use of the death penalty is often not consistent with principles of due process, fairness, and justice. These principles are the foundation of our criminal justice system. It is clearer than ever before that we have put innocent people on death row. In addition, statistics show that those States that have the death penalty are more likely to put people to death for killing white victims than for killing black victims.
After the death penalty was reinstated by the Supreme Court in 1976, the Federal Government first resumed death penalty prosecutions after enactment of a 1988 Federal law that provided for the death penalty for murder in the course of a drug-kingpin conspiracy. The Federal death penalty was then expanded significantly in 1994, when the omnibus crime bill allowed its use to apply to a total of some 60 Federal offenses. Since 1994, Federal prosecutions seeking the death penalty have now accelerated.
A survey on the Federal death penalty system from 1988 to early 2000 was released by the U.S. Department of Justice in September 2000. That report showed troubling racial and geographic disparities in the Federal Government's administration of the death penalty. In other words, who lives and who dies in the Federal system appears to relate to the color of the defendant's skin or the region of the country where the defendant is prosecuted. Attorney General Janet Reno was so disturbed by the results of that report that she ordered a further, in- depth study of the results. Attorney General John Ashcroft pledged to continue that study, but we still await the results of that further study. The Federal Government must do all that it can to ensure that no person is ever subject to harsher penalties because of the color of the defendant's skin.
I am certain that not one of my colleagues here in the Senate, not a single one, would defend racial discrimination in this ultimate punishment. The most fundamental guarantee of our Constitution is equal justice under law, and equal protection of the laws. Yet we have a system in place today that raises grave questions about whether that guarantee is being met.
While the Federal death penalty system is clearly plagued by flaws, there are 38 States across our Nation that also authorize the use of capital punishment. And like the Federal system, those systems are not free from error.
Five years ago, Governor George Ryan took the historic step of placing a moratorium on executions in Illinois and creating an independent, blue ribbon commission to review the State's death penalty system. The Commission conducted an extensive study of the death penalty in Illinois and released a report with 85 recommendations for reform of the death penalty system. The Commission concluded that the death penalty system is not fair, and that the risk of executing the innocent is alarmingly real. Governor Ryan later pardoned four death row inmates and commuted the sentences of all remaining Illinois death row inmates to life in prison before he left office in January 2003:
Illinois is not alone. Four years ago, then Governor Parris Glendening learned of suspected racial disparities in the administration of the death penalty in Maryland. Governor Glendening did not look the other way. He commissioned the University of Maryland to conduct the most exhaustive study of Maryland's application of the death penalty in history. Then faced with the rapid approach of a scheduled execution, Governor Glendening acknowledged that it was unacceptable to allow executions to take place while the study he had ordered was not yet complete. So, in May 2002, he placed a moratorium on executions. Unfortunately, Governor Bob Ehrlich later lifted that moratorium and executions have resumed in Maryland.
The Maryland study was released in January 2003, and the findings should startle us all. The study found that blacks accused of killing whites are
simply more likely to receive a death sentence than blacks who kill blacks, or than white killers. According to the report, black offenders who kill whites are four times as likely to be sentenced to death as blacks who kill blacks, and twice as likely to get a death sentence as whites who kill whites.
Maryland and Illinois are not exceptions to a rule, nor anomalies in an otherwise perfect system. In fact, since reinstatement of the modern death penalty, 81 percent of capital cases across the country have involved white victims, even though only 50 percent of murder victims are white. Nationwide, more than half of the death row inmates are African Americans or Hispanic Americans.
There is evidence of racial disparities, inadequate counsel, prosecutorial misconduct, and false scientific evidence in death penalty systems across the country. While the research done in Maryland and Illinois has yielded shocking results, there are 36 other States that authorize the use of the death penalty, most of them far more frequently. Twenty of the 38 States that authorize capital punishment have executed more inmates than Maryland, and 14 of those States have carried out more executions than Illinois. So while we are closer to uncovering the unthinkable truth about the flaws in the Maryland and Illinois death penalty systems, there are 36 other States with systems that are most likely plagued with the same flaws. And yet, the killing continues.
At the beginning of 2005, I cannot help but believe that our progress has been tarnished by our Nation's not only continuing, but increasing use of the death penalty. We are a Nation that prides itself on the fundamental principles of justice, liberty, equality and due process. We are a Nation that scrutinizes the human rights records of other nations. Historically, we are one of the first nations to speak out against torture and killings by foreign governments. We should hold our own system of justice to the highest standard.
Over the last few years, some prominent voices in our country have done just that. And they are not just voices of liberals, or of the faith community. They are the voices of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, Reverend Pat Robertson, George Will, former FBI Director William Sessions, Republican Governor George Ryan, and Democratic Governor Parris Glendening. The voices of those questioning our application of the death penalty are growing in number, and they are growing louder.
And while we examine the flaws in our death penalty system, we cannot help but note that our use of the death penalty stands in stark contrast to the majority of nations, which have abolished the death penalty in law or practice. There are now 117 countries that have abolished the death penalty in law or in practice. The European Union denies membership in the alliance to those nations that use the death penalty. In fact, it passed a resolution calling for the immediate and unconditional global abolition of the death penalty, and it specifically called on all States within the United States to abolish the death penalty. This is significant because it reflects the unanimous view of a group of nations with which the United States enjoys the closest of relationships and shares the deepest common values.
What is even more troubling in the international context is that the United States is now one of only five countries that imposes the death penalty for crimes committed by juveniles. So, while a May 2002 Gallup poll found that 69 percent of Americans oppose the death penalty for those under the age of 18, we are one of only five nations on this earth that puts to death people who were under 18 years of age when they committed their crimes. The others are Iran, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia. In the last decade, the United States has executed more juvenile offenders than all other nations combined.
These are countries that we often criticize for human rights abuses. We should remove any basis for charges that human rights violations are taking place on our own soil by halting the execution of people who were not even adults when they committed the crimes for which they were sentenced to die. No one can reasonably argue that executing child offenders is a normal or acceptable practice in the world community. And I do not think that we should be proud that the United States is the world leader in the execution of child offenders.
As we begin a new year and another Congress, our society is still far from fully just. The continued use of the death penalty shames us. The penalty is at odds with our best traditions. It is wrong and it is immoral. The adage ``two wrongs do not make a right,'' applies here in the most fundamental way. Our Nation has long ago done away with other barbaric punishments like whipping and cutting off the ears of criminals. Just as our Nation did away with these punishments as contrary to our humanity and ideals, it is time to abolish the death penalty as we seek justice in this new century. And it is not just a matter of morality. The continued viability of our justice system as a truly just system that deserves the respect of our own people and the world requires that we do so. Our Nation's striving to remain the leading defender of freedom, liberty and equality demands that we do so.
Abolishing the death penalty will not be an easy task. It will take patience, persistence, and courage. As we work to move forward in a rapidly changing world, let us leave this archaic practice behind.
I ask my colleagues to join me in taking the first step in abolishing the death penalty in our great Nation. I also call on each State that authorizes the use of the death penalty to cease this practice. Let us step away from the culture of violence and restore fairness and integrity to our criminal justice system.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will fix one of the fundamental flaws of the Medicare prescription drug benefit signed into law last Congress. The ``Efficiency in Government Health Care Spending Act'' will remove language included in the Medicare Modernization Act that prohibits the Medicare program from negotiating prescription drug prices with manufacturers. I believe that the Medicare prescription drug benefit does far too little to bring down the prices of prescription drugs, and that there are not enough measures to keep the skyrocketing cost of the program in check. In fact, it actually takes away one of the best tools the Medicare program could use in bringing down prescription drug prices by denying the government the ability to negotiate price discounts on behalf of Medicare beneficiaries.
My bill will allow the Federal Government to take advantage of the purchasing power of the Medicare program, saving taxpayers' dollars while reducing the costs of prescription drugs for Medicare beneficiaries. We need to act now to fix the flaws included in the Medicare prescription drug benefit, before the benefit begins next year.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will remove the multi-billion dollar ``stabilization fund'' from the new Medicare prescription drug benefit. This stabilization fund is in essence a slush fund that gives billions of dollars to private insurance companies. This is not an efficient use of taxpayers' dollars. In fact, it's not clear why it's even necessary. If private managed care plans are successful in bringing costs down, as backers of the new Medicare bill expect, and if seniors supposedly want to choose private plans, as backers of the new Medicare bill believe, then why should American taxpayers pay private companies more money to get more people to enroll in them?
We should not be subsidizing private health insurance companies in the name of Medicare reform. It is fiscally irresponsible, in a time of record deficits, to use taxpayers' dollars as a giveaway to private insurance companies. By removing this multi-billion slush fund, my bill will save the American taxpayers $10 billion. Many analysts, including the Administration's analysts, predict that the new Medicare prescription drug benefit will far surpass the $400 billion budgeted for it. We need to look carefully at how we spend Medicare dollars, so that we can ensure that the program remains solvent for future generations.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 154 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 154 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. PUTNAM asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, it is a great day in our great Nation, and it is an honor to be here to begin the debate about the fiscal blueprint for our Nation, the priorities of our Nation.
House Resolution 154 is a structured rule that provides for consideration of House Concurrent Resolution 95, establishing the congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 2006 and setting forth appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2007 through 2010.
Mr. Speaker, as a member of both the Committee on Rules and the Committee on the Budget, I am pleased to bring this resolution to the floor for its consideration. This rule provides for 5 hours of general debate with 4 hours equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Budget, and 1 hour on the subject of economic goals and policies equally divided and controlled by the gentleman of New Jersey (Mr. Saxton) and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney) or their designees.
The rule waives all points of order against consideration of the concurrent resolution.
This rule makes in order four amendments which are printed in the Committee on Rules report accompanying the resolution. Each is debatable for 40 minutes, the time equally divided and controlled by the proponent and the opponent.
The rule waives all points of order against the amendments printed in the report, except that the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute shall constitute the conclusion of consideration of the concurrent resolution for amendment. It also permits the chairman of the Committee on the Budget to offer amendments in the House to achieve mathematical consistency.
This is a fair rule. The Committee on Rules has allowed substitute budgets to be considered on the House floor. They range across the political spectrum affording Members of varying philosophies within each political party and across political parties an opportunity to support the budget they deem appropriate for our Nation.
Since before my time in this body, the Committee on Rules has consistently afforded the minority the opportunity for its alternative to be heard, with the only exception being the fiscal year 2003 budget when there was not a budget alternative offered. I am pleased this rule provides a chance for all our Members to express their views on how our Nation should prioritize its spending.
The congressional budget is an important tool of the Congress, allowing us to set priorities for the coming fiscal year. Therefore, this budget provides for America's most urgent needs. The driving forces behind this budget are continued strength, continued growth, and restrained spending.
The congressional budget is the ultimate enforcement tool, allowing Congress to clearly identify its priorities for how taxpayer dollars should be spent. It allows us in a time of war to ensure that our Nation's soldiers are sufficiently equipped. Prioritizing guarantees that our economy continues to expand, providing jobs and opportunities for more Americans each and every day.
Finally, this tool allows us to make certain that our government acts in a fiscally responsible manner to ensure opportunities and safety for future generations of Americans. This budget ensures that our Nation remains strong in the face of terror. We continue the multiyear plan to enable the military to fight the war on terrorism now and to transform itself to counter unconventional threats in the future. This budget works to prevent attacks, reduce vulnerabilities, and improve readiness.
Continued economic growth is vital for our Nation to fund her priorities and give opportunity to her people. Today, the general consensus of both private and public forecasters is that the U.S. economy is in a sustained expansion with solid growth of real GDP and payroll jobs and with low unemployment and low inflation.
The speed and strength of the economic recovery of the last several years has been due in large part to the tax relief packages given to the American people along with the extension of that tax relief passed last year. These policies continue to promote sustained economic growth and job creation.
I am proud to be a member of the Committee on the Budget that this year reported out a historic budget that sets in motion a glidepath to cut the deficit in half both in dollars and as a percentage of gross domestic product in 5 years. This budget wisely targets both discretionary and mandatory spending in an effort to set priorities.
The Committee on the Budget calls for a reduction in total nondefense, nonhomeland security discretionary spending. And for the first time since 1997, the budget includes reconciliation instructions to authorizing committees calling for the slowed growth of mandatory programs.
Mandatory spending is the guaranteed spending that grows each and every year, mostly without reform or review. It currently consumes 55 percent of the budget; and if it continues unchecked, it will reach 61 percent of the budget by 2015.
More than half of the government's spending today is on automatic pilot. This is neither sound policy nor sustainable fiscal policy. Congress is on its way to losing control over spending priorities as entitlements squeeze the budget more and more. Reconciliation instructions are the critical step to begin the process of getting our mandatory spending back to a sustainable level.
I am hopeful that while the authorizing committees are reviewing their programs they may also conclude that many of these mandatory programs would be better suited as discretionary and, therefore, subject to greater oversight by the Congress.
I am proud of the work the Committee on the Budget has put forward this year. I thank the gentleman from Iowa (Chairman Nussle), the chairman of that committee, for pushing forward with fiscal discipline and bringing us this outstanding budget for consideration.
I urge Members to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), my distinguished colleague on the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the concern of the ranking member of the Committee on Ways and Means in regard to the alternative minimum tax. The gentleman will be delighted to learn that this budget makes accommodation for a further AMT extension of relief so that middle- class Americans are not impacted by that AMT provision that originated in the Committee on Ways and Means. The gentleman from New York will be further delighted to know that the budget process allows the flexibility and the discretion for that authorizing committee to make those changes rather than having the Committee on the Budget direct them for them.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), chairman of the Committee on Rules.
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank the gentleman and the previous speakers for drawing attention to the looming crisis that impacts people my age in Social Security, the people who frankly have come to the conclusion that unless Congress acts sooner rather than later, there will not be that program and that dramatic and important action is needed. But coming back to the rule on the budget, which is the order of the day, it is also good to know that it is more about what reforms we will be taking up later this year are dominating the discussion, which I take to mean and assume to mean that the overall and underlying budget itself is a sound one and that the rule is fair.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is a vigorous debate about the priorities that are embodied in our budget blueprint. But for the second day in a row now, we have had this characterized as a government without a conscience. Yet since 1995, we have seen dramatic and historic increases to IDEA, Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Title I, historically high numbers. Veterans health care, $18.9 billion in fiscal year 2000, $30 billion today. Education numbers, up in double digits. HHS and NIH, doubled. That is not a government without a conscience. That is a government that has seen unsustainable rates of increases to discretionary domestic spending. This budget turns that corner and begins the process of slowing the growth in mandatory and discretionary but continuing to provide for those priorities, continuing to make those tough decisions in ways that have been avoided by prior Congresses.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am delighted to provide the gentleman some facts. Fact number one, title I has grown 10 percent per year since 2000. Pell grant funding, grown 10.3 percent per year since 2000. No Child Left Behind funding, grown 40 percent. Special education since 1996 has more than quadrupled. Funding for IDEA has quadrupled since 1996. IDEA funded only 8 percent of the per pupil expenditure in 1994 and 1995. Now it is nearly 20 percent. The Education Department discretionary budget authority has increased 146 percent since 1995. Those are the facts.
Was there not a conscience in the Congress prior to 1995? Is a 146 percent increase unconscionable? The commitment to education, the commitment to health care, the commitment to the NIH, the commitment to defense and the commitment to policies that expand and grow our economy and give Americans tremendous opportunities have been embodied in our budgets and are embodied in this budget.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
There will be that opportunity, this being the rule on the budget; but I will engage in a bit of discussion about the Social Security because I am one who will gain or lose a great deal, being someone who will reach that retirement age at that year of insolvency. And it is shocking to me that the party who gave us Social Security, and should be very proud of it and are, are almost in complete denial about the looming crisis that it faces and refuse to accept the fact that, regardless of which option we choose to solve the problem, that it is something that should be kicked down the road to future generations, to future Congresses, to future years.
And there is a stone wall of resistance to any discussion at all about for once Congress getting ahead of a big issue, for once Congress actually dealing with the problem before it is crashing down around our heads, for once Congress actually being bold and looking into the future beyond the next budget cycle, beyond the next election, beyond the next short-term problem and actually tackling it and dealing with it.
Anyone who has been through their freshman orientation upon being elected has a bipartisan group give them the long-term unfunded liabilities of this government, and we acknowledge that there are vast differences in the approach to saving Social Security. But, unfortunately, largely with one bold, brave exception in the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Boyd), there has been total resistance to have any constructive effort to bring about a solution to this problem.
I yield to the gentleman from North Dakota.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I appreciate the gentleman's comments. I look forward to that constructive effort because we share that passion that those 55 and older, those at or near retirement, will not be impacted. But by golly, we have got an obligation to those people who are under 35 or under 45 or whatever number we finally arrive at, people who have time to plan and people who know, and all of us know, of all stripes, that there will be a problem in either 2040 or 2041 or 2042. We can argue over months and weeks all day long, but the point is we are not doing anything to take care of that first-year teacher, that first-year firefighter, that first-year soldier that all of us stand up on a regular basis and claim to speak for.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would respectfully request that the gentleman give us the page number and paragraph of this budget blueprint that cuts the Witness Protection Program.
As the gentleman knows, the budget document is a broad blueprint for spending that directs the authorizing committees, those committees of members who have developed expertise in their areas, to find savings through reconciliation instructions. It allows Members like the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) on the Committee on Ways and Means to best formulate those revenue measures that avoid AMT taxing; that allows members of the Committee on Energy and Commerce to deal with the issues facing Medicaid program, which all of the Governors acknowledge is swallowing up State budgets; that allows the Committee on Agriculture to fund within their committee's jurisdiction those savings in a variety of programs.
This budget blueprint is a sound document that sets the course for our Congress and for our Nation for the coming year; and the cuts that the gentleman refers to are reductions in the rate of growth in those programs, with the exception of the reconciliation instructions, which are a remarkable and historic first step to this Congress restraining spending and funding priorities and simultaneously getting our arms around the deficit that both parties are understandably concerned about.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
The untrained observer would believe that we were debating a Social Security bill here this afternoon. In fact, it is the rule on the budget blueprint for this country for fiscal year 2006, a budget blueprint that does a number of things important to the American people.
It puts our soldiers and sailors and airmen and Marines and Coast Guard and Reservists and Guardsmen foremost, fully funding the President's defense request, budgeting for the continued global war on terror to the tune of $50 billion; prioritizing, even making tough divisions, something that we are loathe to do often in this process, but it is what we are here for, making tough decisions about priorities, priorities in government, priorities in households, priorities in our individual lives, something every American is accustomed to.
It continues to invest heavily in our Nation's defense and homeland security. But it also recognizes that these challenges that have come about since 2001 have also required us as a Nation to make some tradeoffs. And so for the first time since the Reagan administration, it calls for an eight-tenths of a percent reduction in nonsecurity discretionary spending. It directs the authorizing committees to find savings on the mandatory side of spending, discretionary being just over a third of the budget anymore; mandatory nearing two thirds, essentially on auto pilot.
So a balanced approach to finding savings in our government such that we may begin to get our arms around the deficits and cut the deficit in half in 5 years so that we do not shoulder young people just entering the workforce, school-age children, children not yet born with these massive debts. We begin the difficult process of fiscal restraint, something that is anathema to this body oftentimes, all too often.
It has been said in the context of the Social Security debate that the other side does not believe the solution to solving Social Security's problems is to privatize it. We do not believe the solution to Social Security's problems is to do nothing. We have led with our chin on this issue, and I am very proud of that effort; and I am proud of the manner in which we have conducted this debate because it will undoubtedly be an extensive debate occupying a good part of the 109th Congress.
It is an opportunity for this Congress to lead, to lead the American people to an understanding of an issue that is at a total insolvency point occurring in 2042, but its impacts on the Federal budget beginning as soon as 2008. And as a young person who will be impacted by that, it gives us an opportunity to look beyond the short term and be truly visionary in the great ways that this Congress is capable of being.
We have done a lot of great things over the past several years: doubling NIH, continuing to invest in research and cures and trials to make the human condition better. And, frankly, we have succeeded to the point that the reason why Social Security faces insolvency is because the life expectancy of Americans continues to grow. Every 5 years that pass, life expectancy goes up a year. This budget continues to fund our priorities, continues to invest in people, and continues to lay the groundwork for policies that allow people to pursue their own version of the American Dream, to find opportunity in a growing, expanding economy; that allows for job creation, that does not punish entrepreneurial spirit, that allows people to continue to invest in their businesses, to have more money in their own pocket to make decisions about their own children's future, about their own opportunities, and about their own hopes and dreams.
And with that I urge my colleagues to support the rule, which is a very fair and balanced rule, and to support the underlying budget produced by the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
Mr. President, as Ranking Member of the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee, today I am introducing a package of bills that will help small business owners with access to loans, business…
Mr. President, as Ranking Member of the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee, today I am introducing a package of bills that will help small business owners with access to loans, business counseling and Federal procurement opportunities. Each of the bills was previously introduced on its own or as part of the Committee's extensive Small Business Administration reauthorization proposal that passed the Senate unanimously last Congress. These are provisions that are necessary for enabling our nation's small businesses to continue to have the resources and tools they need to compete with larger companies. They will help America's budding entrepreneurs continue to seek out business opportunities and continue to start businesses. Enactment of this assistance will show that the Federal government is not there to make the road to success more difficult for small businesses, but to help them where the private sector will not.
Mr. President, the first bill of this package is the Small Business Federal Contractor Safeguard Act. It includes essential contractor protections that were a part of the Small Business Administration reauthorization package that passed the Senate unanimously last Congress but was stalled during negotiations in the House of Representatives. These much-needed protections will help level the playing field for small firms and create a procurement atmosphere that fosters competition, fair access and equal opportunity for smaller entities.
With Federal agencies awarding larger, more complex and more costly contracts, and with less staff at the Small Business Administration and within Agency contracting offices performing oversight, this nation's small businesses and its taxpayers are the ones shouldering the burden when small business goals continue to be unmet. In addition to helping small businesses obtain access to procurement opportunities, these goals are meant to help the government benefit from the cost-savings and innovations small business contractors can often provide.
Significant steps were made during the last Congress to address the challenges of contract bundling; however, it is my belief that passing and implementing binding statutory requirements is the only long-term solution to the on-going problem of contract bundling, also called contract consolidation. The first section of the bill creates a two- tiered approach to preventing unnecessary contract consolidation. Civilian agencies will be required to meet specific standards if they attempt to consolidate contracts above $2 million and additional requirements for those contracts above $5 million. The Department of Defense is required to meet two types of similar requirements for contracts above $5 million and $7 million. The bill also eliminates the use of the term ``contract bundling'' and expands the definition of ``contract consolidation,'' closing a loophole that has been widely used to the detriment of many small businesses.
In addition to increasing opportunities for prime contracts by eliminating unnecessary contract consolidation, this bill addresses another serious problem: the dishonest treatment of small business subcontractors by large business prime contractors. Small businesses have been severely hamstrung by the dishonest practices of some large business prime contracts that delay paying their subcontractors, falsely report their subcontracting plans and use ``bait and switch'' tactics.
This bill holds prime contractors responsible for the validity of subcontracting data, requiring the CEO to certify to the accuracy of the subcontracting report under penalty of law. It also makes the penalties for falsifying data included in subcontracting reports match the current $500,000 penalty for businesses that falsify their status as a small and disadvantaged business. Under this bill, if one intentionally falsifies data as a part of a subcontracting report to a federal Agency, he is defrauding the United States government and will be punished to the full extent of the law.
Finally, the bill requires contracting officers to maintain a database of contract performance that is made available to the small business subcontractor upon completion of the contract. This report can then be used as a record of past performance, building a history that will help successful small firms bid on future Federal prime contracts or subcontracts. Each contracting officer will be empowered to withhold a portion of the payment to the prime contractor until he also receives the completed and accurate performance report. Any material breach of contract that is found will be immediately reported to the Inspector General of that Agency for a complete investigation.
The second bill of this small business legislative package is the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act. It was also included as part of the Small Business Administration reauthorization package and passed by the Senate unanimously last Congress. I am reintroducing these provisions because they are vital to the microenterprise programs administered by the SBA: the Microloan Program and the Program for Investment in Microentrepreneurs (PRIME).
As I have stated on numerous occasions, I disagree with the Administration's proposals to cut back funding for microloans and training assistance intended to encourage entrepreneurship and foster America's smallest small businesses. And I wholeheartedly disagree with the Administration's ill-
founded argument that these borrowers are being, or will be, served through the SBA's 7(a) loan guarantee program. SBA's loan programs are not one-size fits all. The small borrower in the Microloan program is different, and therefore has different needs, than the small business borrower being served through the 7(a) loan program. Both lending vehicles are important, but they are different, and one is not a substitute for the other.
Who are these borrowers being served through the microloan program? Thirty percent are African American; 11 percent are Hispanic; 37 percent are women; and, anywhere from 30 percent to 40 percent go to small businesses in rural areas. Because of their size, the size of the loan they need and their relative inexperience, small businesses borrowers are turned away by banks, and yet the Administration proposed cutting the Microloan program by 36 percent in its fiscal year 2004 budget, and cut all funding in its fiscal year 2005 budget. The SBA needs to fully fund these programs and put more resources into the office that manages the program. Four people are not enough to manage 1,400 loans and 180 grants. To make matters worse, the SBA's long-time manager of micro-enterprise programs, Jody Raskind, is leaving the Agency. All those who support the good work of fostering SBA's Microloan program are sorry to see her go, not only because of her dedication and hard work, but also because they are concerned that the Administration will never really fill the job, letting the programs languish. I urge the Administration to move quickly to fill that position, just as the private sector would, by working with the Microloan community to identify someone who is competent, resourceful and dedicated to monitoring integrity of these programs and fostering their success.
In addition, we need to finally enact some changes to the Microloan program that have passed the Senate several times over the last four years but have yet to pass the full Congress because of unrelated political fights. I urge my colleagues to let us move forward with making these provisions law, once and for all. The first part of the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act includes many of the provisions passed as part of S. 174, a bill which Senator Snowe and I introduced in 2001 and the Committee and the full Senate voted to pass by unanimous consent in 2002. As I mentioned earlier, these provisions were also included as part of S.1375, the SBA reauthorization bill that passed the Senate unanimously in 2003. The updates and changes to the Microloan program included in this bill will improve the program in several ways.
First, it will allow intermediaries to make revolving-term loans or longer fixed term loans to small businesses. Currently, intermediaries may only make ``short-term'' loans with fixed terms, which restrict the ability of microlenders to structure loans that meet the needs of certain small enterprises. This will benefit small businesses, the lenders, and the SBA because it will eliminate repeated paperwork and unnecessary administrative burdens. It will help small businesses, such as carpenters, who need revolving loans to finance the jobs as they come in, rather than taking multiple little, fixed-term loans. Second, this bill also contains a change to the Microlenders eligibility. Rather than tying eligibility to the expertise of the entity, this bill makes it possible for new entities to qualify as the SBA microlending intermediaries if they have staffs who are experienced in this unique or specialized lending and technical assistance. This bill also adjusts, reflecting changes in the market, the average smaller size of microloans from $7,500 to $10,000, to make it consistent with similar changes enacted in December 2000. This is important because microloan intermediaries that have a microloan portfolio with an average loan size of not more than $10,000 will now be eligible to receive an interest rate lower than the normal rate extended by the SBA to intermediaries. This bill also changes, from 25 percent to 30 percent, the amount of technical assistance (TA) funds an intermediary can contract with an outside expert and the amount of grants a lender can use to counsel prospective borrowers. In addition, the legislation requires the SBA to report annually on the requirement that states that Agency must contract out 7 percent of its loan dollars for intermediary training.
Last, the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act, like S.1375, requires the SBA to develop an improved subsidy rate model to determine the cost of microloans. The one the Agency has used since the program's inception does not reflect the performance of the program. For example, in Fiscal Year 2003, the administration's budget doubled the subsidy rate (which is the government's cost of the program) from 6.78 percent to 13.05 percent, even though the program had not experienced any loss of federal funds since the first loan was made in 1992. This broken method of calculating the cost of these loans is a waste of taxpayer money because Congress has to appropriate unnecessary funds to run the program. Now is the time to fix it.
The second part of the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act also comes from S.1375, but was not included in the small business reauthorization bill that passed Congress last session. It begins by reauthorizing the PRIME program through 2007 and transfers its legislative language from the Riegle Community Development and Regulatory Improvement Act of 1994 to section 37 of the Small Business Act. Additionally, it includes a provision that Senator Bingaman and I worked closely to develop that will expand PRIME with a separate $2 million authorization to provide direct, in-depth technical assistance and counseling to disadvantaged Native American small business owners. The rationale for amending the PRIME Act, rather than creating a separate program, is that PRIME is currently operational and simply needs additional targeted efforts and funding so it can better address the needs of the Native American entrepreneurial community. The Bingaman-Kerry approach uses an existing program structure to help find a solution to the long-term economic handicap existing in Native American communities nationwide. There are a number of microenterprise organizations in states across the country that are willing and prepared to take on the additional challenge of assisting disadvantaged Native American entrepreneurs, and there are a number of Native American communities that are eager to explore a different path to economic development. However, there are currently a limited amount of funds to allow that to happen. Again, I commend Senator Bingaman for his continued attention to these needs, for his continued support of small business legislation to address them, and for his foresight and vision for Native Americans in New Mexico and across the country. The Native American communities of our nation will be better off with the assistance that this provision makes possible.
Again, it is time to move forward. Out of 66 pages of Small Business Administration reauthorizations and improvements that were slipped into the Omnibus Appropriations bill that passed at the end of the 108th Congress, these non-controversial provisions were included. They should have been.
The third part of the package that I'm introducing today is a reintroduction of the Vocational and Technical Entrepreneurship Development Act. Last Congress, I introduced this important piece of legislation as a companion to H.R. 1387, which bears the same name and was introduced in the House, in the 107th and 108th Congresses, by Congressman Robert Brady of Pennsylvania.
Let me begin by reminding my colleagues that the Small Business Administration's Office of Advocacy states that only half of all small businesses survive past four years and that management and education remain two of the most important ingredients to small business success. We often think that small businesses only need money to succeed, but while adequate financing is vital, so too is careful planning and competent management. Often Americans who work in the trade sector-- construction, plumbing, electrical work, etc.--enter these professions with the goal of one day starting their own business; however many of these aspiring entrepreneurs who participate in career training or vocational training in certain trades, unfortunately, fail to obtain the necessary education and ``back room'' management skills to grow and develop their fledgling business. This initiative would develop a
program that allows workers within the trades industry to move toward starting a new business by giving them the entrepreneurial skills to successfully manage a small business. Many small businesses fail not because they don't know the industry or make low-quality products or have poor service, but because they don't know the ins and outs of running a successful business.
The purpose of the Vocational and Technical Entrepreneurship Development Act is to assist in the development of curricula that will encourage the successful growth of small businesses. This legislation passed the House in each of the last Congresses, but was not taken up by the full Senate. I hope that the committee and full Senate will act quickly on it now.
The bill, in a business-education partnership, establishes a ``vocational entrepreneurship development demonstration program,'' under which the SBA would provide grants, through the Small Business Development Center network, to provide technical assistance to high school and technical career institutes, vo-tech schools, to promote small business ownership in their curriculum.
The SBDC program is designed to deliver such up-to-date counseling, training and technical assistance in all aspects of small business management and is the ideal vehicle to provide such a program. Each grant awarded under this program will be worth at least $200,000-- which, in today's environment where vo-tech programs get shortchanged in government education budgets, can do a great deal to help rebuild a worker-strapped trades industry.
There has been some concern that this legislation will duplicate programs such as those at the Department of Education's Office of Vocational and Adult Education, OVAE, which does provide valuable vocational education. The OVAE, and other such government programs, however, focus on helping workers gain new and updated skills so that they may find employment. In contrast, this legislation is targeted toward turning workers, not into better employees, but into potential employers. Traditional vocational education programs do not provide entrepreneurial training. This is a fundamental difference between this legislation's objective and that of the traditional vocation education provided by the Department of Education. Giving our trades industry professionals the skills to be successful business owners creates better employers and better, long-lasting businesses. This, in turn, will go a long way toward creating additional trade jobs across the country.
I again want to commend Representative Brady for his years of hard work on behalf of entrepreneurs not just from his home State but on behalf of every trades industry worker who has ever thought of becoming his or her own boss by starting a business.
Mr. President, I urge all of my colleagues to cosponsor and support these three bills.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bills be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the International Remittance Consumer Protection Act of 2005. This legislation extends basic consumer protection rights to those who send remittances, and it…
Mr. President, today I am introducing the International Remittance Consumer Protection Act of 2005. This legislation extends basic consumer protection rights to those who send remittances, and it creates new avenues and incentives for federally insured financial institutions to provide remittance and basic banking services to those who currently do not use such institutions to send remittances.
The practice of sending remittances is not new. Immigrants to the United States traditionally have used remittances to provide financial assistance to family members who remained in their country of origin, but the practice has been largely overlooked; it has not been systematically studied and its implications have not been fully understood. The 2000 census shows that 30 million people in this country are foreign-born--the largest number in our Nation's history-- and the vast majority of them--22 million are citizens or legal residents. More than 40 percent of our Nation's foreign-born population immigrated to the United States in the 1990s, and some 15.4 million, or more than half the immigrant community, have come from Latin American countries. Immigrants make a vital contribution to the economic and social life of our Nation.
In a recent study, Sending Money Home: Remittances to Latin America from the U.S., 2004, the Inter-American Development Bank, IADB, found that nationwide over 60 percent of Latin American immigrants send remittances. On average, each immigrant sends $240 at a time, 12 times per year. Although these individual transactions are not large, they have constituted an aggregate amount of over $30 billion from America to our Latin American neighbors in this year alone.
In my State of Maryland, we have 175,000 immigrants from Latin America and the vast majority send remittances back home. According to the IADB's study 80 percent of Maryland's immigrants from Latin America send remittances. The typical sender remits an average of $245, 14 times per year--in other words, remittances are a monthly matter, with special gifts for Christmas and Mother's Day.
The subject of remittances has been a major interest of mine for some time. As chairman of the Banking Committee, in February, 2002, during the 107th Congress, I chaired what I understand was the first Congressional hearing devoted exclusively to the subject. Dr. Manuel Orozco, a leading researcher on remittances at the Inter-American Dialogue, told the Committee that remittances from the U.S. to Latin America had grown substantially--at that point to an estimated $20 billion in 2001--and that between 15 to 20 percent--$3-$4 billion--was being lost in fees and other transaction costs. Since Dr. Orozco testified, remittances to Latin America have grown by $10 billion, or 50 percent, in just three years, and continued growth is expected.
That an estimated 15 percent to 20 percent of the money sent in remittances is diverted to fees and other transaction costs, often hidden from the remittance sender, is evidence of the abusive practices that exist in the remittance market. There are two primary factors that account for this abuse. First, studies have shown that people who send remittances tend to be relatively low-wage earners, with modest formal education and relatively little experience in dealing with this country's complex system of financial institutions. As a result they are susceptible to unscrupulous actors who can take advantage of them by charging all sorts of exorbitant fees, which are often hidden or misrepresented. The exchange rate conversion is often the mechanism for this abusive practice.
Second, remittances are currently not subject to the requirements set by Federal consumer protection law, including the disclosure of fees. There is no requirement that a remittance transfer provider disclose to the consumer the exchange rate fee that will be applied in the transaction. Without knowing the exchange rate fee that the company is charging, a consumer has little ability to gauge accurately the full cost of sending a remittance. As Sergio Bendixen, a leading researcher of public opinion and behavior, with a specialty among Hispanic consumers, testified before the Banking Committee: ``an overwhelming majority of Hispanic immigrants are unaware that their families in Latin America receive less money than what they send from the United States.'' Further, a remittance sender cannot effectively shop between remittance transfer providers. The lack of basic information limits the amount of competition in this market.
The legislation I am introducing today extends basic consumer rights to those who send remittances. Further, by requiring clear and understandable disclosures to the remittance sender of the cost of the remittance, thus presenting to the consumer the full cost of sending money, the legislation will enhance competition, which in turn should lead to an overall decrease in the cost of sending remittances. As Sergio Bendixen testified to the Banking Committee, ``Full disclosure should unleash market forces that, hopefully, will result in a significant reduction in the cost of sending cash remittances.''
This legislation amends the Electronic Fund Transfer Act, EFTA, which is the primary vehicle for providing basic protections to most persons who engage in electronic transactions, to cover remittances, and to provide the basic rights associated with EFTA to remittance transactions. The two most important components of EFTA are the requirement of full disclosure of fees and the establishment of a process for the resolution of transactional errors. These rights have been an integral part of the regulations that govern our banking infrastructure since EFTA's enactment in 1978. The new legislation will build upon the success of EFTA by extending these basic rights to remittance senders.
The cornerstone of this legislation is the requirement that remittance transfer providers make three key disclosures to their consumers: One, the total cost of the remittance, represented in a single dollar amount; two, the total amount of currency that will be sent to the designated recipient; and three, the promised date of delivery for the remittance. These disclosures follow the core recommendations of the Inter-American Development Bank, which in its publication, Remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean: Goals and Recommendations,
states: ``Remittance institutions should disclose in a fully transparent manner, complete information on total costs and transfer conditions, including all commissions and fees, foreign exchange rates applied and execution time.''
The total cost disclosure will include the cost of the exchange rate conversion as well as all up-front fees. This single item will both give consumers a more accurate representation of the cost of the remittance transaction and allow consumers to more effectively compare costs between remittance transfer providers.
In order to calculate the cost of the exchange rate conversion, which is part of the total cost, the legislation requires that the Treasury Department post on its website, on a daily basis, the exchange rate for all currencies. At present the Treasury receives this information on a daily basis, but posts it only on a quarterly basis on the Treasury website. By posting the information daily, the Treasury could create a uniform and credible source for exchange rate information.
To calculate the cost to the consumer of the exchange rate differential, remittance transfer providers will use the difference between the previous business day's exchange rate, as posted on the Treasury website, and the exchange rate that the remittance transfer provider offers. Using the exchange rate posted by the Treasury will ensure that the exchange rate cost is calculated on a uniform base. When the exchange rate cost is disclosed to the consumer as part of the total cost of the remittance transfer, the consumer will be better able to understand the full cost of the transaction and to shop between different remittance transfer providers.
In addition to fee disclosure requirements, this legislation establishes an error resolution mechanism so that consumers whose remittance transactions experience an error have a fair, open, and expedient process through which they may resolve those errors with the institution that conducted the flawed transaction. This basic right is already afforded to consumers who are protected by EFTA, and now this right will be extended to cover consumers who send remittances as well. Further, the legislation establishes an error resolution mechanism for remittance transfer errors that is responsive to the different types of errors that can occur in a remittance transaction and is reflective of the unique characteristics of the remittance market and its participants.
Under this legislation, a consumer has one year from the date that the remittance transfer company promised to deliver the money to notify the company that an error has occurred. The company is then required to resolve the error within 90 days. To resolve the error, the company must either 1. refund the full amount of the remittance that was not properly transferred, 2. resend that amount at no additional cost to the consumer or the designated recipient, or 3. demonstrate to the consumer that there was no error. The Federal Reserve Board is also granted the authority to establish additional remedies for specific situations that cannot be addressed by the three specific remedies that are described in the legislation.
It is urgent that we continue to encourage efforts to bring those who send remittances into the financial mainstream. In his testimony to the Banking Committee, Dr. Orozco pointed out that, ``About two-thirds of immigrants cash their salary checks in check cashing stores that charge exorbitant fees. Many of these same immigrants then use what remains of their income to send remittances back home. In this common scenario, immigrants are penalized in both receiving and sending their earnings.'' In order to further bank those who are currently unbanked, the legislation that I am introducing today requires that the Federal banking agencies and the National Credit Union Administration provide guidelines to financial institutions regarding the offering of low-cost remittance transfers and no-cost or low-cost basic consumer accounts. This legislation also amends the Federal Credit Union Act to allow credit unions to offer remittances and to cash checks for persons who are in their field of membership but are not credit union members. The guidelines set out in the legislation will help educate the financial services industry about the importance and potential profitability of providing these services.
The sending of remittances in a fair and scrupulous manner is likely to be profitable for the institution that provides the remittance service, and indeed we have begun to see aggressive moves into the remittance market by many of the largest banking institutions. Individuals who send remittances but are currently unbanked represent an expanded and profitable customer base for financial institutions.
By its very nature, the issues involved in sending remittances affect both the United States and other nations. As Professor Susan Martin of Georgetown University, who also testified at our hearing, told the Banking Committee: ``Until relatively recently, researchers and policy makers tended to dismiss the importance of remittances or emphasize only their negative aspects . . . but recent work on remittances show a far more complex and promising picture. . . . Experts now recognize that remittances have far greater positive impact on communities in developing countries than previously acknowledged.'' In fact, the size of the remittance market is such that for six Central American and Caribbean nations--Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, Honduras, Guyana and Jamaica--remittances constitute more than 10 percent of GDP; Haiti and Jamaica receive more in remittances than in revenues from trade. The World Bank estimates that Mexico receives more in remittances than it does in foreign direct investment. Reducing the costs of remittances is in the interest of both the United States and the countries that receive them.
Given the growing importance of annual remittance flows, we must work to increase their efficiency. One mechanism for accomplishing this objective, and for increasing the ability of financial institutions to offer remittances, is linking our banking infrastructure with the banking infrastructures of other nations. The Federal Reserve operates an international automated clearing house system, ACHi, that is currently linked to seven countries, of which the vast majority are highly developed trading partners that receive relatively low levels of remittances. The ACHi was recently connected to Mexico, however, which will allow financial institutions throughout the United States, especially those institutions of smaller size, to provide remittance services more easily and cheaply to Mexico. This legislation directs the Fed to take into account the importance of remittance flows to other countries as it continues to expand the ACHi system. Linking the ACHi to countries that receive significant remittances has the potential to result in great benefits to consumers who send remittances from America as well as to those who receive the remittances around the world.
Finally, I am acutely aware of the need for better and more broadly available financial literacy and education for all Americans. I am pleased to report that in the last Congress, as part of the reauthorization of the Fair Credit Reporting Act, we established a Presidential Financial Literacy and Education Commission, which is charged with developing a national strategy to promote financial literacy and education. The Act addresses the issue of remittances by including in the Commission's work a focus on increasing the ``awareness of the particular financial needs and financial transactions, such as the sending of remittances, of consumers who are targeted in multilingual financial literacy and education programs.'' The legislation that I am introducing today builds on that framework by instructing the bank and credit union regulators to work with the Commission to specifically increase the financial education efforts that target those persons who send remittances.
Millions of Americans send remittances to family members around the world, for a total far exceeding the $30 billion that goes to Latin America alone. Yet almost all of these transactions take place without the basic consumer rights and protections that apply to other electronic transfers. Consumers who send remittances are often immigrants and workers who earn modest wages, who are not aware of the full costs of each remittance,
and as a practical matter have no way of finding out, and, as a consequence, in the aggregate pay billions of dollars in costs and hidden fees. They do not have available to them an established procedure for resolving transactional errors. This legislation rectifies this situation by extending to remittances the basic consumer rights established in EFTA. The bill also contains provisions that, when implemented, will allow more insured financial institutions to provide remittance services--and potentially at lower costs to consumers. The bill contains important provisions to help bring the unbanked--men and women without an account at a bank or credit union into the financial mainstream. Taken together, these measures will increase transparency, competition and efficiency in the remittance market, while helping to bring more Americans into the financial mainstream.
A broad range of community, civil rights, and consumer groups have endorsed this legislation including the National Council of La Raza, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the League of United Latin American Citizens, the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, United Farm Workers of America, the Farmworker Justice Fund, the NAACP, Casa de Maryland, the National Federation of Filipino American Associations, the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium, Consumers Union, Consumer Federation of America, the National Consumer Law Center, the National Community Reinvestment Coalition, the Center for Responsible Lending, U.S. PIRG, ACORN, Woodstock Institute, and the National Association of Consumer Advocates. The Credit Union National Association and the World Council of Credit Unions, both of whom provide remittance services, have also endorsed this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of International Remittance Consumer Protection Act be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today, as an experienced pilot over age 60, along with my colleagues, Senator Stevens and Senator Burns, to introduce a bill that will help end age discrimination among airline…
Mr. President, I rise today, as an experienced pilot over age 60, along with my colleagues, Senator Stevens and Senator Burns, to introduce a bill that will help end age discrimination among airline pilots. I also want to thank my colleague in the other chamber, Congressman Jim Gibbons, for his leadership on this issue and for introducing the companion version of this bill.
This bill will abolish the Federal Aviation Administration's Age 60 Rule-the regulation that for more than 40 years has forced the retirement of airline pilots the day they turn 60 and replace it with a rational plan that ties the commercial pilot retirement age to the Social Security retirement age currently 65.
Most nations have abolished mandatory age 60 retirement rules. The United States is one of only two countries in the Joint Aviation Authority that requires its commercial pilots to retire at the age of 60. Some countries, including Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have no upper age limit at all.
The Age 60 Rule has no basis in science or safety and never did. FAA data shows that pilots over age 60 are as safe as, and in some cases safer than, their younger colleagues. There have been numerous studies and statements in support of abolishing the Age 60 Rule.
In 1981, the National Institute of Aging stated that ``the Age 60 Rule appears indefensible on medical grounds'' and ``there is no convincing medical evidence to support age 60, or any other specific age, for mandatory pilot retirement.''
The FAA released the Hilton Study in 1993, which stated ``the data for all groups of pilots were remarkably consistent in showing a modest decrease in accident rate with age no hint of an increase in accident rates as pilots near age 60.''
Furthermore, in May 1999, the Senate Appropriations Committee asked the FAA to report on why the US should not cautiously increase the age to 63, ``like other countries have for commercial aviation.''
Airline Pilots magazine stated in a September 2003 article, ``If a permanent replacement for the 30 year Treasury bond rate is also applied to the calculation of lump-sum payments, we recommend a long transition period, similar to that proposed in H.R. 1776, the pension legislation introduced by Rep. Bob Portman. For pilots who must retire at age 60, this is particularly important. It would be unfair to pull the rug out from under employees who have carefully planned their retirement finances, especially pilots who can't fly longer to make up for the amounts lost because of a change in the basis used to calculate lump-sum payments.''
As recently as September 14, 2004, in a hearing before the Senate Special Committee on Aging, Captain Joseph ``Ike'' Eichelkraut, President of Southwest Airlines Pilots' Association, testified:
``The 4400 plus pilots of the Southwest Airlines Pilots' Association, oppose the Age 60 Rule.
``Flying a commercial airliner is not the physically demanding environment I encountered 15 years ago in the 7 9 ``G'' world of the F- 16 I flew in the Air Force. Commercial piloting is, however, a job requiring key management skills and sound judgment. These are talents that I have found typically come with age and experience.
``The facts are that plain. The FAA has the ideal mechanisms for ensuring safe pilots at any age are already in place. To retain my license and fly as a pilot for Southwest Airlines, I must pass semi- annual flight physicals administered by a qualified (FAA licensed) Aero-Medical Examiner (AME). When a pilot turns 40 years of age, he must undergo an EKG every other flight physical, which is electronically transmitted by the AME directly to FAA headquarters where a computer program alerts if parameters dictate.
``Pilots must also successfully pass semiannual simulator training and flight checks designed to evaluate the crewmember's ability to respond to various aircraft emergencies and/or competently handle advances in flight technology and the Air Traffic Control (ATC) environment. Captains must demonstrate, twice yearly, complete knowledge of systems and procedures, safe piloting skills and multi- tasking by managing emergency and normal flight situations, typically in instrument flight conditions conducted in advanced simulators. There is no greater test of cognitive ability and mental dexterity than these simulator rides. Flight crews are also administered random inflight check rides by FAA inspectors and Southwest check airmen. Further, we are subject to random alcohol and drug testing at any time while on duty. There is no other profession examined to this level. The 59 year old Captain arrives at this point in his career having demonstrated successful performance following years of this kind of scrutiny. FAA studies have verified the superior level of safety exhibited by this senior Captain.
``At Southwest, our pilots are trained to fly the aircraft on instruments down to 50 above the ground in poor visibility conditions before acquiring the intended runway and landing visually. In simulators, both pilots must demonstrate the ability to immediately determine whether a safe landing can be made at this point and then either execute a ``go-around'' or land. The First Officer is trained to assume control of the aircraft and execute a ``go-around'' if the Captain fails to respond to procedures at this critical decision point. If either pilot should become incapacitated, even at touchdown, the other pilot is capable of assuming control in order to fly the airplane to a safe landing. The passengers would probably remain unaware that a pilot had become ill until the aircraft is met at the gate by Emergency Medical Technicians (EMT).
``Simulator failure rates among SWA pilots are low. Last year there were only 31 out of 4,200 simulator checkrides. But as pilots approach age 60 the failure numbers are at their lowest. The graph attached shows this and I believe that experience is the key. As pilots get older, they know how to better handle the extreme situations they may have encountered in simulator checks. The mean failure rate declines at an even rate from a pilot's thirties through his fifties. Of course, because of the Age 60 rule, I don't have data to
show that this trend would continue throughout a pilot's sixties, but I suspect it would.''
I urge the Commerce Committee to hold hearings along these lines.
Furthermore, on September 29, 2004, thousands of people watched as 63-year-old Michael Melvill made history by becoming the first civilian to pilot a craft into space. In doing so, he helped Paul Allen, the owner of Mojave Aerospace Ventures, which owns SpaceShipOne technology, along with the designer of SpaceShipOne, Burt Rutan, win the coveted $10 million Ansari X-Prize.
Melvill took SpaceShipOne above the 62-mile altitude point, ultimately soaring to 337,500 feet. Despite rolling nearly 30 times, Melvill was able to gain control of the vehicle, re-enter the atmosphere, and glide to a landing. I attribute this recovery and subsequent landing to Melvill's years of extensive experience as a test pilot.
This bill will allow our most experienced pilots, those like Michael Melvill demonstrably healthy, and fit for duty-to retain their jobs, a step that will benefit pilots, the financially burdened airlines, and most importantly, passengers. Now, more than ever before, we need to keep our best pilots flying.
Again, there is no scientific justification for requiring pilots to retire at age 60. Our pilots, our airlines, and our passengers deserve our consideration. I urge the rest of my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Mr. President, I have long been dedicated to quality healthcare for my constituents in Oklahoma and across America. I supported the Medicare bill of 2003 to give a voluntary prescription drug benefit to seniors. I have championed the rural health care providers, who received some of the greatest benefits of the Medicare bill. In 1997, I was one of few Republican to vote against the Balanced Budget Act because of its lack of support for rural hospitals. Back then, I made a commitment to not allow our rural hospitals to be closed, and I am pleased we finally addressed that important issue in the Medicare legislation. I also co-sponsored S. 816, the Health Care Access and Rural Equity Act, to protect and preserve access of Medicare beneficiaries to health care in rural regions.
I am a strong advocate of medical liability reform and am an original cosponsor of S. 11, the Patients First Act, to protect patients' access to quality and affordable health care by reducing the effects of excessive liability costs. There are solutions to alleviate the burden placed on physicians and patients by excessive medical malpractice lawsuits, and I am committed to this vital reform.
I have also worked with officials from the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services to expand access to life-saving Implantable Cardiac Defibrillators. I supported legislation to increase the supply of pancreatic islet cells for research and co-sponsored a bill to take the abortion pill RU-486 off the market in the United States.
The Federal Government invests in improving hospitals and healthcare initiatives, and I have fought hard to ensure that Oklahoma gets its fair share. Specifically, over the past three years, I have helped to secure $5.2 million in funding for the Oklahoma Medical Research Foundation, the Oklahoma State Department of Health planning initiative for a rural telemedicine system, the INTEGRIS Healthcare System, the University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, the Oklahoma Center for the Advancement of Science and Technology, St. Anthony's Heart Hospital, the Hillcrest Healthcare System, and the Morton Health Center.
Mr. President, the unexpected influenza (flu) vaccine shortage beginning last month highlights the need to encourage the production of flu vaccine in America. As you know, on October 5, 2004, Chiron, a California-based biotechnology company, notified U.S. health officials that its plant in Liverpool, England had been shut down due to vaccine contamination. Almost 50,000 doses of flu vaccine were thrown away, which created a severe shortage for Americans just as the flu season began.
In light of the current shortage, I have examined why America found itself unable to accommodate the public demand for the flu vaccine. As we have seen, once a vaccine shortage strikes, a rapid response is difficult and often impossible. Thirty years ago, more than a dozen American companies were in the flu vaccine business. Today, only two companies make the vaccine for America, and only one is an America- based company. This is no coincidence. High liability costs, tedious production, price caps, and the complicated United States tax code have kept the market bare.
In October, President Bush signed the JOBS bill, which curbed the billion-dollar lawsuits that have crippled the flu vaccination industry. By adding flu vaccine to the list of vaccines protected by the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP), a no-fault alternative must be used for resolving vaccine injury claims. I am encouraged with this progress, but more can be done to prevent a shortage in the future.
The FY2005 Omnibus bill provides $100 million to the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to ensure a year-round flu vaccine production capacity and for the development of rapidly expandable flu vaccine production technologies. The Omnibus language also permits HHS to purchase flu vaccine with these funds, if deemed necessary. Such costly purchasing is a waste of federal dollars that could otherwise be used for research through the National Institutes of Health to develop faster and safer vaccine production technology. My bill strikes the language that allows government purchasing of the flu vaccine with these funds.
Optimizing the flu vaccine production process is imperative. The ever-changing nature of the flu virus results in a complicated production process. The dominant strain of the flu virus mutates each year, requiring a different vaccine for every flu season. Because harvesting the flu vaccine currently takes at least six months and requires tens of thousands of fertilized eggs susceptible to contamination, this process must begin nearly a year before the flu season begins.
Research should be focused on developing new technologies to allow us to produce more vaccine--in the same season--when we encounter a shortage. For example, a company in Connecticut is developing a flu vaccine relying on cell lines from silk moths. Reverse genetics technology also holds potential that researchers should explore. These types of innovative research promise to shave at least one month off of production time and significantly reduce cost.
Rather than temporarily masking problems through wasted spending on vaccine surpluses, my bill would ensure that the federal government invests in lasting solutions to the challenges of flu vaccine production. The encouragement of safer and faster flu vaccine production technology is a prudent use of federal research dollars through the National Institutes of Health.
To invest in these new technologies, flu vaccine manufacturers will have to renovate existing facilities or construct new ones. My bill gives a tax
credit to companies, new and old, to assist them in this important venture.
Currently, ten American companies produce the forty-seven FDA- approved vaccines. An investment tax credit will encourage these existing companies to expand their production to cover the flu vaccine and will invite start-up companies to join the industry. This will better equip the United States market to prevent and deal with a shortage in the future.
Furthermore, my bill removes the suffocating price controls that have discouraged companies from producing the flu vaccine. The Vaccines For Children program (VFC), enacted under the Clinton Administration, imposed a price cap on all vaccines purchased through federal contracts. From a shortsighted perspective, these regulated prices may expand access to vaccines. However, in the long run this policy devastates the vaccine production industry and decreases the availability of vaccines. This occurred in 1998 when manufacturers of Tetanus Diphtheria vaccine refused to bid on government contracts. Consequently, this vaccine is no longer available to children through the VFC program.
Similarly, the CDC purchased nearly 12 percent of the flu vaccine this season, and significant quantities were purchased through the Department of Defense, the Veteran's Administration, and Medicare. The price controls imposed from federal government purchasing create a high-risk, low-reward business market. Price controls destroy any profit incentive. Manufacturers avoid this artificial environment and will continue to as long as the government over steps its bounds.
The harmful effect of government price controls is especially pronounced in the flu vaccine market because the vaccine has a single- season shelf life. The difficulty of predicting the demand for vaccines each year exposes companies great risk. A slight drop in demand can force them out of the market. Financial losses--from seven million extra doses in 2002 and 4.5 million extra in 2003--compelled Wyeth Pharmaceutical Company to end its flu vaccine manufacturing.
Scientific experts consider vaccination to be the most effective medical intervention, and we live in an age of unprecedented vaccine development and implementation. We cannot continue to over-regulate the flu vaccine industry and hope companies will hang on and produce vaccines regardless of profit. The current national flu vaccine shortage reveals the need to act.
My bill would steer NIH research dollars towards cutting-edge technology, remove suffocating price controls, and free American companies to enter the flu vaccine industry with an investment tax credit. I urge my colleagues to stand with me in supporting this vital legislation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, in the beginning of each session of Congress, the majority and minority introduce their bills. The first 10 bills are those of the majority. That is the tradition of the Senate. The…
Mr. President, in the beginning of each session of Congress, the majority and minority introduce their bills. The first 10 bills are those of the majority. That is the tradition of the Senate. The distinguished Republican leader has worked hard, as have I, putting forward the bills that represent the majority. I have worked hard putting forward the bills that represent the minority, and I with Senator Durbin, Senator Stabenow, and Senator Schumer today in the Lyndon Johnson Room presented our bills to the public.
The promise of America is a simple one. It is a promise that says if one works hard and plays by the rules, they can build a stronger, brighter future for themselves and their family. This promise has lived on for generations in this great country of ours. It is one that I have lived personally.
As a result of hard work and the generosity of people who helped me with my education, I received a good education, and in the process many doors were opened. After completing my education, I was able to go into business and now have what I believe is the best job in the world--a Member of the Senate representing the people of the State of Nevada.
My story is not unique. As many know, I was born and raised in Searchlight. Searchlight represents many places throughout this country. It represents countless individuals whose lives have been blessed, as mine has. I am sorry to say that these stories about a young boy or girl from a place like Searchlight are becoming fewer and fewer. We now have crumbling schools. The average school in America is 50 years old. We have schools such as those in the southern Nevada area, the Las Vegas area, that are being built at a rapid place. As many as 18 in 1 year have to be dedicated to keep up with the growth of Las Vegas. The superintendent of public education has become a superintendent of public construction. School districts need help with their schools, in inner cities and in rural communities.
Good-paying jobs are giving way to jobs that, no matter how hard one works, just don't pay the bills. There are 45 million people without health care. That means there are too many Americans who are not getting the care they need to live healthy and prosperous lives.
This is the America we live in today, a country whose founding promise is slipping further away from reality for far too many American families, a country where a kid like me from Searchlight finds it harder to get ahead, despite the generosity of people in the community, the good will of teachers, and a work ethic, which is important.
Why do we find ourselves in this state today? Why is the promise of America, the promise that led me and others to this great Chamber, not still alive and well for all of us? In part, it is because we have a Government that simply does not live up to the values upon which the promise was made. We have leaders whose poor planning and mismanagement have sent young men and women into battle overseas, some say without the equipment and support they deserve to succeed in the battlefield.
Some way, and I certainly underscore this, there was a plan to win the war but not a plan to win the peace. We have a Government that by any measure fails to do all it can to make our country safe and secure. We have leaders who love to create crises when they do not exist, such as Social Security, which will be funded for many decades into the future, some say as far as the year 2055.
Some say there is a crisis with judges. This morning someone asked: What happens if you do to President Bush this next 4 years what you did the first 4? I say, well, he should jump with joy. That would mean 408 judges he would get approved and 20 disapproved.
The Constitution has in it a clause that deals with advise and consent. If the oath I took just a few weeks ago to uphold the Constitution means anything, certainly that part of the oath that says I must live up to the Constitution, it says the Senate of the United States has an obligation, legal in nature, to give advice and consent to the President of his nominations. I will continue to do that. I believe that is a role we have.
There are real crises. I have talked about some of them. I talked about others: education, health care, the environment that we do not talk about much anymore. Energy is a crisis we have in this country. The staggering deficit we have developed these past 4 years is a crisis. I believe there are real crises that are crippling our economy, hurting the large and small businesses, and pricing too many families out of quality health care. That is what our legislation we introduce today deals with. We have a Government that has forgotten who it is responsible to, one that has become content with feeding tens of billions to the special interests while failing in its commitment to tens of millions of seniors.
America's promise will not stay alive if America's Government betrays it, and that is why at the outset of this Congress Senate Democrats are committed to restoring the promise of America by pursuing an agenda that honors the values behind it, the values of security, opportunity, and responsibility. These values are at the core of America's promise.
The ten Democratic bills which I will introduce today deal first with America's security. For example, we need to work to increase our Special Operations Forces by 2,000 individuals. We need to expand the pace and scope of programs to eliminate and safeguard nuclear materials and enhance efforts to prevent radioactive and other deadly
materials from entering the United States. That is Nunn-Lugar. We must do more than what we have done with the Nunn-Lugar legislation.
We must increase our military. Our legislation calls for an increase by 40,000--30,000 in the Army and 10,000 in the Marines--so that we have enough troops to win the peace in Iraq and fight terrorism around the world without extending tours of duty to the breaking point.
We will create a Guard and Reserve bill of rights to protect and promote the interests of our dedicated citizen soldiers and fight for the families of those who serve to recognize the sacrifices they have made. S. 13 will fulfill our duty to America's veterans. It will ensure that all veterans get the health care and prescription drugs they deserve while also expanding the availability and accessibility of mental health care. We will ensure that no veteran is forced to choose between a retirement and disability check, and launch a 21st century GI bill that tells soldiers of today that we will help them to succeed when they return, just as we did for those great heroes who returned from World War II, Korea, and Vietnam.
We need to expand opportunities to all Americans, and economic opportunity is going to be extended through S. 14. We, for example, will end tax incentives that encourage companies to ship jobs overseas. We are going to restore overtime rights for 6 million workers who lost that guarantee last year.
S. 15 will help us with education. It must be a cornerstone of equal opportunity. Democrats will keep our promise to our children by increasing support for preschool education, fully funding No Child Left Behind and making sure it is implemented the right way. We will address the shortfall of math, science, and special education teachers by creating tuition incentives for college students to major in these fields, and we will work to make sure every American who wants it can afford 4 years of college with new tuition tax credits and relief from burdensome loans.
There are problems in rural school districts in Kansas, Nevada, Illinois, Nebraska and Utah. I have found, in my travels through rural Nevada, one of the biggest problems the school districts in rural Nevada have is school buses. That might not seem like much in the overall scheme of things, but it is rare for a bus in Nevada rural schools to be new. They buy used, old buses. Most of the buses are worn out before they get them. We could help rural America in lots of different ways, but we could help rural America so much if we provided a way where they could buy new buses. We need to do that. When school districts have these old buses, children have no choice but to ride in outdated, unsafe buses. That is why we will create a Federal program to help rural school districts purchase new buses that will get kids to school in a reliable and safe manner.
S. 16 will make sure health care is more affordable to families and businesses. We know health care costs have spiraled. That is why we will bring down the price of prescription drugs by legalizing safe importation of FDA-approved prescription drugs from industrialized countries. We will also ensure that every child in America has access to health care and that every pregnant woman in America can get the maternity care she needs and deserves. We will reduce health care costs by creating incentives to modernize health care and by offering tax credits to small businesses.
Finally, we want to build a government that meets its responsibilities both to Americans today and in the future. S. 18 will help America's seniors. Medicare should work for seniors, not the HMOs and drug companies. First we will eliminate the provision that actually prohibits Medicare from using the negotiating power of its 41 million beneficiaries to get lower prices. The Medicare bill has a provision in it that says Medicare cannot negotiate for lower prices. They have to go to Rite Aid and other places, just like the rest of us. They cannot compete with the HMOs which can buy their drugs in bulk.
We will eliminate the giveaways like the $10 billion slush funds for hospitals in the Medicare bill. We will improve the prescription drug benefit by phasing out the current donut hole where seniors pay a premium but get no credit. Seniors across the country were shocked by the record increase in Medicare Part B premiums this year. This must be addressed. We must be a government that honors its responsibilities to future generations. We have had reckless spending these last 4 years. It has turned record surpluses into record deficits and has mortgaged our children's future. It is long past time for Washington to return to the same commonsense budget that families use around the kitchen table every day, and that is why we will call for pay-as-you-go budgeting.
Our final bill, S. 20, will support women in making responsible choices about their health. The United States has the highest rate of unintended pregnancies among all industrialized nations. Half of all pregnancies in this country are unintended and nearly half of those end in abortion. By increasing access to family planning services, Democrats will improve women's health, reduce the rate of unintended pregnancies, and reduce the number of abortions, all while saving scarce public health dollars.
Security, opportunity, and responsibility--these are more than just three words or three values. They are the foundation on which America's promise is built. Senate Democrats open the 109th Congress steadfastly committed to keeping this promise alive, so that all Americans who work hard can build a stronger and brighter future for their families. While these 10 bills do not represent all the goals of the 109th Congress, they represent the start and the core of our mission.
No doubt we will tackle many other important issues before Congress closes, but we will never lose sight of the values for which we fight and the promises we must keep.
For instance, when it comes to strengthening Social Security, Democrats will keep America's promise. The program is our bargain that says those who work hard and pay their taxes have earned a secure retirement. Our values compel us to keep the promise of security to our seniors, and Senate Democrats will do this. We will not irresponsibly cut benefits or jeopardize the opportunity of future generations with $2 trillion in new debt. This is keeping America's promise, and that is what Senate Democrats will do.
In closing, I would like to say a few words to my colleagues across the aisle. We hope and believe many Republicans share our view that we must not allow partisanship to stand in the way of America's promise, or let politics get in the way of keeping alive the American dream. That is our pledge. We will work with the majority in meeting the demands of America.
I recognize the first 30 minutes of morning business time was that of the majority. How much time did I use?
I apologize to my friends on the other side of the aisle. Ten minutes of that will be leader time. The rest Senator Durbin will use for whatever he feels appropriate when our time comes.
Mr. President, as reports continue to appear in the media, there can be little doubt that a critical area of homeland security, and one on which I will be focusing as Chairman of the Health,…
Mr. President, as reports continue to appear in the media, there can be little doubt that a critical area of homeland security, and one on which I will be focusing as Chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, is the issue of bioterrorism. It is clear that we cannot separate the need for a strong national biodefense from other aspects of emergency preparedness.
Last summer, when President Bush signed the Project Bioshield Act into law, he called bioterrorism and efforts to use modern technologies against us the greatest danger of our time. The threat posed by bioterror has not gone unnoticed by terrorists and those who wish to do us harm. That is why we must continue to do everything we can to ensure our ability to respond to the use of biological weapons.
In the months to come, my Committee will be working together to develop the strategy we will need to provide for a strong national biodefense. We will be exploring a number of options in that effort, like providing incentives to increase private sector participation in the development of bioterror countermeasures and biopreparedness tools. We will also be examining ways to strengthen our domestic vaccine industry and increase the overall readiness of our public health system.
While I commend its intent, I declined to cosponsor S. 3, the Republican leadership bioterrorism bill introduced today. I look forward to developing bipartisan legislation to strengthen our national biodefense system in our Committee. Senator Burr, who will be heading the Subcommittee on Bioterrorism and Public Health Preparedness, will be an important part of that effort. I am also looking forward to the input of my fellow Committee members, including Senators Kennedy, Gregg and Hatch, as well as Senator Lieberman, who, while not a member of my Committee, has made this a priority of his work in the Congress and put a great deal of thought and effort into the area. In the coming weeks and months, I will also be convening a number of discussions with critical stakeholders and experts as we develop our legislation.
Together, I am confident we can build on the work Congress and President Bush began with the Project Bioshield legislation and do what is necessary to ensure that we are as prepared as we possibly can be for the ever-present and constantly changing threat of bioterrorism.
Mr. President, last week we had an opportunity to be a part of a truly historic event. As we gathered together on the west front of the Capitol, a huge crowd joined us along the Mall and down Pennsylvania Avenue to witness the inauguration of President Bush. It was a great moment for America as the President took his oath of office. Later, in what was one of the best inaugural speeches I have ever heard, he outlined his vision for the future and the theme for his second term.
It filled my heart with pride to hear him speak about freedom and the role America would continue to play in helping to bring its bright light to bear on the darkest regions of the world. As he spoke, I was pleased to hear him also renew, his commitment to our Nation's education system and to bringing the highest standards to our schools. The President made it clear that such an effort was an important part of making sure that every American has a stake in our future as a nation. Without it, the American dream we have shared for many years may be reduced to a nightmare for future generations.
Clearly, we can't allow that to happen. That is why I am pleased to join, with the distinguished majority leader, Dr. Frist, and my friend and colleague, from Tennessee, Senator Alexander, in introducing legislation we have written to address that need and ensure a brighter future for our children. Among the goals our legislation seeks to address is the importance of strengthening our public education system, ensuring parents are involved in the process and, above all, giving our teachers the support they need to obtain the results we must have if our children are to have the best chance to succeed in life.
The legislation I am introducing today continues the work we began with the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act. That bipartisan legislation made it clear that we had high expectations for all public school children. It made making sure those expectations were met the center of our Federal education policy. That policy has had good results. Children all over the country, including minority children, are improving their reading skills. Their math scores are getting better. In another 2 years, when science is included in the State assessments, I believe we will see that students are doing better in that subject, too. Thanks to the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act that we all had a hand in, we are continuing to see more and more positive results in our schools.
Although our record of success is impressive, there is still room for more improvement. According to the most recent National Assessment of Education Progress, over 25 percent of twelfth grade students could not read at grade level. Only two-thirds of students entering the ninth grade are expected to complete high school within 4 years. That is a dire forecast for our future, but it need not be so if we stick to the goals we have set and work to achieve them.
We want to make sure we continue to set high expectations of what all students can achieve, regardless of their background. This needs to be a common theme in all our Federal education programs. All students can learn and every child can be a star pupil. It is not just a slogan. It is a philosophy that our teachers need to put into practice every day in the classroom. It must then be echoed by every student's parents each evening at home at the dinner table.
We need to make sure Federal programs emphasize accountability, but we also need to make sure we do it in a way that makes sense. Many Federal programs designed to serve the same population of students have different requirements. We can help our teachers serve their students better by reducing the amount of time they spend outside the classroom on activities that don't help our children learn. Federal program requirements should not work against the, goal we have set of improving student achievement.
It is important to provide flexibility to the States so they can manage Federal program dollars and address their unique needs in the most effective manner possible. We need to let leaders at the State and local level make the important decisions about this country's education, because they are at the level closest to the people--and closest to the classroom where we must continue to get good results from our efforts.
The needs of rural schools must also continue to be addressed. Schools in rural States like Wyoming have unique needs and serve smaller populations. They can't be administered like the large schools of the big cities in the East. One-size-fits-all policies that may work in large population centers are all too often doomed to fail in the smaller towns and cities of the West.
Although funding will be a key in the effort to address these issues, the Federal Government provides only a fraction of education spending in this country. For K-12 education, the Federal investment is still around 8 percent. The rest of the money comes from States and local districts. We need to trust these educators and administrators to work on behalf of the children in their charge. We must ensure they have the tools they need to serve their students and help all children in their area succeed.
We also want to support lifelong learning opportunities for students at every stage in their life. Education is
changing; the way we approach learning has to change as well. Federal programs should reflect these changes and help our students adapt to them. Las year, more than 70 percent of college students were considered ``nontraditional.'' Our education system needs to address the needs of adult learners, as well as children who take the more ``traditional'' track in education.
We want to create a strong link between education and the workforce. Businesses are creating and filling good jobs with good candidates, and we want to make sure we are filling those jobs with American workers.
In our technology-driven economy, school can never be out. It is estimated that 60 percent of tomorrow's jobs will require skills that only 20 percent of today's workers possess. It is also estimated that the average worker leaving college today will switch careers 14 times in their life, and 10 of those careers haven't been invented yet.
To address those needs, we need a system in place that can support a lifetime of education, training, and retraining. As tomorrow's workers change careers, they will need to learn new skills, or to apply their current skills in new ways. Our postsecondary institutions will play a critical role in supporting these students, as they do now through a number of Federal education programs.
High school dropouts are the most at-risk school population in the workforce. We must look at Federal efforts to reform high schools to make sure we are keeping students in school. We need to make sure that students are leaving high school with a diploma, a quality education, and the strong foundation of reading, writing, math and science skills that will help them succeed in the workforce. We must also reach out to those who do not have high school diplomas to give them an opportunity to increase the level of their skills so that they, too, have a chance to succeed in life. We can do that by increasing their awareness of and involvement in lifetime of learning programs.
In this bill, we have also included language to reauthorize the Workforce Investment Act. That will help an estimated 900,000 unemployed workers each year get back to work and provide American workers with the skills they will need to be competitive in the global marketplace. That will help them land the good jobs that will be created in the years to come. Our legislation will also support the needs of businesses including small businesses looking for skilled workers. In addition, the bill will strengthen the role of public education institutions in the Federal workforce preparation effort, including our community colleges.
As we work on this and other education legislation, we must ensure we are focused on getting the results that will help our children succeed in life. We can do that by incorporating high expectations, accountability, flexibility for our States in administering Federal assistance, and a lifetime of learning opportunities, into our education policies. If we do that, every child's life will be a success story and everyone will have the freedom to live their own version of the American dream.
As we continue to work on improving our Nation's education system, an educated citizenry will continue to be our goal. It will never be enough to provide our children with a diploma. We must provide them with the skills they will need to compete for and win the jobs of tomorrow and keep them.
Mr. President, over the past decade, Congress has approved over $46 billion in disaster relief and emergency spending. This is an average of $4.6 billion a year. The majority of this funding--$34…
Mr. President, over the past decade, Congress has approved over $46 billion in disaster relief and emergency spending. This is an average of $4.6 billion a year. The majority of this funding--$34 billion--has been provided through supplemental bills, not subject to the normal appropriations process.
Supporters of supplemental spending suggest it provides Congress flexibility to respond to emergencies and to priorities that did not receive the proper consideration during the budget cycle. While supplemental bills do offer flexibility, they are not always helpful for fiscal responsibility. Millions of dollars are put in emergency spending bills that should go through the regular budget process, adding more and more to the bottom line.
America is at a critical time--we must be prepared to address domestic emergencies without increasing the deficit or being forced to fund non-emergency projects in order to release necessary funds. Supplemental spending circumvents budgetary enforcement mechanisms and can lead lawmakers to under-fund programs in the regular appropriations process, because they know they ultimately can get what is needed through a supplemental.
Supplemental bills allocate funding for emergencies, and we have all witnessed, firsthand, how a natural disaster can impact a country severely. Merely because something is unforeseen does not mean we should not prepare. Congress needs to plan in a manner that is fiscally responsible and procedurally transparent.
Today, I offer a bill to create an emergency fund under the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, in an interest bearing account, containing 1.2 percent of the annual non-defense domestic spending, or roughly $4.6 billion. This will be America's rainy day fund--a savings account ready for almost any potential unforeseen domestic emergencies.
This account is not designed to eliminate the need for supplemental bills but rather lessen the need for them.
Last year, in supplemental spending alone, Congress spent $2.5 billion on disaster relief in America. Domestic discretionary supplemental bills enacted in response to natural disasters, such as hurricanes and earthquakes, rose steadily through the 1990s. Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, was the second-largest recipient of supplemental spending during the 1990s. Supplemental appropriations for ``non-natural'' disasters such as the Los Angeles riots in 1992 and the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 as well as the September 11 terrorist attack have also demanded quick and efficient funding. History is teaching us a lesson; while we do not know what the
emergencies will be, we can feel certain there will be something to which we will need to respond.
Beyond the clear fiscal conservatism we need, I believe this rainy day fund would reduce the time it takes to respond to emergencies by giving Congress a more efficient, less political process. My bill would require the contingency fund to be expended before supplemental spending for domestic disasters can be pursued, with the exclusion of defense spending.
As we seek to be more fiscally responsible, our next step forward should be this account, from which the funds we draw upon are planned for and set aside through the normal appropriations process. Our current system regularly underfunds FEMA and other agencies for emergencies, and this should end.
As we prepare for the future, it is my goal that we save and prepare for the vital needs of our people should there be a domestic emergency. Recent events worldwide demand we be fiscally responsible and procedurally capable of this, our most important duty, the protection and safe-keeping of the American people.
Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce a bill to permanently correct an injustice in the tax code that has harmed citizens in many States of this great Nation.
State and local governments have various alternatives for raising revenue. Some levy income taxes, some use sales taxes, and others use a combination of the two. The citizens who pay State and local income taxes have been able to offset some of what they pay by receiving a deduction on their federal taxes. Before 1986, taxpayers also had the ability to deduct their sales taxes.
The philosophy behind these deductions is simple: people should not have to pay taxes on their taxes. The money that people must give to one level of government should not also be taxed by another level of government.
Unfortunately, citizens of some States were treated differently after 1986 when the deduction for State and local sales taxes was eliminated. This discriminated against those living in States, such as my home State of Texas, with no income taxes. It is important to remember the lack of an income tax does not mean citizens in these States do not pay State taxes; revenues are simply collected differently.
It is unfair to give citizens from some States a deduction for the revenue they provide their State and local governments, while not doing the same for citizens from other States. Federal tax law should not treat people differently on the basis of State residence and differing tax collection methods, and it should not provide an incentive for States to establish income taxes over sales taxes.
This discrepancy had a significant impact on Texas. According to the Texas Comptroller, the ability of taxpayers to deduct their sales taxes will lead to an additional $740 million staying in the hands of Texans each year, the creation of more than 16,500 new jobs, and the addition of $920 million in State economic activity.
Last year, we took an important step by reinstating a sales tax deduction. As a result, everyone now has the opportunity to deduct either their State and local income taxes or sales taxes. For the 55 million of us in the 7 States with a sales tax but no income tax, this means the tax code no longer discriminates against us. Unfortunately, the new deduction is only in effect for 2004 and 2005. We must act to prevent the inequity from returning.
The legislation I am offering today will fix this problem for good by making the State and local sales tax deduction permanent. This will permanently end the discrimination suffered by my fellow Texans and citizens of other States who do not have the option of an income tax deduction.
This legislation is about reestablishing equity to the tax code and defending the important principle of eliminating taxes on taxes. I hope my fellow Senators will support this effort.
I ask unanimous consent that the test of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President I am pleased to introduce a bill to provide
permanent tax relief from the marriage penalty--the most egregious, anti-family provision that has been in the tax code. One of my highest priorities in the U.S. Senate has been to relieve American taxpayers of this punitive burden.
Over the past four years we have made important strides to eliminate this unfair tax and provide marriage penalty relief by raising the standard deduction and enlarging the 15 percent tax bracket for married joint filers to twice that of single filers. Before these provisions were changed, 44 million married couples, including 2.4 million Texas families, paid an average penalty of $1,480.
Enacting marriage penalty relief has been a giant step for tax fairness, but it may be fleeting. Even as married couples use the money they now save to put food on the table and clothes on their children, a tax increase looms in the future. Since the 2001 tax relief bill was restricted, the marriage penalty provisions will only be in effect through 2010. In 2011, marriage will again be a taxable event and 43 percent of married couples will again pay more in taxes unless we act decisively.
Given the challenges many families face in making ends meet, we must make sure we do not backtrack on this important reform.
The benefits of marriage are well established, yet, without marriage penalty relief, the tax code provides a significant disincentive for people to walk down the aisle. Marriage is a fundamental institution in our society and should not be discouraged by the IRS. Children living in a married household are far less likely to live in poverty or to suffer from child abuse. Research indicates they are less likely to be depressed or have developmental problems. Scourges such as adolescent drug use are less common in married families, and married mothers are less likely to be victims of domestic violence.
We should celebrate marriage, not penalize it. The bill I am offering would make marriage penalty relief permanent, because we cannot be satisfied until couples never again must decide between love and money. Marriage should not be a taxable event.
I call on the Senate to finish the job we started to make marriage penalty relief permanent today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.
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Mr. President, I rise to address an issue that has begun to emerge and gain our attention in rural America. This issue is an important one because it has the potential to devastate, economically,…
Mr. President, I rise to address an issue that has begun to emerge and gain our attention in rural America. This issue is an important one because it has the potential to devastate, economically, small cities and towns across the inter-mountain west--like in my State, of Idaho.
The new Environmental Protection Agency drinking water standard of 10 parts per billion for arsenic is something the current Administration inherited from the prior Administration and is now trying to implement. I would remind my colleagues, however, that the new lowered arsenic standard was not universally supported in Congress when it was proposed.
There were Senators--not many, but I was certainly one of them--that knew that the cost of complying with the new arsenic standard was going to cripple economically--was going to break the back financially--of rural communities and small towns across the western United States.
I fought this new standard on the floor of the Senate. I knew the costs were crippling and the health benefit was bogus. I also knew that the science to support the lower standard is being exposed as based on examples and sample populations that were very, very flawed. The science is now revealing that extrapolating from those sample communities to the whole of the United States was a very, very flawed basis for the drinking water standard.
I fought this new standard, but I did not succeed.
There are communities now in Idaho that will not be able to come into compliance with this new standard by the time it takes effect. Some of these Idaho communities have estimated that it would take double or triple their entire city budget, just to try to come into compliance-- and that would mean that no other city services could be paid for.
That kind of situation is clearly ridiculous, and I will fight as long and as hard as I can to find solutions to this problem.
Last year, I raised this issue with then-EPA Administrator Mike Leavitt. Mike Leavitt is a Westerner--his folks in Utah are having some of the same problems.
I discussed the issue with him. I will raise it with any successor of his who is nominated to head the EPA. I will keep raising this issue and looking for solutions. The problem is that EPA bureaucrats--who are so good at being bureaucrats--think they know Idaho better than Idahoans do. Some of our Idaho communities have requested of EPA Region 10 that EPA exercise some flexibility with this standard. This is flexibility that EPA has already incorporated into its final agency rule on the arsenic standard.
Unfortunately, EPA bureaucrats are doing what they are good at. They are saying no to flexibility and hey, by the way, Castleford, Idaho or New Plymouth, Idaho--this won't disadvantage you economically as much as you say. That is what EPA says to the communities of Idaho. We know better than you.
Seeing that EPA cannot be reasonable, I have worked with my colleagues Senator Nelson of Nebraska and Senator Domenici of New Mexico. Both of their States have similar problems. The product of our collaboration is a bill that we introduced last year and are re- introducing today. The name of this bill is the Rural Community Arsenic Relief Act. While it may not provide all the relief that I would like to see, and it does not repeal the new arsenic standard--as I believe is merited by the science--this bill is a good compromise and a good start.
With this bill, we are trying to force States--and in Idaho's case, the EPA since Idaho is what they call a ``non-primacy state''--to approve requests from communities to delay their compliance with the new arsenic standard.
The bill is straightforward, it is vital, and it is needed. It will save some of these communities from bankruptcy or from discontinuing essential community services. Many other States--other than Idaho, Nebraska, and New Mexico--face this same crisis. I implore my colleagues to learn about what their small communities are facing, and to join with us in enacting this essential regulatory relief.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing the Balanced Budget Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. When we were in deficit and when we were in surplus, I have always said, if we could adopt one fundamental reform to the way the Federal Government does business, this is it. The fiscal events of the last few years have again demonstrated the need for this long-term, fundamental, permanent reform.
For many Americans, one of the signs of our deep respect for the Constitution is our acknowledgment that, in exceptional cases, a problem rises to such a level that it can be adequately addressed only in the Constitution--by way of a constitutional amendment.
From 1998 through 2001, Congress balanced the Federal budget. These four budget surpluses in a row, for the first time since the 1920s, set the modern record for balancing the Federal budget. The first Republican Congresses in 40 years made balancing the budget our top priority, and did what was necessary, reaching across the aisle and working on a bipartisan basis. We ran surpluses and began the process we needed to pay down the national debt. This in turn promised, among other things, to help us safeguard the future of Social Security.
Then events intervened.
A return to budget deficits was caused by an economic recession and a war begun by terrorist attacks. Even before taking office in 2001, President Bush correctly foresaw the coming recession and prescribed the right medicine--the tax relief that has bolstered the economy and has saved and created jobs. The current economic recovery, in turn, has prevented even worse Federal budget deficits.
The return to deficit spending can and should be a temporary phenomenon. We are rebounding from the recession of 2001 and the body blow to the economy caused by the war with terrorism.
We must do whatever it takes to win that war. Providing for the self- defense and survival of our people and our Nation is the most fundamental responsibility of the Federal Government. That principle has been reflected in every significant version of the balanced budget constitutional amendment, in exceptions for war and imminent military threats. Historically, that principle was followed even when balancing the budget was the norm, because the U.S. Government always has borrowed when necessary to fight and win a war.
Beyond that, we must keep all other Federal spending under control, so that we return, as soon as possible, to balancing the budget.
In other words, the return to deficit spending will be a temporary problem only if we make a permanent commitment to the moral imperative of fiscal responsibility.
We always did, and always will, need a balanced budget amendment to our Constitution.
Even in the heady days of budget surpluses, I always maintained the only way to guarantee that the Federal Government would stay fiscally responsible was to add a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution.
Before we balanced the budget in 1998, the Government was deficit spending for 28 years in a row and for 59 out of 67 years. The basic law of political temptation--to just say ``yes''--was not repealed in 1998, but only restrained some, when we came together and briefly faced up to the great threat to the future posed by decades of debt.
Now, the Government is back to borrowing. And for some, a return to deficit spending seems to have been liberating, as the demands for new spending only seem to be multiplying again.
That is why, today, I am again introducing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution and calling upon my colleagues to send it to the States for ratification.
The amendment I introduce today is the same one I sponsored in the 108th Congress. This is essentially the same as the amendment that came within a single vote of the two-thirds necessary for passage, twice in two previous Senates. In addition, this amendment would not count the Social Security surplus in its calculation of a balanced budget. Those annual surpluses would be set aside exclusively to meet the future needs of Social Security beneficiaries.
It's a new day, a new year, and a new Senate. We have the opportunity of a fresh start and, hopefully, the wisdom of experience. Today, with the first piece of legislation I am introducing in the 109th Congress, I call on the Senate to safeguard the future, by considering and passing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution--a bill of economic rights for our future and our children.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of this joint resolution, proposing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution, be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to bring to my colleagues' attention a bill I introduced today called the Honoring the Fallen Soldiers and Families Act of 2005, sharing the same views of Senator Sessions of…
Mr. President, I rise to bring to my colleagues' attention a bill I introduced today called the Honoring the Fallen Soldiers and Families Act of 2005, sharing the same views of Senator Sessions of Alabama, who has worked on this legislation, as well as many of us over the years, including my partner, Senator Warner. This measure is originally cosponsored by Senators Bill Nelson, Mike DeWine, Ben Nelson, Elizabeth Dole, Lisa Murkowski, and David Vitter.
Mr. President, as Americans, I believe we need to do everything we can to make sure our men and women in uniform are provided with the most technologically advanced armaments and equipment for their safety and their security when they are protecting our liberty. We also need to take care of the families of the soldiers who lose their lives, those who are killed in action and on duty. We need to care more about their surviving families.
Currently, there are a number of benefits that are provided to family members who lose a loved one while serving our great Nation. Some of these benefits include the Servicemen's Group Life Insurance policies, the Dependency and Indemnity Compensation Program, education benefits, and Government housing.
However, there is one benefit I have been concerned with during my tenure in the Senate. This is called the military death gratuity. It is a tax-exempt cash payment, currently at the amount of $12,000, which provides immediate financial compensation to families of those service men and women who have lost their lives serving our great Nation. During the past 108th Congress, I cosponsored legislation authored by Senator Susan Collins of Maine to double the death gratuity from $6,000 to $12,000, which at the time was apparently a big deal, since Congress had sparingly raised the death gratuity since its inception in 1908. The last increase before then was at the end of the first gulf war in 1991. Even then, half of that benefit was subjected to taxation.
Some of us in Congress understood the need to provide this financial assistance and were able to get this provision included in a larger bill, the Military Family Tax Relief Act of 2003. Not only did this legislation double the death gratuity from $6,000 to $12,000, but it also made the payments of these moneys tax exempt.
However, that is not enough, $12,000. I still believe this current amount of $12,000 is a miserly and paltry amount. Indeed, I consider it insulting. I have been speaking with people from Virginia and all across America and listening to them. It is confirmed to me how truly insulting this sum of money is. My sense is that a grateful Nation wants to better help the widows, widowers, and the children of those who have given their lives and their futures in defense of our country and our liberties, whether it was in Afghanistan, Iraq, or elsewhere in the world.
When I was bringing this issue up, I got an e-mail and many messages from people across the country. This one is from Mrs. Margaret Stubenhofer from Springfield, VA, who wrote:
Dear Senator Allen: On December 7, 2004, our son Captain
Mark Stubenhofer (U.S. Army) was killed in action while
serving in Iraq. He was shot by insurgents. Mark, who was
born and raised in Springfield, VA, leaves behind his wife
(Patty, age 30) and 3 small children (Lauren, 5 yrs, Justin,
2\1/2\ yrs, and Hope, 4 months). I am writing to you in
support of the proposed legislation to raise the military
survivor benefits. It is appalling to me that our people, who
also suffered a great tragedy, are receiving millions of
dollars after their loved ones died on 9-11 . . . yet,
dependents of military personnel killed in action while
bravely serving their country in a foreign land receive only
slightly more than $12,000 as a death gratuity and $100,000
in insurance benefits. I am very much in favor of these
benefits being raised to a more reasonable level; and I ask
you to continue to support such action as to make this
possible. In all good conscience, how can we possibly ask
these young men and women to be ready to die for their
country . . . and then leave their survivors with almost
nothing when their worst nightmare actually becomes a
reality?
That is a good question. That is why I am introducing, with a number of my Senate colleagues who are cosponsoring, the Honoring Our Fallen Soldiers and Families Act of 2005. I am glad this is getting a lot of support from both sides of the aisle and leadership.
This legislation will raise the military death gratuity from $12,000 to $100,000 for the families of those service men and women who have lost their lives serving our great Nation since October 1, 2001. The reason for October 1, 2001--the retroactivity--is that is when the military action began in Afghanistan. As I mentioned, there a number of other benefits that family members whose loved one has died will receive, but unlike the death gratuity that reaches family members within 48 hours of the death, the other benefits can take some time--in fact, months--to make it to the family. That is just too long a period of time. They will eventually get it, but that short-term, immediate influx of money helps provide for the monetary stability at a time of great grief and uncertainty. The money can help pay for a home mortgage or for rent or gas or utilities bills, car payments, or schooling. School kids may be in schools where there are expenses. It will also help put food on the table. As a matter of fact, many of the fallen soldiers were the sole or significant breadwinner for the families, and the families are left without any immediate source of income.
It is doubly important for members of the Guard and Reserve. Approximately a quarter to a third of those who serve in the Guard and Reserve actually take a pay cut when they are called up or activated to serve. While it is a source of income that may be less than they were receiving in the private sector, it is still a significant, substantial part of that family household's income. So when a soldier loses his or her life, even if it is a lower amount, the money stops. That is why it is imperative that we in Congress raise the death gratuity to a level that will take care of the immediate financial needs of these families.
Some have questioned or critics may argue that raising the death gratuity to $100,000 is too costly. I contend that if you look at firefighters and police officers, these great citizens of our communities who are our warriors at home, saving lives from fires or in law enforcement actions, they generally get a death gratuity in the amount of $50,000 to $100,000. In our Commonwealth of Virginia, a police officer or firefighter who loses his or her life in the line of duty receives a $75,000 death gratuity. My proposal is to put some logical symmetry between what our warriors on the homefront--the police officers and firefighters--get and what our soldiers stationed at home and abroad get.
In addition, as long as we have an all-volunteer Army, we need to make sure our soldiers know and their families know they have the best possible benefits should the unthinkable happen. I believe this legislation will help put some of those worries at ease. Whatever the amount may be, I guarantee to each of my colleagues that any family would rather have their loved one there at holidays and birthdays and anniversaries than the $100,000, but there is a big financial hole in their lives. There is also one that cannot be compensated. But it is one that a grateful Nation would want to provide.
I will close by quoting George Washington, who was one of our greatest leaders, when he made a very wise and still cogent observation.
He cautioned that the willingness of future generations to fight for their country, no matter how just the cause, will be proportional to how they perceive previous veterans were treated.
It is important that we show a deeper appreciation for those heroic soldiers who died defending our liberty and also their brave families back home who have paid the ultimate sacrifice as well. This legislation is a significant striding step in that direction.
I urge my colleagues in the Senate to quickly act on this legislation and all others trying to help our families of fallen heroes and their loved ones and pass these measures as quickly as possible, and also make them retroactive for all of those nearly 1,500 who have lost their lives protecting our freedom, advancing liberty throughout the world, and people who are truly American heroes whom we will always remember.
Mr. President, I rise today in support of a bill that I have introduced with Senator Carl Levin authorizing the extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment. Ukraine is still subject to…
Mr. President, I rise today in support of a bill that I have introduced with Senator Carl Levin authorizing the extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment. Ukraine is still subject to the provisions of the Jackson-Vanik amendment to the Trade Act of 1974, which sanctions nations for failure to comply with freedom of emigration requirements. Our bill would repeal permanently the application of Jackson-Vanik to Ukraine.
In the post-cold-war era, Ukraine has demonstrated a commitment to meet these requirements, and in addition, has expressed a strong desire to abide by free market principles and good governance. Last November, I served as President Bush's personal representative to the runoff election between Prime Minister Yanukovich and Viktor Yushchenko. During that visit, I promoted free and fair election procedures that would strengthen worldwide respect for the legitimacy of the winning candidate. Unfortunately, that was not possible. The Government of Ukraine allowed, or aided and abetted, wholesale fraud and abuse that changed the results of the election. It is clear that Prime Minister Yanukovich did not win the election.
In response, the people of Ukraine rallied in the streets and demanded justice. After tremendous international
pressure and mediation, Ukraine repeated the runoff election on December 26. A newly named Central Election Commission and a new set of election laws led to a much-improved process. International monitors concluded that the process was generally free and fair. This past weekend Viktor Yushchenko was inaugurated as President of Ukraine.
Extraordinary events have occurred in Ukraine over the last three months. A free press has revolted against government intimidation and reasserted itself. An emerging middle class has found its political footing. A new generation has embraced democracy and openness. A society has rebelled against the illegal activities of its government. It is in our interest to recognize and protect these advances in Ukraine.
The United States has a long record of cooperation with Ukraine through the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction. Ukraine inherited the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world with the fall of the Soviet Union. Through the Nunn-Lugar program the United States has assisted Ukraine in eliminating this deadly arsenal and joining the Nonproliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear State.
One of the areas where we can deepen United States-Ukrainian relations is bilateral trade. Our trade relations between the United States and Ukraine are currently governed by a bilateral trade agreement signed in 1992. There are other economic agreements in place seeking to further facilitate economic cooperation between the United States and Ukraine, including a bilateral investment treaty which was signed in 1996, and a taxation treaty signed in 2000. In addition, Ukraine commenced negotiations to become a member of the World Trade Organization in 1993, further demonstrating its commitment to adhere to free market principles and fair trade. In light of its adherence to freedom of emigration requirements, democratic principles, compliance with threat reduction and several agreements on economic cooperation, the products of Ukraine should not be subject to the sanctions of Jackson-Vanik.
There are areas in which Ukraine needs to continue to improve. These include market access, protection of intellectual property and reduction of tariffs. The U.S. must remain committed to assisting Ukraine in pursuing market economic reforms. The permanent waiver of Jackson-Vanik and establishment of permanent normal trade relations will be the foundation on which further progress in a burgeoning economic partnership can be made.
I am hopeful that my colleagues will review this legislation and join Senator Levin and I in supporting this important legislation.
Mr. President, on behalf of myself and Senators Leahy, Lincoln, Dole, and Smith, I rise today to introduce the Good Samaritan Hunger Relief Tax Incentive Act of 2005. This important legislation allows for expanded charitable tax deductions for contributions of food inventory to our nation's food banks and would permit farmers and businesses of all sizes to take advantage of this tax deduction. Demand on food banks has been rising, and these tax deductions would be an important step in increasing private donations to the non-profit hunger relief charities playing a critical role in meeting America's nutritional needs.
To a certain degree, donations have not diminished or have even modestly increased, but most areas surveyed report that donations cannot keep up with the growing demand. According to the U.S. Conference of Mayors and Sodexho USA ``Hunger and Homelessness Survey'' released in December 2004, requests for emergency food assistance has increased fourteen percent. Fifty-six percent of the people requesting emergency food assistance are either children or their parents. The number of elderly persons requesting food assistance has increased by twelve percent. The success of welfare reform legislation has moved many recipients off welfare and into jobs. Over the last decade, in many states, welfare roles have been reduced by more than one half. But we need to recognize that these individuals and their families are living on modest wages. As the states' unemployment rates have risen, so have the demands placed on the food banks and soup kitchens. The problem of hunger goes well beyond the unemployed. The Mayors' survey points out that thirty-four percent of people requesting food assistance were working. Due to increases in rent, underemployment, multigenerational residences, families have to make the tough financial decisions. As a result, food needs of families have been pushed further and further down the priority list. This is coupled with the nutritional value becoming less important to some families because fast food and ``junk'' food is more economical to those on a tight budget.
Private food banks provide a key safety net against hunger. According to the 2002 report by U.S. Department of Agriculture, over 13 million children were hungry or at the risk of being hungry.
America's Second Harvest, a nationwide umbrella group of over 200 food banks and food rescue organization, released a 2001 report entitled ``Hunger in America'' stating that 23.3 million people sought and received emergency hunger relief from just their network of charitable organizations. That would be the equivalent of the populations of New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Houston, Philadelphia, San Diego, Phoenix, San Antonio, Dallas, and Detroit combined. In 1997, the USDA estimated that up to 96 billion pounds of food goes to waste each year in the United States at a cost of an estimated $1 billion in increased disposal fees paid by municipalities. This is food and fresh produce that is left unharvested or in storage bins, discarded by wholesales, restaurants, and grocery stores, or reduced by the manufacturing or transportation process. If a small percentage of this wasted food could be redirected to food banks, we could make important strides in our fight against hunger. I believe the enactment of this legislation would be a great incentive in redirecting this food from being discarded to being distributed to hungry families.
The Good Samaritan Hunger Relief Tax Incentive Act would allow farmers and small business owners to take a deduction when they donate food to their community food bank. Currently this reduction is available to large corporations but not for small businesses. This approach would stimulate private charitable giving to food banks at the community level. Each citizen can make an important contribution to the fight against hunger at a local level. Over the years, I have had the opportunity to visit numerous Hoosier food banks, and have been especially impressed by the remarkable work of these organizations. In many cases, they are partnered with churches and faith-based organizations and are making a tremendous difference in our communities. We should support this private sector activity, which not only feeds people, but also strengthens community bonds and demonstrates the power of faith, charity, and civic involvement.
Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this rule. I would like to congratulate the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Putnam) who is doing a superb job, along with our colleague from Dallas, the gentleman…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this rule. I would like to congratulate the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Putnam) who is doing a superb job, along with our colleague from Dallas, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions). As members of the Committee on Rules, they are also serving in the very important capacity on the Committee on the Budget where they have played a key role in fashioning this work product that we are going to see.
Let me speak about the rule itself. I am happy to see the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), the distinguished ranking minority member from Rochester, New York. I am happy this rule has been able to report out every single substitute that was submitted to the Committee on Rules calling for an opportunity to be considered here in the House. I am also happy we have been able to include an additional amendment which is unusual in that as Members know from the perspective of both sides of the aisle, when Democrats were in the majority here, Republicans in the majority, we have traditionally only made substitutes in order. But out of deference to the distinguished ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations, we have chosen to make in order an amendment offered by the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
I believe this rule is extraordinarily fair, extraordinarily balanced and will provide an opportunity for a wide range of public policy discussions to take place as we move ahead with consideration.
Let me say when it comes to the budget itself, I think we have a clear choice. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt) came before us and discussed the questions that relate to the budget proposal that have been assembled by the members of the committee under the very able leadership of the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Nussle). I know the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), as we proceeded with questions in the Committee on Rules, talked about the gentlewoman's concern over things like tax cuts.
I will say it is very important as we proceed with this budget for us to recognize what it is that tax cuts have brought about. I know in the eyes of many people it is counterintuitive in a sense that if we reduce tax rates, we can somehow increase the flow of revenues to the Federal Treasury and reduce the size of the Federal deficit. I know it is counterintuitive because there are many who unfortunately are stuck with this notion that the way to deal with the deficit problem, the way to increase revenues to the Treasury is to dramatically increase taxes.
One of the points that I think is important for us to make, and I mentioned this yesterday in the Committee on Rules, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, Joshua Bolton, has on more than a few occasions reminded me, and I am sure he has said this to other groups, that if we did not have the tragic attack on September 11 against our Nation, September 11, 2001, if we did not have the horrendous cost of the war in Iraq with which we have had to contend, we would still have a Federal deficit.
We often hear during this debate that we saw under President Clinton a dramatic improvement in the budget and a surplus created. It was during the leadership provided by a Republican Congress that we got to that point, but the issue that needs to be brought to the forefront was that it was the economic slowdown, not the attack of September 11, not the war in Iraq, as painful as that has been, that led to the deficit itself.
It is the economic slowdown that began the last two quarters of the year 2000. The recession, the slowdown that we saw in early 2001, of course exacerbated as is regularly said by the attacks of September 11, by the corporate scandals we have seen, and the other challenges we have had to contend, but that economic slowdown is what led to the deficit itself.
So the single most important thing that we can do is to ensure that we expand our economy. That is the best way to deal with the deficit. That is not to say we should not be reining in Federal spending. I believe at my core as a Republican that the reach of the Federal Government impinges on individual initiative and responsibility, two very, very important things that need to be encouraged. If we can couple focusing on economic growth with responsibly reining in Federal spending, it is very clear that is the most effective way to deal with the deficit.
So what have we seen? When we had the debates in 2001 and then in 2002 and 2003 and 2004 on the issue of tax cuts, we constantly heard the argument from our very distinguished friends on the other side of the aisle that the Bush tax cut would ruin the country. It would dramatically increase the deficit itself. I am very happy to report, as I know most of my colleagues know, based on the projections we had for the last fiscal year, because of the economic growth that we saw, because of the unanticipated revenues that came into the Federal Treasury, because of the tax reduction that brought about that economic growth, we have seen the deficit itself actually reduced by $109 billion over what had been projected. That reduction in the anticipated level of the Federal deficit demonstrates that reducing rates is, in fact, the best way for us to deal with this. That is just a philosophical difference that we have between the two political parties.
Mr. Speaker, I happen to believe a Democrat, John F. Kennedy, was absolutely right when he argued this in the early part of the 1960s. It was successful. We saw dramatic economic growth as President Kennedy brought about a dramatic reduction on capital gains in the early 1960s. We have empirical evidence. It happened during the 1980s when we saw a doubling of the flow of revenues to the Federal Treasury following the implementation of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important for us to recognize that this package is one which is deserving of bipartisan support. It is a responsible budget which will rein in the kind of profligate Federal spending that we have seen in the past and which we know is very easy to engage in, regardless of political party. Under Republican leadership, we are reining in that growth in Federal spending and at the same time we are focused on very important priorities.
Last night in a speech the President gave to an event we had, he talked about the importance of an ownership society, how homeownership is at an all-time high. It is approaching 70 percent. Minority homeownership is at an all-time high.
One of the things we want to do, we want to make sure that younger workers have an opportunity to have confidence in the Social Security system. We have all been forced to pay into the Social Security system. Anyone who has been around since 1937 when it was implemented has been forced to pay into that system. We need to make sure that it is solvent.
We know in 13 very short years more will be going out of Social Security than is coming into Social Security through the FICA taxes. We also know while people talk about the so-called $2 trillion hole, the other night the Treasury Secretary told me if nothing is done on Social Security, that borrowing level will be even greater than the $2 trillion that those who are critical of the President's proposal argue is out there on the horizon.
I think if Members look at these very important issues and then focus on what is our number one priority, the national security of the United States, this budget is one which should enjoy broad support across the board from Democrats and Republicans alike. I urge support of this rule which allows alternative proposals, those that I have just discussed, to be considered. I think the rule itself is one which is modeled after the rules that our friends when they were in the majority put together for consideration of the budget.
I look forward to strong support for the rule, and I hope at the end of the day there is strong bipartisan support for the budget resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Salazar). Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 4 minutes. (Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Salazar).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 4 minutes.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, the budget resolution sets the priorities of the Congress. It is a moral compass for what we stand for, what we believe in. It shows if our priorities are in the right place. It shows whether we are going to provide for the less fortunate or if we will continue to reward the rich and the powerful at the expense of people in need. The mundane minutia that are detailed as budget authority and outlays are actually the blueprints of our Nation. I do not like what the Republicans are building. They are creating a government without a conscience.
The Republicans control the White House, they control the Senate, and they control the House of Representatives. It is their agenda that determines the future direction of this country. That agenda includes slashing Medicaid, food stamps, education programs and veterans benefits. That agenda includes protecting tax breaks for the very wealthy in this country. That agenda also includes privatizing Social Security. Today, they will have an opportunity to put their vote where their rhetoric is. As we just heard, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Salazar) has introduced a bill that frames this issue plainly, that no payroll taxes may be diverted to privatize Social Security.
Mr. Speaker, I oppose privatization as do most if not all of my Democratic colleagues. The position of our Republican friends is not quite as clear. They say that all options are on the table and that they are open to listening to various ideas. They talk about the impending doom facing Social Security, creating a crisis out of thin air. They extol the virtues of Wall Street. They are desperately trying to find a way to make Social Security privatization more palatable. Their problem is that the more the American people learn about privatization, the less they like it. I believe that Social Security is a sacred compact between the Federal Government and senior citizens. It is an insurance program, a safety net intended to keep our senior citizens out of poverty. It has worked for 60 years. The privatizers want to unravel that safety net. They want to slash guaranteed benefits, run up trillions of dollars in debt and decrease the solvency of the trust fund. That is their plan.
Today we will have a chance to see if those privatizers have the courage of their convictions. So far, we have not seen that courage, because the budget resolution before us does not include the trillions of dollars in transition costs required to privatize Social Security. The Republican majority claims to support the President's privatization scheme. They say they want to do it this Congress. But they are not willing to put it in a budget.
Maybe the vote on the previous question will help them. If you believe as I do that we must not privatize Social Security, then you must vote ``no'' on the previous question. If you believe in privatizing Social Security, then you will vote ``yes'' on the previous question. It is that simple.
Social Security does face long-term funding challenges. Everyone recognizes that. As Democrats, we stand willing to work in a bipartisan way to meet those challenges. But we will not stand idly by and let the Republican majority destroy Social Security in the name of saving it. I urge my colleagues to say no to privatizing Social Security by voting ``no'' on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from North Dakota (Mr. Pomeroy).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me just say to the gentleman from Florida that we do not believe that the way to increase the solvency of Social Security is to decrease the solvency of Social Security. Everybody on our side of the aisle is prepared to work in a bipartisan way to increase the solvency of Social Security. What we are objecting to is this privatization scheme.
Let me also say to the gentleman, because he questioned why I said that the Republican majority of this Congress has a budget that will create a government without a conscience, the reason why I say that is because this budget would cut $5.3 billion from the Department of Agriculture, cutting food stamps and other programs that are vital to America's farmers. This budget would cut 21.4 billion from education, cutting student loans and higher education spending.
He brags about the increase in money for No Child Left Behind, but we never properly funded No Child Left Behind. And our teachers and our principals and our superintendents are screaming about the fact that we have passed an unfunded mandate to them.
This bill would cut $20 billion, mostly from the Medicaid program. It would cut $270 million in spending from section 8 and other housing and homelessness programs. It would cut money from the Witness Protection Program, $103 million from transportation. It would cut $798 million for veterans health care. It would cut the earned income tax credit. It would cut money for unemployment insurance programs.
I mean, this is why I say that this is a budget that creates a government without a conscience. We are turning our backs on people who need our help, and I think that is wrong.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Let me first say to the gentleman that only in Washington would one call a cut a reduction in the rate of increase in spending. The bottom line is that this budget is more than just a general blueprint. There are specific directions in this budget that not only cut to the bone but cut through the bone. And, again, I repeat that this is a budget that creates a government that will have no conscience, and it needs to be defeated.
Mr. Speaker, if the previous question is defeated, I will modify this rule to provide that immediately after the House passes the budget resolution, it will take up H.R. 1330, the Social Security Trust Fund Protection Act. This legislation, introduced by the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Salazar), would ensure that Social Security contributions are used to protect Social Security solvency by mandating that trust fund moneys cannot be diverted to create private accounts.
Mr. Speaker, while Members of this House may differ on what is the best long-term solution to ensure solvency of Social Security, I think we probably all agree that we need to protect the money that goes into the trust fund and that any diversion of these funds must be undertaken with great care. Private accounts do not help the trust fund solvency. In fact, it is estimated that they would cost the system more than $5 trillion. H.R. 1330 will give us an opportunity to vote up or down on whether we want the Social Security trust fund to be used to pay for these fiscally irresponsible private accounts.
Let me make it very clear that a ``no'' vote on the previous question will not stop consideration of the budget resolution, nor will it change the process by which it is to be considered. But a ``no'' vote will allow the House to vote to prevent the siphoning off of the Social Security trust fund to pay for private accounts.
So, Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the amendment be printed in the Record immediately before the vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.) Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Putnam),…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Putnam), my colleague, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, every day from this floor we hear our Members talk about values and morals that guide our Nation, but nothing reveals our true values as legislators more than how we choose to spend the American taxpayers' money. Each decision to fund a program or not to fund another is a conscious choice that we make.
These choices have real consequences for the hardworking Americans we serve, and so, really, those choices are about our values and our morality. We, as legislators, choose to fund what is most important, what has the most value. That is why the Federal budget of the United States is a moral document.
When we establish the financial priorities of the government each year, we show the American people in black and white what and who we value most.
As the budget resolution we debate today shows with startling clarity, the majority's priorities I think are out of step with the values of the American people.
The majority's budget resolution throws an additional $106 billion in tax cuts to the Nation's wealthiest, while cutting billions in crucial funding for health care, education and housing programs; programs that help the hardworking Americans get by from day-to-day; programs that give hope to mothers and fathers that they, too, may one day share in the American dream.
I believe this budget resolution sends the wrong message, values the wrong priorities and shortchanges too many of our hardworking taxpayers that we should, in fact, be helping.
What message are we sending about the values of this House when we cut more than $20 billion from Medicaid, threatening the health care of millions of children, seniors and disabled Americans?
What message are we sending about the values of this House when we cut student loans, Pell grants and other educational spending by more than $21 billion?
What message are we sending about this House when we cut more than $5 billion from farm and nutrition programs, slashing the food stamp program that so many Americans depend on to feed their children?
How can we hurt all these people, cut all this funding, slash all these programs and still afford $106 billion in
tax cuts for our wealthiest, a tax cut that balloons the deficit and shifts the financial burden to pay those taxes to our grandchildren and our children?
That is right. Every penny we give away in this budget's massive tax cut to the wealthy shifts the burden of those taxes to the middle class and to the working poor who cannot even get unemployment benefits extended or an increase in the minimum wage out of this Congress.
What will it take for this House to get its priorities in order? How much debt will we strap to the backs of our future generations before we get smarter? How much must we borrow from foreign countries to feed the majority's insatiable appetite for economic Darwinism?
In 5 short years paying the interest, and this is so important I want to repeat this, by 2009, the interest that we pay on the Nation's debt will cost by itself more than all the domestic, non-defense, discretionary spending combined. That is very close by. Simply put, for every dollar we could be spending on roads and schools and putting more cops on the street, fifty cents of it will be passed on to foreign countries to finance the deepening debt with which this majority continues to encumber us. That is on top of the debt we incurred earlier today of $80 billion that we are hoping the Chinese will finance.
If the majority had its way our grandchildren would end up having to use those privatized Social Security accounts they have been pushing for the past few weeks to pay off this massive new debt that Congress keeps throwing at them. What is the problem?
What is included in this budget is just as horrifying as what is excluded from it.
In a disingenuous attempt to conceal their own economic short- sightedness, this majority has purposely hidden the harmful effects of their Social Security privatization plan, a plan that could cost the taxpayers trillions over the next 10 years, from this budget resolution.
They have low-balled the cost of the war in Iraq, spending only $50 billion over the next year, which just today we voted for $80 billion. Let me compliment the gentleman from Iowa (Chairman Nussle) because if he had not put $50 billion in, there would have been nothing because the President did not include it at all in his budget. I call on any Member of the majority to stand here today and tell me we will spend just $50 billion and $50 billion alone next year.
Rather than show the true cost of their budgetary unmindfulness, the majority has chosen to conceal from the public the true cost of their plans, and as they prepare to pass this resolution and further cripple the financial viability of our Nation, the real knockout punch looms on the horizon.
Social Security privatization, while not detailed in this budget, would have disastrous, long-term, far-reaching impacts on the budget. The plan would cut Social Security benefits, make solvency problems worse and require massive borrowing, mostly again from the foreign countries, to the tune of $4 to $5 trillion over the next 10 years, and we have no less authority than Vice President Cheney who verifies this.
In order to make certain that we are able to meet future budget obligations for the health and well-being of our children, our seniors, our veterans and disabled, we must protect Social Security from privatization.
Therefore, at the end of this debate, I will be asking for a ``no'' vote on the previous question so that we can consider legislation by the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Salazar), our colleague, that will prohibit the use of the Social Security Trust Fund to pay for the administration's ill-advised private accounts plan.
Whether my friends on the other side of the aisle want to admit it or not, the administration plan to divert Social Security payroll taxes to private accounts will cut future Social Security benefits and make it nearly impossible to meet the future needs of so many Americans. That is why it is so important to stop this potential hemorrhage of Social Security in its tracks. The Salazar bill is a good step to show the American people that we will not allow their retirement checks to be slashed to pay for private accounts.
It is time for this House to show the American people what we truly value. This is our choice today. Will we stand with the people we represent or with the CEOs, corporations and special interests that stand to gain from the tax cut and the plan to privatize Social Security?
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the ranking member on the Committee on Ways and Means.
(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a bill that would make sweeping changes to the way the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) delivers health care and benefits to our nation's veterans. S. 13…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a bill that would make sweeping changes to the way the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) delivers health care and benefits to our nation's veterans. S. 13 would, among other things, guarantee full funding for VA health care, provide for full concurrent receipt, enhance mental health care services, and ease the transition from military service to civilian life.
This bill would mean that the 115,000 veterans who choose to make Hawaii their home would be assured the services they have earned. The nearly 18,000 veterans who avail themselves of VA health care in Honolulu, Hawaii,
Kauai, and Maui would not have to worry if resources for doctors and nurses will materialize next year.
And because so many of our reservists and Guardsmen are being deployed for the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this bill will help ensure they get the care they need upon their return.
Every year the President sends forward his budget proposal to Congress, and every year we go through the same battles to get VA health care the money it needs to adequately serve its veteran patients. The time has come to approach this process more rationally. This legislation would ensure full funding for VA health care by simply changing the way funds are allocated. To be perfectly clear, this bill merely shifts money already being allocated over to a more reliable mechanism.
The American Legion, the Disabled American Veterans, and the Veterans of Foreign Wars support this approach to fully fund the veterans health care system.
These three organizations--representing more than 7 million military veterans--rightly believe that veterans have earned the right to VA medical care through their ``extraordinary sacrifices and service to this Nation.''
We have seen huge numbers of veterans seeking VA care for the first time. I, for one, believe this is a good thing. Others rationalize that as we are at war, we must cut back on VA care. I simply do not understand this logic. We are at war, and therefore we must do everything we can to show our military that VA health care will be there for all veterans who served. To accomplish this goal, we must change the way VA health care is funded.
Although we have continued to make progress on eliminating the long- standing injustice that has affected our disabled retired veterans' retirement pay, we still have work to do.
S. 13 will correct this unfairness by allowing all disabled military retirees to collect both their full military retired and VA disability pay concurrently.
Most military retirees who have a service-connected disability are not permitted to collect both their retirement and disability benefits concurrently. Military retired pay is the promised reward for 20 or more years of uniformed service and is based on length of service. VA disability compensation is unrelated to length of service and is intended to compensate a veteran for a service-connected loss of function.
In order to continue to recruit and retain quality soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines, we must pay attention not only to the present, but also to the future. George Washington said:
The willingness with which our young people are likely to
serve in any war, no matter how justified, shall be directly
proportional to how they perceive the Veterans of earlier
wars were treated and appreciated by their nation.
Our disabled military retirees deserve to receive the retirement pay that they earned and be compensated for their service-connected disabilities. Our young people will wear the uniforms of our Armed Forces only if they believe that their service is appreciated and compensated accordingly.
Along those lines, S. 13 also seeks to ensure that veterans and returning service members can receive the mental health care they might need as a result of their service. The legislation requires that VA employ at least one psychiatrist and treatment team at each medical center that does not currently have one. This legislation would also mandate that VA carry out a community outreach program to let Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom veterans know about the services available to them at VA.
Why is good VA mental health care so important?
Because so often battle wounds do not manifest in physical illness, but in quiet and equally debilitating mental illness. These wounds are revealed as post-traumatic stress disorder with effects that linger and symptoms that can be brought on years after combat.
While hypertension and heart disease afflict vast numbers of veterans, mental illness is not far behind. It might surprise some of my colleagues to know that cancer and depression affect roughly the same number of veterans. But is VA reaching and treating all veterans who need care? This remains very much an open question.
This legislation also seeks to improve access to needed prescription drugs. Many veterans have expressed their desire to bring prescriptions from their Medicare doctors to VA pharmacies to get them filled. Current VA policy requires that nearly all veterans see a VA doctor before such prescriptions are issued. This does not make sense.
The Department's inspector general testified that VA could see savings of $1 billion a year if veterans were allowed to bring their outside prescriptions, because it would obviate the need for VA to re diagnose patients and then re-issue prescriptions that have already been written. S. 13 would allow these veterans to get their prescriptions filled by VA at prices that are far better than in the private sector.
This legislation also seeks to help veterans with their education. S. 13 would exclude MGIB benefits from computation as income when calculating campus based aid, such as Perkins loans. This draws the distinction between a benefit that has been earned, and paid for, by the veterans, and other types of income. This allows the individual applying for financial aid to subtract $1,200 from the expected family contribution for 1 year. This $1,200 represents the money that the individual paid to participate in the MGIB program.
S. 13 also offers an opportunity for enrollment in the MGIB education program for servicemembers who participated in or were eligible to participate in the post-Vietnam era educational assistance program, known as VEAP. This bill would create a 1-year window and requires the individual to pay $2,700, which was the VEAP contribution.
Last year, Congress extended the period of eligibility for education benefits for survivors of servicemembers who were killed during active duty. We would like to further extend this delimiting date for veterans and other dependents. The 10-year period of eligibility would not begin to toll until they began to use the benefit, rather than when they became eligible for the benefit.
Overall, this is a bill to spur dialogue started on the issues that are truly important to our Nation's veterans.
We all need to work harder towards the goal of seeing that the promises made to the men and women who are serving today are met; that their sacrifices were not in vain.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to speak about a bill that Senator Corzine and I are introducing, the New Jersey Coastal Heritage Trail Route bill. Our bill would reauthorize a law based on a bill that…
Mr. President, I rise today to speak about a bill that Senator Corzine and I are introducing, the New Jersey Coastal Heritage Trail Route bill. Our bill would reauthorize a law based on a bill that former Senator Bill Bradley and I first introduced in 1988. That law was extended once but its authorization has now expired, bringing work on the Trail to a complete standstill.
This bill would reauthorize federal appropriations for New Jersey's Coastal Heritage Trail. This authority would sunset in 2009, allowing enough time for unfinished trail projects to be completed.
The 300-mile Trail is divided into five sections that extend south from Perth Amboy to Cape May and west to Deepwater. New Jersey's Coastal Heritage Trail is unique. It is neither a National Heritage Area, nor a National Trail. Collaboration on this Trail marked the National Park Service's first attempt at protecting a significant resource without actually acquiring it. This experiment has been a resounding success.
The State of New Jersey is heavily developed, and the National Park Service, the State, and many other public and private organizations have worked hard to preserve the natural and cultural heritage along the Trail.
This experiment has also been a bargain. Between 1988 and 2004, the Park Service spent 3.9 million dollars on Trail projects, while non- federal sources contributed 5.4 million dollars in matching funds. These funds represent an important investment in New Jersey's economy. Last year, 65 million visitors came to New Jersey, and the majority of those visitors went to the shore where many spent time on sections of the Coastal Heritage Trail.
In the past, Federal funds have contributed to signs and exhibits along the Trail which entice tourists and local New Jerseyans to explore our maritime history, coastal habitats, and wildlife migration.
Most people think that New Jersey is a crowded, highly industrialized State. That is true. But New Jersey also contains incredible beauty, such as a Bald Eagle silhouetted against a Delaware Bay sunset; a lone fishing boat making its way through Barnegat Inlet at dawn; or the quiet, dark waters flowing slowly through the Pine Barrens.
Such sights can be enjoyed in New Jersey, and the Coastal Heritage Trail invites New Jerseyans and our many visitors to enjoy these splendors.
Mr. President, in the House, Congressman LoBiondo is sponsoring a companion bill to this legislation, so this is truly a bipartisan effort. The Congressman and I have worked with our respective committees of jurisdiction and have come to agreement on identical language in our bills. So, it is my hope that the Senate will be able to pass this bill promptly. Getting it passed and signed into law will help to protect our environment and markedly improve the quality of life for millions of Americans--all at a very low cost to the Nation's taxpayers.
Mr. President, I ask for unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Today, I am proud to introduce, along with my colleague Senator DeWine, legislation which will make our roads safer and last longer. Our bill, the ``Safe Highways and Infrastructure Preservation Act,'' will extend the current limited freeze of current truck size and weight limits set by states, which only applies to our 44,000-mile Interstate Highway System, to the entire 156,000-mile National Highway System (NHS). This extension will make more roads safer and will further reduce the wear and tear of our highways and bridges.
Fifteen years ago, I got a provision into the ISTEA highway reauthorization bill to ban triple-trailer trucks and other so-called ``longer combination vehicles'' (LCVs) from New Jersey and most other States. At that time and ever since, the trucking industry has fought to defeat and repeal this ban, under the guise of arguments for ``states' rights'' and ``unfair re-distribution of business to railroads.'' But these are not rational arguments for allowing larger and heavier trucks as well as triple-trailer trucks on our roads. Additionally, the trucking industry's proclaimed hardships have not materialized. In fact, the trucking companies have survived the current laws quite well, and trucks have refined their role in our national freight transportation system.
Anyone who has ever shared the road with a large tractor-trailer truck has probably wondered whether the truck driver is aware of the smaller vehicles around the truck. Anyone who has seen the third trailer on a triple-trailer truck swinging around in a 'crack the whip' fashion probably knows that these trucks are to be avoided.
Moving to the use of even larger trucks is not safe. The U.S. Department of Transportation has determined that multi-trailer trucks are likely to be involved in more fatal crashes--11 percent more than today's single-trailer trucks. By expanding the limits on triples and other longer combination
vehicles to the entire NHS including more than 2,000 miles of highway in New Jersey the Safe Highways and Infrastructure Protection Act will save lives and prevent further deterioration of our roads and bridges.
The State of New Jersey sees its share of the nation's truck traffic. And we are concerned about recent projections that show the amount of traffic increasing considerably over the next 10 to 20 years. We are concerned about these 53-foot, 80,000-pound vehicles on our highways and the pressure from other states to increase weight and length limitations to allow larger trucks to come through our State. This makes truck safety even more important to New Jersey drivers.
Triple-trailers and other LCVs do more damage to our roads and bridges but don't come close to paying associated maintenance and repair costs. Currently, some 37 percent of bridges in New Jersey are considered structurally deficient or functionally obsolete. Their average age is 42 years old. But the fees, tolls, and gasoline taxes paid by the operator of a 100,000-pound truck only covers 40 percent of the cost of the damage that truck does to our roads and bridges; taxpayers make up the difference. I believe that motorists should not have to share the road with these dangerous behemoths and pay for the extra damage they cause.
In the 108th Congress, the Senate passed portions of this legislation in the highway reauthorization legislation package. I believe that if we act to pass this legislation, we can make a big difference in the lives of people who share our highways with large truck traffic.
I thank my colleague Senator DeWine for once again joining me in sponsoring this important legislation, and I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Congress to improve highway safety and increase the remaining life of our country's roads and bridges.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Weekend Voting Act. This legislation will change the day for Congressional and Presidential elections from the first Tuesday in November to the first weekend…
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Weekend Voting Act. This legislation will change the day for Congressional and Presidential elections from the first Tuesday in November to the first weekend in November. This legislation is virtually identical to legislation that I first proposed in 1997 in the 105th Congress and most recently reintroduced in the 107th Congress.
The last two elections have revealed a glaring need for us to rethink how we conduct elections in our Nation. The 2000 election galvanized Congress into passing major election reform legislation. The Help American Vote Act, which was enacted into law in 2002, was an important step forward in establishing minimum standards for states in the administration of federal elections and in providing funds to replace outdated voting systems and improve election administration. The HAVA legislation also created a new federal agency, the Election Assistance Commission, to serve as a clearinghouse for election administration information. That Commission is finally on its feet after a delayed start.
However, as the 2004 election made clear, there is much that still needs to be done.
With more and more voters needing to cast their ballots on Election Day, we need to build on the movement
which already exists to make it easier for Americans to cast their ballots by providing alternatives to voting on just one election day. Twenty-six States, including my own state of Wisconsin, now permit any registered voter to vote by absentee ballot. These States constitute 45 percent of the voting age citizens of the United States. Twenty three states permit in-person early voting at election offices or at other satellite locations. The state of Oregon now conducts statewide elections completely by mail. These innovations are critical if we are to conduct fair elections for it has become unreasonable to expect that a nation of 294 million people can line up at the same time and cast their ballots at the same time. And if we continue to try to do so, we will encounter even more reports of broken machines and long lines in the rain and registration errors that create barriers to voting.
That is why I have been a long-time advocate of moving our Federal election day from the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November to the first weekend in November. Holding our federal elections on a weekend will create more opportunities for voters to cast their ballots and will help end the gridlock at the polling places which threaten to undermine our elections.
Under this bill, polls would be open nationwide for a uniform period of time from Saturday, 6 p.m. eastern time to Sunday, 6 p.m. eastern time. Polls in other time zones would also open and close at this time. Election officials would be permitted to close polls during the overnight hours if they determine it would be inefficient to keep them open. Because the polls are open from Saturday to Sunday, they also would not interfere with religious observances.
Keeping polls open the same hours across the continental United States, also addresses the challenge of keeping results on one side of the country, or even a State, from influencing voting in places where polls are still open. Moving elections to the weekend will expand the pool of buildings available for polling stations and people available to work at the polls, addressing the critical shortage of poll workers.
Most important, weekend voting has the potential to increase voter turnout by giving all voters ample opportunity to get to the polls without creating a national holiday. There is already evidence that holding elections on a non-working day can increase voter turnout. In one survey of 44 democracies, 29 held elections on holidays or weekends and in all these cases voter turnout surpassed our country's voter participation rates. Closer to home, weekend voting in some California counties resulted in increased voter turnout compared to comparable elections held on Tuesdays.
In 2001, the National Commission on Federal Election Reform recommended that we move our federal election day to a national holiday, in particular Veterans Day. As expected, the proposal was not well received among veterans and I do not endorse such a move, but I share the Commission's goal of moving election day to a non-working day.
Since the mid-19th century, election day has been on the first Tuesday of November. Ironically, this date was selected because it was convenient for voters. Tuesdays were traditionally court day, and land- owning voters were often coming to town anyway.
Just as the original selection of our national voting day was done for voter convenience, we must adapt to the changes in our society to make voting easier for the regular family. Sixty percent of all households have two working adults. Since most polls in the United States are open only 12 hours, from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., voters often have only one or two hours to vote. As we saw in this last election, long lines in many polling places kept some waiting much longer than one or two hours. If voters have children, and are dropping them off at day care, or if they have a long work commute, there is just not enough time in a workday to vote.
With long lines and chaotic polling places becoming the unacceptable norm in many communities, we have an obligation to reexamine how our Nation votes. In the last election, too many Americans had to confront a variety of obstacles to cast their ballots at their local polling places. We can do better by offering more flexible voting hours for Americans, especially working families.
Serious allegations have been raised about voting irregularities in Ohio during the 2004 presidential election. I agree with many of my colleagues that these allegations must be investigated to the fullest extent possible because every eligible citizen in this nation must have an equal opportunity to exercise the constitutional right to cast a vote in federal elections.
In the meantime, we have an obligation to do more than investigate. If we are to grant all Americans an equal opportunity to participate in the electoral process, and to elect our representatives in this great democracy, then we must be willing to reexamine all aspects of voting in America. Changing our election day to a weekend may seem like a change of great magnitude. Given the stakes--the integrity of future elections--I hope my colleagues will recognize it as a common sense proposal whose time has come.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the Weekend Voting Act be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to honor the many families of our Nation's servicemen and women. We owe them a tremendous debt of gratitude for the services they have performed in supporting their family…
Mr. President, I rise today to honor the many families of our Nation's servicemen and women. We owe them a tremendous debt of gratitude for the services they have performed in supporting their family members in uniform. These families embody courage, patriotism, and dedication.
Mr. President, we have all heard the saying, ``if the military wanted you to have a family, they would have issued you one at boot camp.'' But, the truth today is that more than 50% of America's men and women in uniform are married and about 50% of those families also have children. These families supply endless support for our servicemen and women in life and I believe we need to provide them that same support in the event of the death of the service member while serving on active duty. That is why I am joining my colleagues Senators Durbin, Allen, Hagel, Coleman, Johnson, Obama, and Leahy in introducing legislation today
to improve critical survivor benefits for those families who have lost a loved one on active duty.
Our legislation would amend four key benefit programs to improve the overall quality of life for survivors and dependent children. First, it would increase the death gratuity to $100,000 and create a death gratuity for each child under the age of 18 in the amount of $25,000. Currently, the gratuity for spouses is just $12,000, while no benefit exits for dependent children. This change would provide flexibility for the spouse in maintaining a home, paying off remaining debt, and providing immediate funds to transition the family to a life without the service member. Additionally, the dependent benefit would offer surviving children an initial investment that can be used to transition to adulthood, for example, as a down payment on a house or for college tuition.
Second, our legislation would extend military health insurance, known as TRICARE Prime, to every dependent child of a deceased service member at no cost until the age of 21, or until 23 if the dependent attends college. The Department of Defense indicates that this important benefit would save dependents approximately $15,000 per year compared to the cost of private health insurance premiums. Expanded TRICARE coverage also guarantees that surviving dependents would continue to have access to some of the best doctors this country has to offer and would receive adequate health care and treatment.
Third, our legislation would increase the dependency and indemnity compensation, or DIC, for a spouse to $1500 per month, as well as $750 per month for each child. In July 2004, the Government Accountability Office released a report titled ``Military Personnel: Survivor Benefits for Service members and Federal, State, and City Employees.'' This report outlined hypothetical situations to demonstrate the benefits received at certain pay grades. This report indicated that an E-3, meaning a Private First Class or a Lance Corporal, with two dependents and three years of service would receive $1,182 per month from the Survivor Benefit Plan, SBP, and $1208 per month for DIC. This equals $28,680 per year for the family to live on if the surviving spouse is not employed.
In 2003, the USDA Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion released a report on the costs associated with raising children. The study indicated that, on average across the United States, families spent between $9,500 and $10,500 per child on expenses in a two child, husband-wife family. Further, this study indicated that families with a household income below $47,000 per year were only able to spend from $7000 to $8000 per year on expenses to raise a child. For the hypothetical family I just described, it would cost more than $18,000 per year just to meet the expenses of raising the two dependents. However, since the household income, if the surviving spouse is not employed, would reach just $28,860, then it is likely that only about $14,000 will be spent for that purpose. Clearly, that's just not enough. Our bill would help ensure that the essential needs of the family can be met.
Finally, our legislation would increase the benefits available from the Survivors' and Dependents' Educational Assistance Program. It would eliminate the current 45 month cap on benefit payments and establish an $80,000 lump sum that can be drawn down for any educational expenses, including tuition, fees, room, board, and books. Under current law, a survivor only has access to about $38,867 if he/she attends college or a trade school on a full-time basis. As we know, this amount would not even guarantee a survivor access to a college degree from a state university. In fact, let's use the Ohio State University as an example. This public institution will cost in-state students roughly $18,600 for the 2004-2005 school year. Now, if there were no cost increases over the course of a four year matriculation, which, in this day and age, is an unrealistic assumption, a degree from OSU would cost $75,600. That is $36,733 more than the current benefit available from the Department of Veterans Affairs. Clearly a gap exists.
Mr. President, we owe the families of those who have lost loved ones in active duty our gratitude and support. The President's inauguration last week reminded me of something President Abraham Lincoln said in his second inaugural address. He said this: ``With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan. . . .'' It is time to do a better job of caring for these families. It is time to ensure that this Congress does what is right. I ask my colleagues to stand with me in support for these families and do our part, as they have done theirs.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I would like to first express my gratitude to the leadership for making the Marriage Protection Amendment a priority in this Congress. The Marriage Protection Amendment is a…
Mr. President, I would like to first express my gratitude to the leadership for making the Marriage Protection Amendment a priority in this Congress. The Marriage Protection Amendment is a constitutional amendment that I have introduced today. It is S.J. Res. 1. In the press conference earlier today I indicated I hoped that the designation of the number would reflect its priority with the leadership. I realize that was an overly optimistic request, but I am very pleased we have the support from leadership that we do and that it is among their priority items. We have the complete support of the leadership. They all signed as cosponsors on S.J. Res. 1.
As of this very moment, we have a quarter of the Senate who have signed on as cosponsors. I think that is fabulous. It is certainly a better start than we had in the last session. In the last session, if my memory serves me correctly, I think we only had about 13 or so cosponsors on it, even after we had the debate in the Senate. So even before we have sent out a letter to our colleagues in the Senate, we have 25 original cosponsors. I am excited about that.
So today we have reintroduced the Marriage Protection Amendment in the Senate. The intent and policy goals remain the same as last year. It is the same bill we debated on the floor of the Senate. What it does is define marriage as a union between a man and a woman.
The amendment represents a democratic process: the voice of the American people following recent and widespread efforts by activist courts to change this ages-old definition of marriage.
People say, well, what about the rights of the State legislature? What we are trying to do is protect the voice of the American people. The right place for this to be determined is in the legislative bodies of this country, in the Congress of the United States and each and every legislature in every State, and not in the Federal courts. The amendment does restrict the ability of the courts to define marriage. The Marriage Protection Amendment does not override State and local authority. Under the Marriage Protection Amendment, cities, States, and private companies would still be free to determine for themselves civil union, benefit, and partnership definitions.
The Marriage Protection Amendment would not permit the redefining of marriage, a definition agreed upon by every civilization, culture, ethnicity, and religion around the world.
The definition of marriage in itself is not discriminatory. Those who have been opposed to the amendment tried to make that argument in the last session. Even civil rights leaders, Hispanic and African Americans, have said this is not a civil rights issue.
Congress does have a vital role to play in this debate. The policy goals are widely agreed upon. Recent election results illustrate broad support for the definition of marriage.
Mr. President, 14 million voters in 11 States voted for constitutional amendments on November 2, 2004, with an average majority of 67 percent. This reflects great support throughout the country. Some 13 States voted on the ballot issue in 2004.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have the information on this chart printed in the Record, which illustrates what happened in each one of those elections.
The emphasis here must be on the process, democratic, deliberative, and responsive to the electorate, not to just appointed judges and lawyers. We want the American public to have a say in this debate. Courtrooms are not the place for this important decision about the most fundamental institution of mankind, and that is the definition of marriage. Courts should interpret the law, not write it.
So we are eager to begin to have hearings, to talk about the research, to debate and have constructive dialog on this very important issue. It is important to the American people. It is important we continue to move forward with the momentum that has evolved as a result of our debate last year and the momentum that has evolved as a result of the elections of this past fall.
I am excited about introducing the Marriage Protection Amendment, which is exactly the same amendment we debated on the floor of the Senate last year.
Mr. President, before I wrap up, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Coburn be added as an original cosponsor and Senator Stevens be added as an original cosponsor.
Again, in conclusion, I thank the leadership for their support and my colleagues for their support on this particular amendment. We had a number of elections for Senate seats where this was a very important issue and critical to the election of many of our new Members in the Senate. We have at least five votes that have switched as a result of this election. I think that is the American people having an opportunity to speak their mind.
I can say, this amendment is to protect the voice of the American people. The proper way to have this debate is in the legislative bodies of America. That includes the Congress and each and every legislature.
Again, I thank the leader for his leadership on this particular issue. I also thank my colleagues who showed up at the press conference this morning to talk about this issue, particularly Senator Santorum, Senator Hutchison, Senator Sessions, and Senator Thune who joined me in the press conference. I thank them for their leadership this morning in that press conference.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the joint resolution be printed in the Record.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 18 Introduced in Senate (IS)]
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
S. 18
To amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to make improvements to
the medicare program for beneficiaries.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
January 24, 2005
Mr. Dayton (for himself, Mr. Reid, Ms. Stabenow, Mrs. Feinstein, Mr.
Kennedy, Mr. Corzine, Mr. Schumer, Mrs. Murray, Ms. Mikulski, Mr.
Lautenberg, Mr. Akaka, Mr. Inouye, Mrs. Clinton, Mr. Levin, Mr. Kerry,
Mr. Leahy, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Dodd, Mr. Sarbanes, and Mr. Durbin)
introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred to the
Committee on Finance
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to make improvements to
the medicare program for beneficiaries.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Meeting Our
Responsibility to Medicare Beneficiaries Act of 2005''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents of this Act is as
follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
TITLE I--ELIMINATING SPECIAL INTEREST PREFERENCES
Sec. 101. Negotiating fair prices for medicare prescription drugs.
Sec. 102. Elimination of MA Regional Plan Stabilization Fund (Slush
Fund).
Sec. 103. Application of risk adjustment reflecting characteristics for
the entire medicare population in payments
to Medicare Advantage organizations.
TITLE II--IMPROVING THE MEDICARE PROGRAM FOR BENEFICIARIES
Sec. 201. Eliminating coverage gap.
Sec. 202. Requiring two prescription drug plans to avoid Federal
fallback.
Sec. 203. Waiver of part D late enrollment penalty for transition
period.
Sec. 204. Improving the transition of full-benefit dual eligible
individuals to coverage under the medicare
drug benefit.
Sec. 205. Part B premium reduction.
Sec. 206. Study and report on providing incentives to preserve retiree
coverage.
Sec. 207. Promoting transparency in employer subsidy payments.
TITLE I--ELIMINATING SPECIAL INTEREST PREFERENCES
SEC. 101. NEGOTIATING FAIR PRICES FOR MEDICARE PRESCRIPTION DRUGS.
(a) In General.--Section 1860D-11 of the Social Security Act (42
U.S.C. 1395w-111) is amended by striking subsection (i) (relating to
noninterference) and by inserting the following new subsection:
``(i) Authority To Negotiate Prices With Manufacturers.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary shall have authority
similar to that of other Federal entities that purchase
prescription drugs in bulk to negotiate contracts with
manufacturers of covered part D drugs, consistent with the
requirements and in furtherance of the goals of providing
quality care and containing costs under this part.
``(2) Required use of authority.--
``(A) Fallback plans.--The Secretary shall exercise
the authority described in paragraph (1) with respect
to covered part D drugs offered under each fallback
prescription drug plan under subsection (g).
``(B) PDPs and ma-pd plans.--In order to ensure
that beneficiaries enrolled under prescription drug
plans and MA-PD plans and taxpayers are getting fair
and affordable prices for covered part D drugs that
reflect the bulk purchasing power of such enrollees,
the Secretary shall exercise the authority described in
paragraph (1) with respect to such drugs offered under
all such plans if the Secretary determines that the
negotiated prices available under such plans for such
drugs are not fair and affordable prices compared to
the prices obtained by other Federal government
programs for such drugs.''.
(b) Effective Date.--The amendment made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 101(a) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(Public Law 108-173; 117 Stat. 2071).
SEC. 102. ELIMINATION OF MA REGIONAL PLAN STABILIZATION FUND (SLUSH
FUND).
(a) In General.--Subsection (e) of section 1858 of the Social
Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395w-27a) is repealed.
(b) Conforming Amendment.--Section 1858(f)(1) of the Social
Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395w-27a(f)(1)) is amended by striking
``subject to subsection (e),''.
(c) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 221(c) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(Public Law 108-173; 117 Stat. 2181).
SEC. 103. APPLICATION OF RISK ADJUSTMENT REFLECTING CHARACTERISTICS FOR
THE ENTIRE MEDICARE POPULATION IN PAYMENTS TO MEDICARE
ADVANTAGE ORGANIZATIONS.
Effective January 1, 2006, in applying risk adjustment factors to
payments to organizations under section 1853 of the Social Security Act
(42 U.S.C. 1395w-23), the Secretary of Health and Human Services shall
ensure that payments to such organizations are adjusted based on such
factors to ensure that the health status of the enrollee is reflected
in such adjusted payments, including adjusting for the difference
between the health status of the enrollee and individuals enrolled
under the original medicare fee-for-service program under parts A and B
of title XVIII of such Act. Payments to such organizations must, in
aggregate, reflect such differences.
TITLE II--IMPROVING THE MEDICARE PROGRAM FOR BENEFICIARIES
SEC. 201. ELIMINATING COVERAGE GAP.
(a) In General.--Section 1860D-2(b)(4)(B) of the Social Security
Act (42 U.S.C. 1395w-102(b)(4)(B)) is amended to read as follows:
``(B) Annual out-of-pocket threshold.--For purposes
of this part, the `annual out-of-pocket threshold'
specified in this subparagraph for a year is equal to
the greater of--
``(i) $3,600; or
``(ii) the initial coverage limit for the
year specified in paragraph (3).''.
(b) Conforming Amendment.--Section 1860D-22(a)(3)(B)(ii) of the
Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395w-132(b)(4)(B)(ii)) is amended by
striking ``and the annual out-of-pocket threshold, respectively, are
annually adjusted under paragraphs (1) and (4)(B) of section 1860D-
2(b)'' and inserting ``is annually adjusted under paragraph (1) of
section 1860D-2(b) (using the percentage increase specified in
paragraph (6) of such section)''.
(c) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 101(a) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(Public Law 108-173; 117 Stat. 2071).
SEC. 202. REQUIRING TWO PRESCRIPTION DRUG PLANS TO AVOID FEDERAL
FALLBACK.
(a) In General.--Section 1860D-3(a) of the Social Security Act (42
U.S.C. 1395w-103(a)) is amended--
(1) in paragraph (1)--
(A) by striking ``qualifying plans (as defined in
paragraph (3))'' and inserting ``prescription drug
plans''; and
(B) by striking ``, at least one of which is a
prescription drug plan'';
(2) in paragraph (2), by striking ``qualifying plans'' and
inserting ``prescription drug plans''; and
(3) by striking paragraph (3).
(b) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 101(a) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(Public Law 108-173; 117 Stat. 2071).
SEC. 203. WAIVER OF PART D LATE ENROLLMENT PENALTY FOR TRANSITION
PERIOD.
(a) In General.--Section 1860D-13(b) of the Social Security Act (42
U.S.C. 1895w-113(b)) is amended by adding at the end the following new
paragraph:
``(8) Waiver of penalty for months prior to 2008.--A part D
eligible individual who enrolls for the first time in a
prescription drug plan or an MA-PD plan under this part prior
to January 1, 2008, shall not be subject an increase in the
monthly beneficiary premium established under subsection (a)
with respect to months occurring prior to such date.''.
(b) Effective Date.--The amendment made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 101(a) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(117 Stat. 2071).
SEC. 204. IMPROVING THE TRANSITION OF FULL-BENEFIT DUAL ELIGIBLE
INDIVIDUALS TO COVERAGE UNDER THE MEDICARE DRUG BENEFIT.
(a) In General.--Notwithstanding subsection (d)(1) of section 1935
of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1396u-5), beginning on January 1,
2006, the Secretary of Health and Human Services shall administer a 12-
month period during which full-benefit dual eligible individuals (as
defined in section 1935(c)(6) of the Social Security Act) shall
gradually transition from receiving medical assistance for prescribed
drugs under the medicaid program under title XIX of such Act to
obtaining coverage of covered part D drugs (as defined in section
1860D-2(e) (42 U.S.C. 1395w-102(e)) under title XVIII of such Act in
order to assure that such individuals continue to receive the
outpatient prescription drugs they need.
(b) Adjustments to Phased-Down State Contribution.--The Secretary
of Health and Human Services shall make appropriate adjustments to the
amount of payments required to be made by a State or the District of
Columbia under section 1935(c) of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C.
1396u-5(c)) for months occurring during the period described in
subsection (a) in order to account for increased costs for the
provision of medical assistance incurred by the State or the District
of Columbia by reason of the application of the transition period
required under this section.
SEC. 205. PART B PREMIUM REDUCTION.
Section 1839(a) of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395r(a)) is
amended--
(1) in paragraph (3), in the first sentence, by striking
``The Secretary'' and inserting ``Subject to paragraph (5), the
Secretary''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
``(5) For each year (beginning with 2006), the Secretary shall
reduce the monthly premium rate determined under paragraph (3) for each
month in the year for each individual enrolled under this part
(including such an individual subject to an increased premium under
subsection (b) or (i)) so that the aggregate amount of such reductions
in the year is equal to the aggregate amount of reduced expenditures
from the Federal Supplementary Medicare Insurance Trust Fund in the
year that the Secretary estimates will result from the provisions of
section 103 of the Meeting Our Responsibility to Medicare Beneficiaries
Act of 2005.''.
SEC. 206. STUDY AND REPORT ON PROVIDING INCENTIVES TO PRESERVE RETIREE
COVERAGE.
(a) Study.--The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall
conduct a study to determine what additional incentives should be
provided to employers in order for such employers to continue to
provide retirees with prescription drug coverage. Such study shall
include an assessment of permitting costs incurred by an employer for
covered part D drugs on behalf of a retiree to be treated as incurred
costs for purposes of reaching the annual out-of-pocket threshold under
section 1860D-2(b)(4) of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395w-
102(b)(4)).
(b) Report.--Not later than January 1, 2006, the Secretary of
Health and Human Services shall submit to Congress a report on the
study under subsection (a) together with such recommendations for
legislation as the Secretary deems appropriate.
SEC. 207. PROMOTING TRANSPARENCY IN EMPLOYER SUBSIDY PAYMENTS.
(a) In General.--Section 1860D-22(a) of the Social Security Act (42
U.S.C. 1895w-132(a)) is amended by adding at the end the following new
paragraph:
``(7) Disclosure of certain information.--The Secretary
shall make the following information regarding the sponsor of a
qualified prescription drug plan receiving a subsidy under this
section available to the public through the Internet website of
the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services and other
appropriate means:
``(A) The information used by the Secretary to
ensure that the prescription drug coverage offered
under the plan meets the requirements for subsidy
payments under this section.
``(B) The total amount of the subsidy payments made
to the sponsor under this section.''.
(b) Effective Date.--The amendment made by this section shall take
effect as if included in the enactment of section 101(a) of the
Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003
(Public Law 108-173; 117 Stat. 2071).
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