Condemning the recent violent actions of the Government of Zimbabwe against peaceful opposition party activists and members of civil society.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 100) condemning the recent violent actions of the Government of Zimbabwe against peaceful opposition party activists and members of civil society, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, first I want to thank my good friend from Florida, Ranking Member Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Chairman Donald Payne and Ranking Member Chris Smith, and all the other cosponsors of this resolution for joining me in condemning the egregious violence perpetrated against innocent civilians by the Government of Zimbabwe.

For the past 6 years, the Government of Zimbabwe has been on a path of failed policies and distorted vision. As the economy of the country spiraled downward, the Central Bank has been unresponsive and reckless.

Zimbabwe was once known as Southern Africa's bread basket. But after years of disastrous misrule, the people there now find themselves eating field mice to stave off hunger. Zimbabwean officials have the temerity to declare to the world that they eat field mice because they are a delicacy.

On March 11, many segments of Zimbabwe's society joined together to hold a prayer breakfast to focus attention on the country's desperate situation. The government reacted swiftly, violently cracking down on the gathering. In this incident, six opposition activists were shot, and over 50 had to be hospitalized, including key opposition leaders, many of whom did not get proper treatment for their severe injuries.

This latest incident underscores a disturbing pattern of recent years. The Zimbabwean Government pledges peace, then commits human rights violations against its own people, and it precipitates humanitarian crisis after humanitarian crisis. In response to legitimate protests, the government has retaliated with draconian legislation and harsh security enforcement. It transformed Zimbabwe's poor children into violent militia members, not unlike child soldiers in other ravaged African countries.

In 2005, the Zimbabwean Government launched its infamous Operation Throw Out the Trash against citizens in major cities, driving some 700,000 innocent people from their homes, businesses, and livelihoods.

So I ask Mugabe, the dictator of this country, what kind of human being called himself a ``leader,'' yet is willing to commit atrocities against the very people he is supposed to lead?

In spite of Zimbabwe's embittered rhetoric toward the United States, our Congress passed, 6 years ago, the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act, offering significant economic and political aid to Zimbabwe if it would reverse its anti-democratic and anti-people ways.

Zimbabwe had invaded a neighboring country, grossly mismanaged its economy, flaunted the rule of law and democratic practices. Using the diplomatic tools at our disposal, our government imposed travel and economic sanctions against individuals who were responsible for the grossest violations.

The United States remains open to change in Zimbabwe, hopeful about prospects and ready to reward its arrival. We clearly provided an opportunity for Zimbabwe to reverse course and to reap generous economic benefits from the American people.

Unfortunately, the Zimbabwean leaders are bent on a bitter and disastrous course that no sane or rational appeal from its own citizens or the community of nations has been able to reverse.

Today Zimbabwe, once one of the most promising countries of Africa, is a dismal shadow of its former self. It faces an unfathomable inflation rate of

3,000 percent, the highest on the planet, and a shocking 80 percent of the people of the country are unemployed.

Our resolution condemns the economic and political madness that is gripping Zimbabwe and urges the government to return to sanity, end the state-sponsored violence, and address the needs of its people.

I, again, want to thank all of those who cosponsored my resolution and urge all of my colleagues to vote in support of H. Con. Res. 100.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 5 minutes to my good friend from New Jersey, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, Mr. Payne.

(Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I missed rollcall votes during the week of April 16, 2007. On rollcall vote No. 214, the motion to suspend the rules and pass, as amended, H.R. 1677, the Tax Payer Protection Act, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 215, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 196, supporting the goals and ideals of World Water Day, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 216, the motion to suspend the rules and agree, as amended, to H. Con. Res. 100, condemning the recent violent actions of the Government of Zimbabwe against peaceful opposition party activists and members of civil society, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 217, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 273, supporting the goals and ideals of Financial Literacy Month, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 218, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Con. Res. 76, honoring the 50th Anniversary of the International Geophysical Year, I would have voted ``yea.''

On rollcall vote No. 219, ordering the previous question, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 220, agreeing to H. Res. 301, the rule providing for consideration of H.R. 1257, Shareholder Vote on Executive Compensation Act, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 221, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 306, offering heartfelt condolences to the victims and their families regarding the horrific violence at Virginia Tech in Blacksburg, Virginia, I would have voted ``yea''; on rollcall vote No. 222, agreeing to the Chabot of Ohio Amendment No. 1, I would have voted ``nay''; on rollcall vote No. 223, agreeing to the Chabot of Ohio Amendment No. 2, I would have voted ``no''; on rollcall vote No. 224, the motion to recommit, with instructions, H.R. 1361, the Relief for Entrepreneurs: Coordination of Objectives and Values for Effective Recovery Act, I would have voted ``nay.''

On rollcall vote No. 225, passage of H.R. 1361, the Relief for Entrepreneurs: Coordination of Objectives and Values for Effective Recovery Act, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 226, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 300, commending the achievements of the Rutgers University women's basketball team and applauding the character and integrity of their student-athletes, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 227, the motion to suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 293, supporting the goals and ideals highlighted through National Volunteer Week, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 228, ordering the previous question on H. Res. 317, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 229, agreeing to H. Res. 317, providing for consideration of H.R. 1905 and H.R. 1906, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 230, the motion to recommit with instructions H.R. 1905, I

would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 231, passage of H.R. 1905, the District of Columbia Voting Rights Bill, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 232, passage of H.R. 1906, Adjustment of Estimated Tax Payment Safe Harbor for Individual Taxpayers with Adjusted Gross Income Greater than $5 Million, I would have voted ``yea.''

On rollcall vote No. 233, the motion to recommit with instructions H.R. 1495, the Water Resources Development Act, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 234, passage of H.R. 1495, the Water Resources Development Act, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 235, the motion to instruct conferees on H.R. 1591, I would have voted ``yea''; On rollcall vote No. 236, agreeing to the Sessions Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 237, agreeing to the Garrett Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 238, agreeing to the Campbell Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 239, agreeing to the McHenry Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 240, agreeing to the Price Amendment, I would have voted ``No.''

On rollcall vote No. 241, agreeing to the Putnam Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 242, agreeing to the Price Amendment, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 243, the motion to recommit H.R. 1257, I would have voted ``no''; On rollcall vote No. 244, passage of H.R. 1257, the Shareholder Vote on Executive Compensation Act, I would have voted ``yea.''

Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague for yielding.

I rise in very strong support of H. Con. Res. 100. I want to thank Chairman Lantos for sponsoring it. I think it sends a very clear and nonambiguous message to all parties, including the barbaric Mugabe regime.

Madam Speaker, 2 years ago almost to this date, April 21, I chaired a hearing of the House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations entitled ``Zimbabwe: Prospects for Democracy after the March, 2005, Elections.'' At that time, I noted that ``Robert Mugabe was a hero to his people and to

his fellow Africans for successfully standing up to racism and oppression. More than two decades later, however, he has so tarnished his image that it must now resemble the fictional portrait of Dorian Gray, showing an increasingly repugnant picture of a hero who has gone astray.''

During the Mugabe reign, approximately 2.4 million people have been literally thrown out of their homes, and their homes have been bulldozed. There have been a number of killings and politically motivated kidnappings and torture. The government has relied on repressive laws to suppress freedom of speech, press, assembly, movement, association, and academic freedom. The Zimbabwean people have suffered greatly as a result of the government's extremely misguided economic policies, and many have died from preventable diseases. The U.S. Department of State concluded in its Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2006 that Zimbabwe and its government have ``engaged in pervasive and systematic abuse of human rights.''

Unfortunately, the situation has only worsened in 2007. The world community was shocked by the photos of beaten members of the political opposition who gathered on March 11 for a peaceful prayer meeting. Mugabe has continued to crack down on any political opposition and even threatened foreign diplomats who offered food and water to jailed opposition leaders.

It is essential that the entire international community raise its voice in support of those seeking democratic reforms in Zimbabwe. Among other measures, this resolution calls upon the Southern African Development Community, or SADC, and the African Union to consult urgently with all Zimbabwe stakeholders to intervene with the Government of Zimbabwe while applying appropriate pressures to resolve the economic and political crisis.

I must express my deep disappointment that SADC has failed to take decisive action with regard to Zimbabwe. Following consultations in Zimbabwe earlier this month, the executive director of SADC stated, ``What's good for Zimbabwe is good for the region. What's bad for Zimbabwe is bad for the region. I think it's time we did less talk and do the work.'' On that point, I could not agree more.

Unfortunately, rather than getting to work and pressing Mugabe to undertake meaningful reforms and halt his latest assault on human beings, on political and human rights, this statement was followed by a plea of support for the Mugabe regime by the International Monetary Fund.

Is the complete retraction of political and human rights and the beating to death of innocent civilians not bad for Zimbabwe? Are Mugabe's disastrous economic policies, which have resulted in inflation rates of up to 3,000 percent, unemployment rates of 80 percent, and the flight of thousands of economic and political refugees from Zimbabwe into other SADC countries not bad for the region? And what does the continued coddling of Mugabe say about the SADC members' commitment to a ``new vision'' of responsible governance under the New Economic Partnership for Africa Development, which was championed by South Africa?

Madam Speaker, the Mugabe government has used every means of suppression, every tool that they could muster, to crush those who disagree with that regime.

I urge the passage of this resolution in order to send an urgent message to SADC and to the rest of the international community to do everything necessary to resolve this crisis currently crippling Zimbabwe and provide any and all assistance that the Zimbabwean people so desperately need to achieve democratic reform, peace, and economic prosperity.

Again, I thank the author, Mr. Lantos, and the ranking member for bringing to the floor this timely and extremely important piece of legislation.

Madam Speaker, I rise to speak in support of H. Con. Res. 100, and commend Mr. Lantos and the ranking member for this H. Con. Res. 100, condemning the violence and the violent action taken against the peaceful opposition party activists and members of civil society in Zimbabwe just a few months ago, last month in March.

Zimbabwe has faced a number of political and economic challenges over the past 7 years. Every time I begin to believe that the situation in Zimbabwe has calmed down, something happens which reminds me of how volatile the situation really is.

The March 11 crackdown on people who were gathering at a prayer meeting was a disturbing display of violence. Two people were killed. The leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangari, and other members of the MDC were tortured while in police custody.

Two women were beaten so severely they needed specialized medical care that was only available in South Africa. One of them, Sekai Holland, had her leg broken in three places, her knee broken and her arm and three ribs broken. I cannot understand what possessed security forces to beat a 64-year-old woman so brutally.

And according to the people in Zimbabwe, abductions and killings continue. However, there are encouraging developments. What is most encouraging is that the regional leaders in Southern Africa have spoken out publicly. As recently mentioned, the President of Zambia has likened Zimbabwe to the Titanic, a sinking ship. Officials at the South African Department of Foreign Affairs expressed concern about the situation as well.

The leaders of Southern Africa's Development Community held a meeting of extraordinary heads of state in Tanzania in the wake of violence and asked South African President Thabo Mbeki to help resolve the situation.

This is an important step, and we should support SADC's effort. It is imperative that Congress do all we can to ensure that human rights and the rule of law are respected in Zimbabwe across the political spectrum.

As Mr. Lantos mentioned, Zimbabwe had great promise. When the struggle to end white rule of Ian Smith was led by Mr. Nkhomo and Mr. Mugabe, the ZANU and ZAPO leaders, they finally were able to break the stranglehold of Ian Smith's government. And education was the order of the day, and the Zimbabweans went ahead to build a country.

But something happened in the meantime, and the move from multi- partyism to single-party system, and Mr. Mugabe taking all of the power, that was a move in the wrong direction. And so we have seen multi-partyism come back again. But this brutal behavior of the security forces must end.

In conclusion, I think that we should take a look at the Lancaster House Accords because this was an agreement between Zimbabwe and Great Britain where there would be willing seller-willing buyer purchase of the land that was in the hands of the very small minority of the white Rhodesians.

And there has to be a program of some land distribution. However, the way that Mr. Mugabe has been doing it, as Mr. Lantos mentioned, in the past there was an attempt to assist Zimbabwe to see if we could help in that process, but we were denied.

So I just ask my colleagues if they would support this resolution, and, hopefully, Mr. Mugabe and the people of Zimbabwe will finally see the light.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I am very pleased to be an original cosponsor of House Concurrent Resolution 100, authored by the esteemed Chair of our Foreign Affairs Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos). And this resolution, Madam Speaker, condemns the Government of Zimbabwe for its latest assault against political freedom and human rights in that country.

Once hailed by some as a liberator, President Mugabe of Zimbabwe has been exposed as a tyrant and a thug.

Under his authoritarian rule, Zimbabwe boasts the highest rate of inflation in the world, currently standing at an estimated 3,000 percent. Formal sector unemployment stands at 80 percent. Literacy rates are declining, and life expectancy has plummeted to 38 years. Thirty-eight years is the life expectancy in that country.

Large scale commercial farming has been effectively destroyed by a disastrous land reform program which ultimately displaced poor black farmers in favor of political cronies, and acute food shortages which have since left Zimbabweans dependent on international food aid.

The very same party that emerged from a hard-fought struggle for majority rule, shouting slogans of equality and justice, has now taken to arresting, to beating and to intimidating anyone who dares to challenge its policies.

It is clear that, absent meaningful corrective measures, Mugabe's legacy will be defined by his responsibility for the ruinous policies and draconian laws that have brought untold suffering to his people and the near collapse of Zimbabwe as a nation.

Rather than address the underlying inequities that have driven Zimbabwe to economic and political ruin, Mugabe prefers to engage in soapbox demagoguery and espouse conspiracy theories of Western imperialism.

He interferes with the work of nongovernmental organizations that are attempting to aid Zimbabweans in need. He harasses, he threatens foreign diplomats, and he even revokes the visas of congressional staffers from our Foreign Affairs Committee attempting to travel to the region to get a clear understanding of what is happening in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe thumbs his nose at Western nations that condemn his assault on basic human rights, particularly those who appear committed to helping Zimbabwe realize its potential through true democratic reform.

Zimbabwe's neighbors and the African Union should take proactive measures to help resolve this crisis, including by pressing the Mugabe regime to immediately halt its brutal crackdown, to release political prisoners, and to engage in meaningful dialogue with the opposition and with civil society.

The President of Zambia already has stepped up to the plate in this regard, and South Africa would be well advised to follow suit.

I thank the gentleman from California again, our chairman of our Foreign Affairs Committee, for introducing this very important and timely resolution. And I urge the full support of our House.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the former Chair of the Africa Subcommittee, now the ranking member, Mr. Smith of New Jersey.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.