Condemning the Burmese regime's undemocratic draft constitution and scheduled referendum.

Mr. Speaker, I missed a number of votes on May 6th and 7th as I was attending the funeral service for a soldier who was from my Congressional District and was killed in Baghdad, Iraq while supporting Operation Iraqi Freedom.

On Rollcall vote No. 249, H.R. 3658--a bill to amend the Foreign Service Act of 1980 to permit rest and recuperation travel to United States territories for members of the Foreign Service. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall vote No. 251, H. Con. Res. 317--a Condemning the Burmese regime's undemocratic draft constitution and scheduled referendum.. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall vote No. 252, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Con. Res. 317--a Condemning the Burmese regime's undemocratic draft constitution and scheduled referendum.. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall vote No. 25, H. Con. Res. 1109--Honoring the memory of Dith Pran by remembering his life's work and continuing to acknowledge and remember the victims of genocides that have taken place around the globe. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall vote No. 252, Table Motion to Reconsider H. Con. Res. 1109--Honoring the memory of Dith Pran by remembering his life's work and continuing to acknowledge and remember the victims of genocides that have taken place around the globe. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 255, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 256, S. 2929 to temporarily extend the programs under the Higher Education Act of 1965. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 257, Table Motion to Reconsider--S. 2929 To temporarily extend the programs under the Higher Education Act of 1965. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 258, On Motion to Instruct Conferees--Farm, Nutrition, and Bioenergy Act. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 259, Table Motion to Reconsider--Farm, Nutrition, and Bioenergy Act. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 260, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 261, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 262, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 263, H. Res. 1168--Congratulating charter schools and their students, parents, teachers, and administrators across the United States for their ongoing contributions to education, and for other purposes. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 264, table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1168-- Congratulating charter schools and their students, parents, teachers, and administrators across the United States for their ongoing contributions to education, and for other purposes. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 265, H. Res. 1155--Honoring the recipients of the El Dorado Promise scholarship. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 266, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1155-- Honoring the recipients of the El Dorado Promise scholarship. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 267, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 268, On Approving the Journal. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 269, Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding provocative and dangerous statements and actions taken by the Government of the Russian Federation that undermine the territorial integrity of the Republic of Georgia. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 270. Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1166-- Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding provocative and dangerous statements and actions taken by the Government of the Russian Federation that undermine the territorial integrity of the Republic of Georgia. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 271, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present. I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 272, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 273. On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 274, H. Res. 1113--Celebrating the role of mothers in the United States and supporting the goals and ideals of Mother's Day. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 275, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1113-- Celebrating the role of mothers in the United States and supporting the goals and ideals of Mother's Day. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 276. On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 277, H.R. 5937--To facilitate the preservation of certain affordable housing dwelling units. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 278, Table Motion to Reconsider--H.R. 5937--To facilitate the preservation of certain affordable housing dwelling units. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 279, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 280, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 281, H. Res. 1175--Providing for consideration of the Senate amendments to H.R. 3221. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 282, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1175-- Providing for consideration of the Senate amendments to H.R. 3221. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 283, H. Res. 1175--Providing for consideration of the Senate amendments to H.R. 3221. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 284, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1175-- Providing for consideration of the Senate amendments to H.R. 3221. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 285, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present. I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 286, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

On Rollcall No. 287, On Ordering the Previous Question H. Res. 1174-- Providing for consideration of the bill. H.R. 5818, to authorize the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development to make loans to States to acquire foreclosed housing and to make grants to States for related costs. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 288, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1174-- Providing for consideration of the bill, H.R. 5818, to authorize the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development to make loans to States to acquire foreclosed housing and to make grants to States for related costs. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 289, H. Res. 1174--Providing for consideration of the bill, H.R. 5818, to authorize the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development to make loans to States to acquire foreclosed housing and to make grants to States for related costs. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 290, Table Motion to Reconsider--H. Res. 1174-- Providing for consideration of the bill H. Res. 1174--Providing for consideration of the bill, H.R. 5818, to authorize the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development to make loans to States to acquire foreclosed housing and to make grants to States for related costs. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''

On Rollcall No. 291, On Motion to Adjourn. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady.

Today all of our thoughts and prayers are with the people of Burma. The deaths and destruction caused by the cyclone Nargis which hit Burma over the weekend are still being discovered. Recent reports indicate that maybe 10,000 were killed and hundreds of thousands left without shelter and clean water. Yet despite this horrific natural disaster, the Burmese junta has announced it will go ahead with the scheduled sham constitutional referendum this Saturday.

Today, we are considering our resolution to condemn the Burmese regime's undemocratic constitution and the scheduled sham referendum to legitimize that constitution. As the sponsor of H. Con. Res. 317, I want to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, who are both lead sponsors of the resolution, for their support in helping to move this.

We sometimes ask, and our constituents sometimes ask, whether governments are relevant to our daily lives, to their daily lives. Well, certainly here we see a negative example of what a difference a government can make. The ruling junta did not warn the people, so I understand, of the oncoming cyclone. They have done little to provide humanitarian assistance.

I strongly encourage our State Department to heed the calls of the international community and provide whatever emergency humanitarian assistance the Government of Burma will accept. I do recall visiting Burma several decades ago following an earthquake that devastated Pagan, and the willful unwillingness of the military dictatorship then to accept international help.

I have long been interested in Burma and the future of the Burmese people. I first traveled there some decades ago, and I was struck by the amazing damage and destruction that a despotic antidemocratic government can inflict on an economy, on a country and on the people.

Under military rule since 1962, Burma was once called the ``rice bowl of Asia'' because of its rich resources, its fertile land and its productive people. But with the ruling junta, its promise and its potential have steadily declined. This promising country's resources have been channeled into supporting the military, and it is now one

of the most impoverished countries in the world.

Prior to this week's scheduled sham constitutional referendum, the junta has allowed an election once before. In 1990 the National League For Democracy, the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won an election landslide. Yet despite the NLD winning four out of every five parliamentary seats, the regime locked up the NLD winners, and to this day Aung San Suu Kyi remains under arrest. For her bravery, courage and her fight for true democracy in her home country, she has been awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. Yet 18 years later, this Nobel laureate remains locked away.

Those are among the reasons that this House today is considering, and should pass, this resolution to condemn the Burmese regime's undemocratic constitution and the sham referendum to legitimize it.

The Burmese people are determined to enjoy the same rights and freedoms that so many across the world, take for granted. The heroic efforts of the opposition leader and Peace Prize winner and others have given hope to victims of terrible oppression, and they deserve our support. This resolution sends a strong signal to the people of Burma that we stand with them in their struggle for democracy. The resolution denounces the one-sided totalitarian and illegal act by the junta to try to legitimize military rule through their unilaterally drafted constitution.

The monks who were detained following the September Saffron Revolution and all other political prisoners and prisoners of conscience should be released. The resolution urges President Bush to call on the world community not to accept or recognize the junta's constitution.

When several of us Members of Congress held a meeting here of the Human Rights Caucus on the Saffron Revolution to hear testimony from the monks who stood up in a nonviolent way to one of the most despotic regimes in the world, the monks told a gripping and heart-rending tale. They called on Congress to approve this resolution as soon as possible, and today the House answers that call.

Earlier this year, for a joint session of Congress, I invited a young man, Richard Chio, a refugee from Burma and a resident of my congressional district, to sit as my guest here in the gallery of this House. He sat and watched the State of the Union address, having resettled only months before in the United States with the help of Lutheran Social Services of New Jersey. He told me that this day in Washington ``was like living in a dream.'' It was the most amazing day in his life to see that a government like ours could exist, because he knew nothing like that in Burma.

Richard's story and the countless others remind us of why now, more than ever, especially following the devastation of this cyclone in Burma, the people of the United States need to stand with the people of Burma and oppose the junta.

This referendum later this week would be a sham, a fake, pretend; it would be bogus, fraudulent, spurious, phony. Use whatever word you want. But it would not be democratic. It would not be to the benefit of the people of Burma who want a true democracy.

I thank the chairman and the ranking member for their support and the many cosponsors of this resolution. I also want to thank Eric Richardson with Mr. Berman and Dennis Halpin with the ranking member for their assistance in preparing this resolution. I also want to thank the U.S. Campaign for Burma and Jen Quigley for the excellent work they do every day and have done year in and year out to promote democracy in Burma.

I urge passage of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 317: Condemning Burma's Undemocratic Constitutional Referendum, introduced by my colleague Congressman Holt, which I am proud to cosponsor. I would like to thank the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs for bringing this important legislation to the floor today, as well as his ongoing leadership on this issue.

Last year, we witnessed the biggest protests in Burma since the popular uprising in 1988. Initially triggered by a sharp and unexpected increase in fuel, last September's protests, known as the Saffron Resolution, became a statement against the government attacks on Buddhist monks attending a peaceful protest in early September. Following the government's failure to apologize for these appalling actions, Burma's spiritual and nonviolent monks began protesting in large numbers. Burma's monks are highly revered, and have historically played a prominent role in political protests within the country. They form the social foundation of their nation, and it is extremely significant that tens of thousands of monks participated in the recent demonstrations.

The events of last September illustrated the Burmese military regime's ongoing repression of basic human rights. The military has, for many years, ignored the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people, perhaps best seen in the ongoing restrictions on prominent pro- democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party won a landslide electoral victory in 1990 but has never been allowed to govern. In addition, the regime is squandering Burma's natural resources, with proceeds going to the military and its weapons, instead of to the people of Burma, the overwhelming majority of whom live in poverty.

Military-run enterprises continue to control key sectors of the Burmese economy, which, in general, is plagued by corruption, severe mismanagement, and a flourishing black market. Burma is the world's largest exporter of teak, as well as a principal source of jade, pearls, rubies, and sapphires. These resources, combined with extremely fertile soil and offshore oil and gas deposits, are spent in ways that only benefit the military elite why the vast bulk of the Burmese people are increasingly destitute.

Mr. Speaker, this repressive government is now planning a May 10th referendum, which will have the effect of institutionalizing these policies through a sham constitution. The military regime in Burma is attempting to give

democratic legitimacy to a process, controlled from start to finish by the Burmese military, which is anything but democratic. A true democracy benefits the people; this referendum will only benefit the Burmese military.

The legislation that we are considering today, H. Con. Res. 317, calls on the Administration, the United Nations, and the international community to support legitimate, inclusive dialogue between the regime and opposition forces. It denounces the regime's one-sided, undemocratic attempt to legalize military rule with the constitution and its related referendum, and insists that Burma's military regime begin a meaningful tri-partite dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, winners of the 1990 election, and ethnic nationality representatives toward full restoration of democracy and internationally recognized human rights for all Burmese citizens. Further, it urges the President to call for the U.N. Security Council not to recognize the constitution and to pass a resolution instructing the Burmese regime to enter into meaningful dialogue, and to push for a comprehensive U.N. Security Council arms embargo against the Burmese military regime.

Mr. Speaker, this legislation is an unambiguous call for truly inclusive, tripartite dialogue. Burma possesses one of the most ancient, rich, and ethnically and religiously diverse cultures on earth. Like the indomitable Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader democratically elected to lead the nation in 1990 but who instead has been imprisoned for 12 of the last 18 years, the people of Burma are resilient and draw strength from their convictions and the diversity of their nation. Only through such international negotiation can we hope to put Burma back on the path to peace and prosperity. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important and timely legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, which points out that the smoke screen of a sham constitution and a bogus referendum is not a path leading to free Burma.

It seems a particularly callous decision for the Burmese junta to go forward with its planned referendum on May 10, just 1 week after a tropical cyclone devastated the people of that nation. The generals, by ignoring the almost 4,000 dead and 100,000 homeless, are concerned only about their narrow political agenda.

We in Congress offer our heartfelt condolences to those in Burma who lost family and friends in this tragic natural disaster. We urge the junta to immediately lift its irrational restrictions on international humanitarian organizations operating inside Burma. Only then can they provide the emergency relief necessary for the suffering people of this country.

The generals in Rangoon, however, have cynically determined that time is on their side. They are convinced that, while the world's attention turns away from the bloody events of last fall to other crises in other parts of the world, they can carry on business as usual oppressing their people. That business includes implementing plans for the May 10 referendum on their undemocratic constitution. This constitution ignores the will of the people of Burma as expressed in the streets of Rangoon and other cities last fall. This one-sided constitution seeks to legitimize military dictatorship rule. The current junta seized power by crushing a mass democracy uprising over two decades ago. We and the people of Burma will commemorate the 20th anniversary of that uprising on August 8, the very date the Beijing Olympics begins. On that date, advocates of a free Burma will hold activities around the world to remind the Burmese generals and their Beijing allies that the torch of Miss Liberty shines brighter than any Olympic torch.

The generals have turned to a sham constitutional provision in an effort to ignore the international call for a genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the opposition and minority groups. The goal of that dialogue is to achieve ``inclusive national reconciliation.'' This call for dialogue was contained in the statement released by the U.N. Security Council President on October 11, 2007, with the unanimous consent of all members of the council.

Instead of heeding the urgings of the international community, however, these generals have brazenly continued their roundup of those involved in the Saffron Revolution last fall, including Buddhist monks, and they have put them in jail. They have also refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.

The Burmese junta treated the U.N. special envoy to Burma with disdain during his last visit. They refused him access to the top leadership and flatly rejected his offer of independent monitoring of the referendum vote. The U.N. envoy himself has admitted the visit did not yield any tangible results.

The junta's attitude of brazen indifference following its bloody suppression of the Saffron Revolution cannot stand unchallenged by the world community.

This Congress must raise strong objection to the junta's cynical plan to try to maintain rule through a sham constitution.

I urge that my colleagues stand for a free Burma by voicing vigorous support of this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it should be well noted that China continues to support this military dictatorship in Burma. And as we approach the Chinese Olympics this year, we should remember that China does not burn the torch for liberty and freedom throughout the world, but they continue to support dictatorships like those in North Korea, Darfur and Burma.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I was in my district voting in the North Carolina primary election and I missed rollcall votes on May 5th, 6th and 7th. I ask that the Record show that had I been present:

For rollcall No. 240--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 952-- I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 241--To table the motion to reconsider H. Res. 952-- I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 242--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 1011, as amended--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 243--To table the motion to reconsider H. Res. 1011--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 244--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 245--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 246--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 247--Motion to instruct conferees on H. R. 2419--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 248--To table the motion to reconsider the vote on the motion to instruct conferees on H.R. 2419--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 249--To suspend the rules and pass H.R. 3658--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 250--To table the motion to reconsider H.R. 3658--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 251--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Con. Res. 317, as amended--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 252--To table the motion to reconsider H. Con. Res. 317--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 253--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 1109, as amended--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 254--To table the motion to reconsider H. Res. 1109--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 255--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 256--To suspend the rules and pass S. 2929, as amended--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 257--To table the motion to reconsider S. 2929--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 258--Motion to instruct conferees on H.R. 2419--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 259--To table the motion to reconsider the vote on the motion to instruct conferees on H.R. 2419--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 260--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 261--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 262--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 263--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 1168--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 264--To table the motion to reconsider H. Res. 1168--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 265--To suspend the rules and agree to H. Res. 1155--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 266--To table the motion to reconsider H. Res. 1155--I would have voted ``no'';

For rollcall No. 267--Motion to adjourn--I would have voted ``yes'';

For rollcall No. 268--To approve the journal--I would have voted ``no.''