Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the chairman of the committee, Mr. Peterson, for his work in this area. We held a hearing on this issue on…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the chairman of the committee, Mr. Peterson, for his work in this area. We held a hearing on this issue on Tuesday of this week. In the farm bill which the Congress just passed overwhelmingly several times, we overrode the President's veto, it includes legislative language that takes further steps to complete the closure of the Enron loophole. In that testimony we received on Tuesday, we received assurance that between the language that was in the Commodity Futures Modernization Act passed in the aftermath of the Enron scandal, and in the language that was included in the farm bill, the Enron loophole is now closed.
I have no reason to oppose this legislation and I therefore will support it. It simply tells the Commodity Futures Trading Commission to do what it already has the authority to do, and based upon the testimony that we received on Tuesday is already doing to ensure that there is not excessive speculation in the energy futures markets. I have every confidence that they will do so, that they will heed this additional voice of support for their doing their jobs. But, quite frankly, this legislation does not do what needs to be done by this Congress.
The Democratic leadership in this Congress is continuing a pattern that the American people are increasingly concerned about, and that is to do everything they can to try to blame everyone but themselves for the problem that we face in this country of having years of neglect of not having a domestic energy policy dedicated toward increasing the supply, increasing the supply of oil, increasing the supply of natural gas, increasing the supply of clean-burning coal, increasing the supply of nuclear power, increasing the supply of alternative fuels, increasing efforts to bring about new technologies. This is the all-of- the-above approach that this Congress should be taking that our conference has taken. In fact, we have worked very hard to see that this policy be brought to the floor of the House.
Yes, I will support this bill telling the CFTC to use its authority to curb excessive speculation, but I think it appalling that we aren't doing the job that needs to be done. It is being blocked by the party that controls the access to the floor of this House.
H.R. 2279, to expedite the construction of new refining capacity on closed military installations in the United States, and for other purposes, sponsored by Representative Pitts of Pennsylvania with 55 cosponsors. From the House Energy and Commerce and Armed Services Committees, last major action taken, a motion to discharge petition filed by Mr. English, petition 110-9. Why haven't we seen this bill brought to the floor of the House?
H.R. 3089, the No More Excuses Energy Act of 2007 sponsored by Representative Thornberry of Texas, 77 cosponsors, referred to the Committees on Natural Resources, House Ways and Means, and Energy and Commerce. Last major action, June 10, motion to discharge petition filed by Mr. Walberg. A motion was filed to discharge the Natural Resources, Ways and Means, and Energy and Commerce Committees of this action. No action taken. Why hasn't that bill been brought to the floor of the House?
We have this week another discharge petition on H.R. 5656 which repeals the requirement with respect to the procurement and acquisition of alternative fuels, a discharge petition filed this week by Representative Hensarling. Why hasn't this legislation been brought to the floor of this House?
There are scores of other bills sponsored by both Republicans and Democrats dedicated to relieving this energy crisis that have been bottled up by the Democratic majority.
When, Mr. Speaker, will we get the chance to vote on these very worthy bills? When will we get the chance to actually start offering relief from the outrageously high gas prices that American consumers are facing?
That's the problem we are confronting. That's the problem that the leadership in this Congress is not allowing us to address. That's what needs to be done, not telling the CFTC to do the job that they are already doing and already have the authority to do, but acting to make sure that we are increasing supply of all sources of energy, new sources of energy, traditional sources of energy, acting to make sure that the incentives are in place for Americans to conserve. My goodness, they are already doing that. We are seeing that reflected in their activities. This Congress could be helping them out. It is failing to do so. And that, Mr. Speaker, is why we are failing the American people when the leadership of this Congress does not allow us to have these votes.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, at this time it is my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the ranking member on the subcommittee with jurisdiction over the CFTC, the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Moran).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds to respond.
I support this resolution because it gives nothing new to the CFTC but it gives it encouragement to do its work. It does not make any finding that there is excessive speculation in the market, and if there is excessive speculation in the market, then I certainly expect and support action by the CFTC to exercise its emergency powers to do so.
But the gentleman is exactly right when he notes that India and China are increasing their consumption of all different types of sources of energy, and they're not the only ones. They're just the largest ones.
I yield myself an additional 30 seconds to say further to the gentleman that when demand around the world, and not just in China and India, is increasing as steadily as it has in recent years and the United States sits back and waits for other countries to increase that supply and increases our dependence upon foreign oil from such unreliable sources as Venezuela and Nigeria and the Middle East, and we then think that simply asking the CFTC to do its job will solve this problem, that is a very serious problem.
At this time, it is my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to a member of the Agriculture Committee and the ranking member of our Department Operations and Oversight Subcommittee, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Boustany).
Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to include in the Record a joint analysis prepared by the majority and minority staff of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the testimony of Michael Greenberger before the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation on June 3, 2008. It responds to a number of assertions made about what might happen to the market. And while I certainly would hope that something could be found to lower gas prices by as much as Mr. Greenberger suggested in his testimony, here are several pages of reasons why that may indeed not be the case.
Select Excerpts of the United States Senate Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations
8. STATEMENT: ``Overnight, [prohibiting the trading of
energy commodities in Exempt Commercial Markets) will bring
down the price of crude oil, I believe, by 25 percent.''
RESPONSE: According to recent market data, there is little
to no trading of crude oil contracts on exempt commercial
markets in the United States. Prohibiting the trading of
energy commodities in a market in which no trading is
currently taking place is, thus, unlikely to have an effect
on the price of crude oil. Moreover, although there have
never been any Exempt Commercial Markets for agricultural
commodities, many agricultural commodities have recently
experienced substantial price spikes. There is no credible
evidence that simply amending the CEA to regulate energy
commodities as if they were agricultural commodities will
lead to lower energy prices.
19. STATEMENT (p. 8): ``The Senate Permanent Investigating
Subcommittee has now issued two reports, one in June 2006 and
one in June 2007, that make a very strong (if not
irrefutable) case that trading on ICE has been used to
manipulate or excessively speculate in U.S. delivered crude
oil and natural gas contracts. The June 2006 report cited
economists who then concluded that when a barrel of crude was
@ $77 in June 2006, $20 to $30 of that cost was due to
excessive speculation and/or manipulation on unregulated
exchanges.''
RESPONSE: The 2006 and 2007 PSI reports focused on the role
of excessive speculation in U.S. commodity markets; neither
report contained any findings on whether traders manipulated
crude oil or natural gas prices.
At this time, Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Mrs. Myrick).
Mr. Speaker, at this time, it's my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Weldon).
Mr. Speaker, at this time, it's my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton).
Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time is remaining on each side.
Mr. Speaker, at this time, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Conaway), a member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I'd ask the chairman if he has additional speakers. I have only myself to close.
That being the case, I will yield myself the balance of my time to say to the chairman again, I thank him for his work on this issue.
I support this measure. Certainly, I expect the Commodities Futures Trading Commission to address any problems with excessive speculation in the energies markets and to use their emergency powers to do so, if appropriate.
But I will tell you that this is a problem that's been going on a lot longer than recent speculation in this market. It's been going on for years because of a lack of increase of supplies of oil and natural gas and other basic sources of energy in this country.
All we ask of the Democratic leadership is to put the bills on the floor that get what the American people want, and that is a vote to open up America to increase domestic supply of energy. The Speaker of the House doesn't have to support the legislation. The majority leader doesn't have to support the legislation. All they have to do is let this happen on a bipartisan basis, and we will have a bipartisan vote to do what the American people want. Let us have that vote. Let us have that debate on the floor of this House, and we will do what the American people want.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.