A resolution expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces' coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as "comfort women", during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chairman of our House Foreign Affairs Committee, my good friend and chairman, Tom Lantos, and also our senior ranking member, Ms. Ros- Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today.

I also want to thank our colleagues, and the gentleman from California especially as the chief sponsor of this legislation, which has the support of some 146 Members, both Republicans and Democrats, fully supporting the provisions of this resolution.

I also want to note, this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress, under the able leadership of our previous chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Hyde.

And I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of another gentleman from Illinois, my good friend Mr. Lane Evans, who was also a champion of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces coercion of teenage girls and young women into a sexual slavery, euphemistically known as ``comfort women,'' system during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific islands from the late 1930s throughout the duration of World War II.

On February 7 of this year, the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, the first time ever in the history of the United States Congress that three surviving ``comfort women'' testified for the record.

Ms. Lee Yong-Soo is with us today, and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim Lee and

Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right.

I encourage the world to read their moving testimony, which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan.

The comfort women system organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan is considered one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teenage girls and young women were raped, systematically beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated and sometimes even murdered.

According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, from China, from the Philippines, from Indonesia, from the Dutch Indies, and other women, forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse.

Today the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until 1980s and the 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the comfort women, and it also wasn't until 1992 in response to these developments that Japan's Chief Secretary, cabinet secretary, Yahei Kono, issued an official statement. After a 2-year period, the foreign ministry of Japan conducted this research, and it did make the admission.

I would include for the Record the full statement of Chief Secretary Kono regarding the 2-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In 1993, after a two-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under the supervision of the Chief Secretary of Cabinet, an equivalent to the Chief-of-Staff of the White House, Mr. Yahei Kon stated:

The Government of Japan has been conducting a study on the

issue of wartime ``comfort women'' since December 1991. I

wish to announce the findings as a result of that study.

As a result of the study which indicates that comfort

stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods,

it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort

women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the

request of the military authorities of the day. The then

Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in

the establishment and management of the comfort stations and

the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort

women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in

response to the request of the military. The Government study

has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against

their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc., and that, at

times, administrative/military personnel directly took part

in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations

under a coercive atmosphere.

As to the origin of those comfort women who were

transferred to the war areas, excluding those from Japan,

those from the Korean Peninsula accounted for a large part.

The Korean Peninsula was under Japanese rule in those days,

and their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were

conducted generally against their will, through coaxing,

coercion, etc.

Undeniably, this was an act, with the involvement of the

military authorities of the day, that severely injured the

honor and dignity of many women. The Government of Japan

would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its

sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of

place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable

physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.

It is incumbent upon us, the Government of Japan, to

continue to consider seriously, while listening to the views

of learned circles, how best we can express this sentiment.

We shall face squarely the historical facts as described

above instead of evading them, and take them to heart as

lessons of history. We hereby reiterated our firm

determination never to repeat the same mistake by forever

engraving such issues in our memories through the study and

teaching of history.

As actions have been brought to court in Japan and

interests have been shown in this issue outside Japan, the

Government of Japan shall continue to pay full attention to

this matter, including private researched related thereto.

The Kono statement is often cited as Japan's official apology, although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and members of cabinets. At the time the chief cabinet secretary was considered part press secretary, part chief of staff but never an official member of cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an acting prime minister.

2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the cabinet and not the prime minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views.

I want to close my statement and to say this: Someone once said, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, by its ability, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past and then take appropriate action to correct them.''

I sincerely hope that this will be taken seriously by our good friends and the leadership of the Government of Japan.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Tom Lantos of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and our Senior Ranking Member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today. I also want to thank our colleague, the gentleman from California, Mr. Honda, for his sponsorship of this bill which has the bipartisan support of some 146 Members of the U.S. House of Representatives.

I also want to make note that this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress under the able leadership of our previous Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Henry Hyde. I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of our former colleague and friend, Mr. Lane Evans also from Illinois, who championed this bill for years.

Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery, euphemistically known as the ``comfort women'' system, during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from 1930s and through the duration of World War II.

On February 15, 2007, the Foreign Affairs' Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, and, for the first time ever in the history of the U.S. Congress, three surviving comfort women testified for the record.

Ms. Young Soo Lee is with us today and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim and Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right. I encourage the world to read their moving testimony which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan.

The ``comfort women'' system, organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan, is considered to be one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teen-age girls and young women were systematically raped, beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated, and sometimes murdered. According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army, abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, China, the Philippines, Indonesian, Dutch, and other women--forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse.

Today, the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until the 1980s and 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the ``comfort women'' system and that countries occupied by Japan also began to speak out about it. I wasn't until 1992, in response to these developments, that Japan's Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued a statement.

This ``Kono Statement'' is often cited as Japan's official apology although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and their cabinets. At the time, the Chief Cabinet Secretary was considered part Press Secretary, part Chief of Staff, and never an official member of Cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an Acting Prime Minister.

In 2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the Cabinet, not the Prime Minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the Cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views.

Interestingly, as this topic has gained widespread attention as result of February's hearing, both the Japanese government and press have ignored the fact that Members of Congress now understand both Japan's legislative system and history of the Comfort Women tragedy. We are not ignorant, as some reporters have suggested. We know what does and does not constitute an official apology. We are also aware of the propaganda being churned out by the Japanese press intent on revising history by denying the validity of the ``Comfort Women'' controversy.

This year, Prime Minister Abe denied the existence of sexual slave camps. Then he retracted his statement because of pressure from leaders of the Asia-Pacific region. Now he says that he ``respects'' the finding of the Kono Report of 1993. What does this mean?

I have a special love and affinity for the people of Japan. But more sacred to me is our obligation to emphasize the fact a systematic abduction and raping and abuse of women as a weapon of war is totally unacceptable, and I believe the people of Japan agree. In fact, it can be argued that H. Res. 121 reflects the will of the Japanese people. In the only survey that the Japanese press appears to have published on the Comfort Women issue, in 2001, Fuji TV's Hodo asked respondents if they thought Japan has apologized sufficiently. 43.8 percent answered no, 37.2 percent answered yes.

Some may say the past is the past and that the U.S. is also an offender and violator of human rights. Maybe this is so. But nowhere in recorded history has the U.S. military command as a matter of policy issued a directives allowing for the coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery or forced prostitution. On the other hand, this is exactly what the Japanese military high command did and it is an affront to truth for any government to downplay its history.

Civilized society cannot allow history to be revised or denied under any circumstances. Regardless of what bearing this, or any other issue, may have on bilateral relations, or U.S. foreign policy, civilized society has a moral obligation to remember, to give voice to those who have suffered, to pay living tribute to victims past and present, to defend human rights. Otherwise we run the risk of holocaust.

Today, I want to commend my colleagues for their support and to call upon the Prime Minister of Japan and his Cabinet to issue a formal apology. No amount of money, not even payments set up by private Japanese contributions or the Asian Women's Fund, can atone for the suffering of the thousands of women victimized at the hands of Japan's Imperial Forces before and during, World War II.

While I support any woman's right to lay claim to these funds, I do not believe the Japanese government should suggest that a monetary payment can make right a moral wrong. So, for me, any and all discussions about the Asian Women's Fund sufficing as an act of apology falls short of what is relevant.

What is relevant is that Japan acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery during its occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands during WWII.

Mr. Speaker, I want to conclude by sharing with my colleagues this statement--someone once said that, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past, and then take appropriate action to correct them.''

Again, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. President. On June 26, 2007, the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the U.S. House of Representatives met to consider and adopt H. Res. 121. This resolution was authored by Congressman Michael Honda of San Jose, CA.

H. Res. 121 expresses the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as ``comfort women,'' during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II.

There is no doubt in my mind that during the war period the men in the Imperial Armed Forces of the Government of Japan did abuse, assault, and forcibly impose their wills upon women for sexual purposes. This was conduct and behavior that cannot in any way be condoned or justified.

These events, according to H. Res. 121, occurred during the war period of the 1930s and 1940s. Records indicate that on August 31, 1994, as the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II was approaching, then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama issued a statement articulating Japan's remorse and apology to comfort women.

His statement says in part, ``on the issue of wartime `comfort women,' which seriously stained the honor and dignity of many women, I would like to take this opportunity once again to express my profound and sincere remorse and apologies.''

This statement was made in his official capacity as Prime Minister of Japan.

Subsequently, every successive Prime Minister since 1996--Prime Ministers Hashimoto, Obuchi, Mori, and Koizumi--have all issued letters of apologies to individual former comfort women, who have accepted an apology letter along with atonement money offered to her by the Asian Woman's Fund. It should be noted that some former comfort women refused to accept the atonement money.

The Asian Women's Fund was established, sanctioned, and approved by the Government of Japan. The letters addressed to former comfort women were issued by the Prime Ministers of Japan in their official capacity, and recite, ``as Prime Minister of Japan, I thus extend anew my most sincere apologies

and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences and suffered incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.

I believe that our country, painfully aware of its moral responsibilities, with feelings of apology and remorse, should face up squarely to its past history and accurately convey it to future generations.'' Japan's present Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, in a March 1, 2007, news conference clearly indicated that Japan accepts responsibility and expressly apologized to all its victims.

On March 11, 2007, Prime Minister Abe made the following statement:

I will stand by the Kono Statement. This is our consistent

position. Further, we have been apologizing to those who

suffered immeasurable pain and incurable psychological wounds

as comfort women. Former Prime Ministers, including Prime

Ministers Koizumi and Hashimoto have issued letters to the

comfort women. I would like to be clear that I carry the same

feeling.

The 1993 Kono statement made by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono stated in part:

The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly,

involved in the establishment and management of the comfort

stations and the transfer of comfort women. . . . The

Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once

again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all

those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered

immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological

wounds as comfort women.

During his visit to our Nation's Capitol in April 2007, Prime Minister Abe reconfirmed these sentiments in a meeting with bipartisan leaders of the House and Senate.

Prime Minister Abe also expressed similar statements in a meeting with President Bush. At a joint press conference at Camp David, Abe, when describing his meeting with congressional leaders, said:

I, as Prime Minister of Japan, expressed my apologies, and

also expressed my apologies for the fact that they [comfort

women] were placed in that sort of circumstance.

In 1995 and 2005, the Japanese House of Representatives considered and adopted resolutions related to Japan's actions in World War II, including the comfort women issue. The 1995 resolution adopted by Japan's House of Representatives provides in part:

Solemnly reflecting upon the many instances of colonial

rule and acts of aggression that occurred in modern world

history, and recognizing that Japan carried out such acts in

the past and inflicted suffering on the people of other

countries especially in Asia, the Members of this House

hereby express deep remorse.

The Asian Women's Fund was established in 1995 with the cooperation of the Government of Japan and the Japanese people. The fund has extended letters of apology and payments, donated by the Japanese people, to 285 former comfort women in the Philippines, the Republic of Korea, and Taiwan. Each of the 285 individuals received 2 million yen, or $17,000. The fund has also implemented medical and welfare projects.

I have taken the time to cite the above because of my concern over the adoption of H. Res. 121, the Honda Resolution.

It should be noted that after World War II, the issue of compensation for Japan's wartime crimes was settled, country by country, by the Treaty of San Francisco with the U.S. and by the relevant peace treaties with other countries. Thus, from a purely legal standpoint, the issue of the comfort women has been settled by treaties of peace.

Several questions come to mind as I read the text of statements made on this matter, and the text of H. Res. 121. For example, what would be required of Japan under H. Res. 121 to ``formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner''?

The statements of apology that I quoted earlier were issued by six Prime Ministers of Japan, each acting and speaking in his official capacity.

I would think that in the world of diplomacy, these words would suffice as official statements.

Another matter that should be noted is that these events occurred in the 1930s and 1940s, and the acknowledgment and apology over the abuse of the comfort women have been made by successive Prime Ministers since 1994.

I can think of many events in our own historic past that deserve an acknowledgement and apology issued by the United States. Nonetheless, our Government has not acknowledged these actions and other countries have not officially reprimanded us because of it.

For example, soon after December 7, 1941, the United States contacted the Governments of Chile and other South American countries and requested that they round up their residents of Japanese ancestry and send them to the United States to be used by the United States in negotiations for the return of American prisoners of war held by Japan.

Many Latin Americans of Japanese descent were arrested, stripped of their passports or visas, and shipped to the United States. Once in the United States, they were treated as illegal aliens, subject to deportation and repatriation.

The internees' vulnerable position under the law basically left their fate in the hands of the State Department and Department of Justice. Those caught in this situation were considered repatriable and thus available for use in hostage exchanges with Japan.

I am happy to report to you that after many years of concern, the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs has considered this matter and reported favorably on a measure to study this matter. However, the bill still faces consideration by the full Senate, the House of Representatives, and the White House.

And yet has any country suggested we should ``formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner'' for this matter?

Nor have the legislatures of other nations criticized and accused us for Executive Order 9066, which directed the United States Army to establish 10 concentration camps in various parts of the United States to intern residents of Japanese ancestry. The majority of them were American citizens. As investigations disclosed in later years, their incarceration or internment was based only upon race. No crime had been committed, no act of treason, no act of sabotage.

Consequently, four decades later, the Congress finally acknowledged and apologized for the actions of the U.S. Government in the Civil Rights Act of 1988.

There exist many other such events in our history that could be discussed, but these incidents in particular are of interest because they involve the men and women whose ancestry lies in the nation of Japan.

Regardless of the historical example, the question remains the same: how would the U.S. Government have reacted if the legislature of some other nation had condemned our historical actions in World War II?

Diplomatic protocol among friendly nations and allies calls for consideration and sensitive handling of such matters.

In the case at hand, I respectfully suggest that the Government of Japan, through six of its Prime Ministers, and through two acts considered by its House of Representatives, has issued statements of acknowledgement and apology since 1994.

I would suggest that so many apologies should suffice.

The payment of $17,000 to each survivor may not suffice because no amount of monetary compensation would be sufficient to clear away such memories just as much as the payment of $20,000 to each internee of Japanese ancestry in the United States for years of incarceration by the United States in the concentration camps was not sufficient to wipe away that memory either. Nevertheless, payments have been made and accepted.

As a final matter, it may be interesting to note that a Gallup Poll conducted in February and March 2007 sets forth the following: 74 percent of the general public, and 91 percent of opinion leaders thought of Japan as a dependable ally or friend. 48 percent of the general public, and 53 percent of opinion leaders considered Japan to be the most important U.S. partner in the Asia region, followed by China, which scored 34 percent among the general public, and 38 percent among opinion leaders. 67 percent of the general public, and 86 percent of opinion leaders described U.S. relations with Japan as ``good'' or ``excellent.'' 87 percent of the general public, and 88 percent of opinion leaders supported the maintenance of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.

Finally, when asked whether Japan shared common values with the United States, 83 percent of the general public, and 94 percent of opinion leaders agreed. The only country that received a higher score was the United Kingdom, by only 2 percent for each group.

These numbers and responses to the Gallup Poll should suggest our relationship with Japan is excellent. The general public believes it, and our Government has said so as well. Why should we involve ourselves in a legislative act that would jeopardize a relationship as good as we share with Japan?

Is this how we Americans should conduct ourselves with the Japanese, our friends and allies?

Madam Speaker, I rise today in shock and disappointment at recent news from Japan, where it was reported that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has denied the historical fact that the Japanese Imperial Army forced as many as 200,000 women into sex slavery during the Second World War, and publicly stated that Japan will not issue an apology, even if a resolution is passed in the United States House of Representatives.

On February 15, a hearing on this issue was held by the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of this House's Committee on Foreign Affairs. This was truly a historic occasion, because it brought three survivors of the Comfort Women horrors to Washington to tell their very real, very personal stories. Not only did that hearing give us an opportunity to reflect on one of the darker episodes of human history, it provided us with a chance to make history by bringing that darkness and forgotten tragedy to light and justice.

Those three women, now advanced in years--Jan Ruff O'Herne, Yong Soo Lee, and Koon Ja Kim--traveled thousands of miles to bring their stories to us, stories which were for many decades kept only in their hearts for reasons best understood only by those who had to endure what these women--and some 200,000 others throughout Asia--had to endure.

Some might ask: Why, more than 60 years after the end of the Second World War, are we discussing the ordeals of the so-called Comfort Women? Shouldn't this be considered a mere footnote to history? Aren't there more important or more pressing issues at hand in the early years of the 21st century?

Those who ask such questions fail to comprehend the lasting relevance of the experience of these women during the war, and of the continuing, obstinate failure, in the face of overwhelming evidence and international scrutiny, of the Government of Japan to formally acknowledge, apologize and accept unequivocal responsibility for their suffering and torture.

The recent news from Tokyo and Prime Minister Abe's inexplicable denial adds greater resonance to our exploration of this topic. One Japanese Diet Member said, with no apparent irony, that the Comfort Women brothels were no different than a buffet lunchroom. Nariaki Nakayama said bluntly: ``Some say it is useful to compare the brothels to college cafeterias run by private companies, who recruit their own staff, procure foodstuffs and set prices.''

Madam Speaker, without objection, I wish to insert into the Congressional Record an article on this issue that appeared in the New York Times on Thursday, March 1, reporting Prime Minister Abe's remarks.

Abe Rejects Japan's Files on War Sex

(By Norimitsu Onishi)

Tokyo, March 1.--Prime Minister Shinzo Abe denied Thursday

that Japan's military had forced foreign women into sexual

slavery during World War II, contradicting the Japanese

government's longtime official position.

Mr. Abe's statement was the clearest so far that the

government was preparing to reject a 1993 government

statement that acknowledged the military's role in setting up

brothels and forcing, either directly or indirectly, women

into sexual slavery. That declaration also offered an apology

to the women, euphemistically called ``comfort women.''

``There is no evidence to prove there was coercion, nothing

to support it,'' Mr. Abe

told reporters. ``So, in respect to this declaration, you

have to keep in mind that things have changed greatly.''

The United States House of Representatives has begun

debating a resolution that would call on Tokyo to ``apologize

for and acknowledge'' the military's role in wartime sex

slavery.

But at the same time, in keeping with a recent trend to

revise Japan's wartime history, a group of conservatives in

the governing Liberal Democratic Party is stepping up calls

to rescind the 1993 declaration. Mr. Abe, whose approval

ratings have been plummeting over a series of scandals and

perceived weak leadership, seemed to side with this group. A

nationalist who has led efforts to revise wartime history,

Mr. Abe softened his tone after becoming prime minister last

fall. In fact, he first said he recognized the validity of

the declaration, angering his conservative base.

``Some say it is useful to compare the brothels to college

cafeterias run by private companies, who recruit their own

staff, procure foodstuffs and set prices,'' Nariaki Nakayama,

the leader of 120 lawmakers who want to revise the

declaration, said Thursday.

``Where there's demand, business crops up,'' Mr. Nakayama

said, according to The Associated Press. ``But to say women

were forced by the Japanese military into service is off the

mark. This issue must be reconsidered, based on truth, for

the sake of Japanese honor.''

Historians believe some 200,000 women--Koreans, Chinese,

Taiwanese, Filipinos, as well as Japanese, Dutch and other

European women--served in Japanese military brothels. For

decades, Japan denied that its military had been involved,

calling the brothels private enterprises and the women

prostitutes.

But in 1992, a Japanese historian, Yoshiaki Yoshimi,

outraged by government denials, went to the Self-Defense

Agency's library and unearthed, after two days of searching,

documents revealing military involvement in establishing

brothels. One was titled ``Regarding the Recruitment of Women

for Military Brothels.'' Faced with this evidence, the

government acknowledged its role and issued the declaration.

But the response angered people across the political

spectrum. The women and their supporters said that the

government was not fully acknowledging its responsibility

because the declaration was issued by Yohei Kono, then chief

cabinet secretary, and not adopted by Parliament. It is known

inside Japan simply as the ``Kono Statement.''

What is more, supporters accused the government of evading

direct responsibility by establishing a private,

nongovernment fund to compensate the women. Many former sex

slaves have refused to accept compensation from this fund.

But conservatives said the declaration went too far in

acknowledging the military's role in recruiting the women.

While the documents showed that the military established the

facilities, Mr. Yoshimi did not find documentation that the

military had forcibly recruited the women. Conservatives have

seized on this distinction to attack the declaration.

Supporters of the women say that the Japanese authorities

famously burned incriminating documents or kept them hidden.

At the same time, many former sex slaves have stepped

forward in recent years with their stories. Three testified

in the United States Congress recently, saying that Japanese

soldiers had kidnapped them and forced them to have sex with

dozens of soldiers a day.

Given this recent news report, Madam Speaker, it becomes even clearer that the experience of the Comfort Women is not just an episode that belongs on the backburner of history. Instead, it is a vivid reminder that the human rights of women around the world are never fully secure. We know that rape, sexual abuse and sometimes murder of women and girls in war are still committed by armies and paramilitary forces in various countries. One thinks of Darfur, of Bosnia, of East Timor. I am sure that Members of this House and those listening to these proceedings can think of other examples.

Denial of the unimaginable atrocities committed by Imperial Japan's Armed Forces against the Comfort Women during World War II should not be tolerated. Neither are they to be forgotten nor swept under the rug by those who hope the subject will go away simply because the victims are growing old and will soon be gone. The fact that some political leaders in modern Japan hold onto the view that the Comfort Women issue is a ``historic fabrication'' is, in a word, appalling.

The Japan Times also recently interviewed Yasuji Kaneko, an 87 year old former foot soldier in the Japanese Imperial Army during World War II. He stated that he ``still remembers the screams of the countless women he raped in China as a foot soldier . . . They cried out, but it didn't matter to us whether the women lived or died . . . We were the Emperor's soldiers. Whether in military brothels or in the villages, we raped without reluctance.'' His statement was no historical fabrication.

It is our moral imperative to act and act courageously on this issue. I am a strong proponent of encouraging our friend and ally, the Government of Japan, to set the record straight on the Comfort Women tragedy and educate its future generations properly about what occurred. In doing so, Japan will take an important step in our collective aim to eliminate violence against women in war by making it unambiguously unacceptable.

It is unacceptable to view rape as merely endemic to war, or an incidental adjunct to armed conflict. Rape is a unique weapon focused on non-combatants and intended to instill terror in its victims and to demonstrate the power of the perpetrators. It is a truly uncivilized act, and defending Imperial Japan's widespread use of rape during its Asian conquests is beneath modern, democratic Japan's better values and aspirations.

Madam Speaker, on January 31, along with six of our colleagues, I introduced House Resolution 121, which addresses the issue of protecting the human rights of the Comfort Women. The denial by Prime Minister Abe of Japan that Comfort Women were forced into sexual slavery is unacceptable and stands to underscore why passage of H. Res. 121 is important. It is my hope that we will be able to have a full vote by the House of Representatives sooner rather than later.

I would also like to thank the Comfort Women survivors--Jan Ruff O'Herne, Yong-Soo Lee, and Koon-Ja Kim--for journeying so far last month to testify on behalf of their 200,000 sisters who suffered under Imperial Japan. Their courage and the dignity with which they have lived their lives deserve our admiration and utmost respect.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 121) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as ``comfort women'', during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me first commend my good friend and our distinguished colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda), for introducing this very important resolution and for all his hard work to give voice to the so-called ``comfort women.''

Mr. Speaker, the true strength of a nation is tested when it is forced to confront the darkest chapters in its history. Will it have the courage to face up to the truth of its own past, or will it run from that truth in the foolish hope that truth will fade with time.

The Government of Japan's unwillingness to offer a formal and unequivocal apology to the women forced by its Army to be sex slaves during World War II stands in stark contrast to Japan's positive role in the world today. Japan is a proud global leader and a valued ally of the United States, which makes its unwillingness to account honestly for this part of its past all the more perplexing.

The U.S.-Japan relationship, Mr. Speaker, is the bedrock of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Our reliance and friendship are based on mutual respect and admiration. And together, we have helped promote our shared values of democracy, economic opportunity and human rights throughout Asia. Yet Japan's refusal to make an official government apology once and for all to the women who suffered as so- called ``comfort women'' is disturbing to everyone who values the U.S.- Japan relationship.

No nation can disregard its own past, neither the actions of a few nor the actions of many. Inhumane deeds should be fully acknowledged, a spotlight shined on the whole truth. This is essential to national reconciliation, and it helps the victims to heal. Withholding that acknowledgment only compounds the cruelty.

Post-war Germany, with the most horrendous crimes in its history, made the right choice. Japan, on the other hand, has actively promoted historical amnesia.

The facts, Mr. Speaker, are plain. There can be no denying that the Japanese Imperial military coerced thousands upon thousands of Asian women, primarily Chinese and Koreans, into sexual slavery during the Second World War.

The continued efforts by some in Japan to distort and deny history and play a game of blame-the-victim are nauseating. Those who posit that all of the ``comfort women'' were happily complicit and acting of their own accord simply don't understand the meaning of the word ``rape.''

On June 14, members of the Japanese Government took out a shocking advertisement in The Washington Post that attempted to smear the survivors of the comfort women system, including those who bravely testified before our own House Foreign Affairs Committee. The ad suggested that these women, who were forcibly and repeatedly raped by soldiers, were engaged in ``licensed prostitution that was commonplace around the world at the time.'' This is a ludicrous and infuriating assertion.

Our resolution calls on the Government of Japan officially to acknowledge and to apologize for the appalling acts that Imperial Japan committed against the so-called ``comfort women.'' It seeks admission of an appalling truth. Failure to do so would signal to others around the globe that such horrors can be perpetrated again and treated just as cavalierly as they have been in this case.

But most importantly, Mr. Speaker, it speaks out for the victims of this monstrous system who were terrorized and brutalized by men at war. It gives voice to these courageous women whom others have tried to silence through shame, bigotry, and threats of further violence.

It is appropriate that this House stand up for these women who ask only that the truth be honored. The world awaits a full reckoning of history from the Japanese Government.

I strongly support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to my good friend and our distinguished colleague from California (Mr. Honda), the principal author of this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to my good friend, the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee of Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Eni Faleomavaega.

(Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished colleague from California (Ms. Woolsey), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee), a distinguished member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

(Ms. JACKSON-LEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.

Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time and yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 121, which calls on the Government of Japan to formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility for its role in the coercion of young women and girls, euphemistically known to the world as `comfort women', to serve as sex slaves in Japanese military comfort stations from the 1930s through World War II.

I would especially like to thank Mr. Honda for his leadership on the issue of `comfort women' and for his expression of solidarity with these exploited women and urge each and everyone of my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, as you well know, the friendship and alliance that exists between the United States and Japan establishes stability and prosperity in Asia and the Pacific and is essential to our security interests in that region. This resolution calls on the Government of Japan to strengthen that tie by acknowledging the facts forever enshrined in history and by publicly denouncing these past heinous human rights abuses in one of the largest cases of human trafficking in the 20th century.

Only in recent years have these victims of Imperial Japanese brutality relayed their stories to the world. In fact, just this year, on February 15, 2007, three women who knew firsthand the unequivocal pain, suffering and horror of sexual servitude at the hands of the Japanese military testified at a subcommittee hearing chaired by Mr. Faleomavaega. These women relayed heartbreaking real life accounts of years of torment, disease, and separation from their families. These women are still plagued today by the physical and emotional scars of the horrendous human rights abuses committed against them.

On April 26 of this year, my good friend and the former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Henry Hyde and I co-authored an op-ed in the Washington Times urging `the Japanese people to courageously acknowledge and redress the wrongs perpetuated by Imperial Japan' on these women and `to come to grips' with the history of their past. In light of Japan's recent wavering on the accuracy of historical fact regarding comfort women, I stand with my colleagues in urging the Japanese Government to very clearly acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear, unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces' coercion of young women into sexual slavery.

Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 121, which calls on the Government of Japan to accept formal historical responsibility for one of the darkest chapters of World War II history in Asia and the Pacific, the Japanese military's use of ``comfort women'', the practice of coercion of young women into sexual slavery.

I would first like to acknowledge our distinguished colleague, Mr. Honda of California, for introducing this important resolution and for his persistent efforts in giving voice to the victims of these crimes against humanity.

Japan, a loyal ally and one of U.S.' closest partners, plays a critical role in maintaining the geopolitical balance in a still volatile region. The Japanese government's refusal to acknowledge the despicable war-time practice of its Imperial Army known as ``comfort women'' stands in stark contrasts to the courageous humanitarian stand the Japanese government has taken in a number of humanitarian crises around the world and to its role as guarantor for peace in the region.

Facing up to one of the darkest chapters of its history is a genuine test for the maturity of a nation. In the aftermath of World War II, the German nation and its government found the courage to account for war crimes that the Third Reich committed during the war and occupation.

There can be no denying that the Japanese military committed those crimes involving thousands of women, mostly of Chinese and Koreans descent. It is particularly disturbing that some in Japan are still trying to distort the historical record and are denying that these crimes took place. The same parties are going even a step further and blaming the victims for engaging into prostitution.

It is up to this House to call for the Japanese government to set the record straight, not just for the sake of the past, but also because rape has been used across the globe today as a weapon of war. By supporting this resolution we send a strong and unambiguous signal to the Japanese Government to acknowledge its historical responsibility. We will also state Congress' strong l condemnation of rape as weapon of war.

While support of the resolution will finally give voice of the numerous victims of these despicable crimes, the Congress' intent is to assure our ally Japan that the resolution aims at forging the process of healing by facing certain historical experience and is not intended as retribution against a partner and ally.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me In supporting this important resolution.