Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between the FYROM and Greece regarding "hostile activities or propaganda" and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for the FYROM.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to discuss the name dispute between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). We call it FYROM for short. FYROM is located just north of present day Greece, and its capital is Skopje. It is one of the countries formed from the breakup of the former Yugoslav Republic, Yugoslavia.

FYROM is an interim name. The U.N. oversees a framework where Greece and FYROM have agreed to negotiate a mutually agreeable permanent name for this new nation. As the founder and cofounder of the Congressional Caucus on Hellenic Issues, this is an issue of tremendous importance to Greece and the Caucus.

All historical and archaeological evidence demonstrates that the ancient Macedonians were Greek. Macedonia is a Greek name that was designated in the northern area of Greece for 2,500 years.

In 1944, the name of Skopje region was changed to Macedonia as part of Tito's imperialistic campaign to gain control of the Greek province of Macedonia. The United States opposed Tito's use of the name Macedonia at that time, but in November 2004, unilaterally and without warning, this present administration decided to recognize the former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia as Macedonia, using the Greek name. It was a shock and a disappointment to the Greek American community, and myself and many others, that the White House went against prior U.S. policy to recognize FYROM as Macedonia just 2 days after the 2004 presidential election, and before talks were completed among the nations most directly affected by the outcome.

Along with former Representative Bilirakis and 68 of our colleagues, we sent a letter to the former Secretary of State, Colin Powell, expressing our concerns about this decision. We also organized meetings with the American Ambassador and other officials in the State Department. We believe that the name ``Macedonia'' properly belongs to Greek culture and, therefore, should not be used by any other country. Greek Macedonia is one of the oldest civilizations known to man, and the history of this name should be recognized and respected.

Along with my colleagues, Bilirakis, Sarbanes and Space, we have introduced legislation, H.R. 356, which expresses the sense of the House of Representatives that the FYROM should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the U.N.-brokered interim agreement between FYROM and Greece regarding hostile activities or propaganda, and should work with the U.N. and Greece to achieve long- standing U.S. and U.N. policy goals of finding a mutually acceptable name. Our bipartisan resolution now has over 114 cosponsors.

I just want to say that, in a major good will gesture, Greece has already agreed with the word Macedonia in the name. And they say it would be acceptable as long as it is combined with some type of qualifier to make clear that there are no designs on the historical boundaries of the provinces of Macedonia. But Skopje keeps doing sort of antagonistic things. This week, they erected a billboard in Skopje that depicts the Greek flag, but in the area where the cross is, they have put in a swastika. I would like to say to my colleagues, if someone erected billboards with the American flag and put a swastika where our stars are, we would be somewhat upset.

Also, in their textbooks, and I have examples here, they print maps that show that Skopje includes territories of Greece. They have also printed on their currency the symbol of Greece; the white tower was on their currency. We have since had them remove it. But I would say to my colleagues, if at the height of the power of the USSR, if they started printing maps that showed their boundaries, including Alaska, and decided to take our Statue of Liberty and put it on their flag, I think we would be a little upset that our symbols and our territory had been used in such a way.

I bring this to my colleagues today because just this week the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will hold a Heads of State and Government summit in Bucharest, Romania. One of the major issues considered will be the expansion of NATO and the possible extension of membership invitations to Albania, Croatia and to the FYROM. In this context, I will submit for the record the March 27th article in the Huffington Post entitled, ``NATO Enlargement--the View from Athens,''

written by Greece's Ambassador to the U.N., Alexandros Mallias.

NATO Enlargement--The View From Athens

An important NATO summit will take place next week in

Bucharest, Romania. Our discussion will focus on two main

issues: the first, NATO enlargement and developments in the

Western Balkans; the second, an evaluation of the Alliance's

operations in Afghanistan (ISAF) and Kosovo (KFOR). In both

of these U.N. mandated operations, there is an important

Greek contribution of 2,000 men.

Greece, for over 15 years now, has held the position that

the future of Southeastern Europe lies in its integration

into the Euroatlantic Institutions. On the basis of this

strategic choice, we support NATO's ``open door'' policy. An

open door policy, however, must be based on the principles of

good neighborly relations and allied solidarity.

Greece supports the enlargement of NATO in the Western

Balkans, with the invitations to Croatia and Albania. It is

ready also to welcome the Former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia (FYROM), provided that our northern neighbor shifts

from their nationalistic logic and agree to a mutually

agreeable name for international use that differentiates the

new Balkan state from the Greek province of Macedonia; a name

that will not be a vehicle for propaganda and irredentism

against a neighboring NATO member.

Athens has shown its good will towards Skopje in many ways.

It has supported its neighbor, both politically and

economically, ranking as the number one foreign investor in

that country, with $1 billion invested capital that has

generated 30,000 new jobs. Most recently, we went the extra

mile, or rather the most important mile, when we expressed

our readiness to agree to a composite name with a geographic

qualifier. This is a major shift from Greece's initial

position, which excluded any use of the term ``Macedonia'',

in the name of our neighbor.

Some have questioned our stance on the name issue and the

possibility of a Greek veto at the NATO summit, if the name

issue is not resolved by then. Some are suggesting that we

are re-fighting old battles, not seeing the ``big picture'',

that we are drawn into the past.

My answer to these claims is that the name issue is not a

bilateral one. It is an international issue, which concerns

our broader region. Directly, or indirectly, it concerns NATO

and the U.N. And, if not resolved now, it may fester to

poison future generations, undermining stability and

cooperation in the 21st century.

We hope that with active U.N. mediation and U.S.

involvement, a resolution of this issue will be achieved

before the Bucharest summit.

On this issue, we are not alone. 115 members of the U.S.

Congress, from both parties, support House Resolution 356,

expressing the ``sense of the House of Representatives that

FYROM should stop hostile activities and propaganda against

Greece, and should work with the United Nations and Greece to

find a mutually acceptable official name''.

A similar resolution, S.R. 300, was introduced in the

Senate by Senators Menendez, Obama, Snowe.

The immediate settlement of the name issue before the NATO

Summit in a mutually agreeable way, will allow Greece, the

U.S.'s strongest ally in the Balkans, to support FYROM's

membership to NATO and ultimately to the European Union, a

strategic goal also shared by the U.S.

A prerequisite for a proper relationship as allies and

partners is that of good neighborliness. We have lived

together through good and bad times, we have shared tragedy,

but also share hope for a bright future. Let's leave behind

the former and invest in the latter.

Greece has called upon FYROM's leadership to act

responsibly and show political courage and meet Greece half

way. It will be a responsible move on the part of an aspiring

candidate, a move that will win them a European future, a

future of stability, peace and economic prosperity, based on

the principles upon which NATO and the European Union are

founded.

Alexandros P. Mallias is Ambassador of Greece to the United

States.

Greece has consistently stated its desire to have the FYROM admitted into NATO provided that they cease the use of the name ``Republic of Macedonia'' and adopt a mutually acceptable name for both parties. Along with the 114 cosponsors, we urge them to take this into consideration.

Madam Speaker, I rise today with grave concern over H. Res. 356. This resolution is based on unfounded allegations and misinformation about the Republic of Macedonia, and I urge my colleagues to consider the whole story as they review this bill.

For example, the name ``the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)'' is used throughout this resolution. It is a controversial name that Macedonia rejects in favor of its constitutional name, ``The Republic of Macedonia.'' This is a position shared by 118 other nations, including the United States, which officially recognized Macedonia by its constitutional name in 2004.

It is important to note that Macedonia has always emphasized that the Republic of Macedonia does not hold exclusive rights over the name ``Macedonia'' in geographic, cultural, historic, or commercial terms. Although Greece objects to Macedonia's constitutional name, the Macedonian government rightly believes that one country does not have the right to dictate to another country what it can call itself. The Republic of Macedonia earned the right to self-determination when it declared its independence from Yugoslavia in 1991, and it intends to continue to exercise that right.

H. Res. 356 also states that Macedonia produces and distributes propaganda asserting a right to territory in Greece, which is also untrue. This is based on the fact that Greece and Macedonia both include areas of the historic region of Macedonia, and Greece is concerned that Macedonia has irredentist ambitions against their Macedonian region.

However, in 1995 Macedonia reinforced the ``no-change'' of borders provision of their Constitution, adding that they ``have no territorial claim against neighboring states.'' Of course, a small, developing democracy with only 2 million people could not and will not take over land that belongs to Greece, a large, established country of over 10 million people. Macedonia wants only peace with its neighbor, and has repeatedly stated this fact.

In addition, the resolution claims that a Macedonian Military Academy textbook contains maps showing that a Greater Macedonia extends many miles south into Greece to Mount Olympus and miles east to Mount Pirin in Bulgaria.

Not only is the book in question no longer in use in the academy, the maps the resolution refers to were originally drawn in the 1800s by non-Macedonians. They are presented in a historical light. Furthermore, the textbooks used in the general educational system in the Republic of Macedonia do not contain any maps of this kind.

H. Res. 356 also mentions that Macedonia's Skopje airport was recently renamed ``Alexander the Great'' airport, and implies that Macedonia is asserting ``patrimony'' over the historical figure. Alexander the Great is a significant figure in human history and part of the universal consciousness, over which no country has ownership. Another Macedonian airport, in Ohrid, was recently named after ``Apostle Paul,'' a universally known historic figure, and Macedonia has heard little protest.

Contrary to the allegations made in this bill, the Republic of Macedonia has actively sought to positively engage in international affairs and to negotiate in good faith with its Greek neighbors.

Macedonia has consistently sought to improve relations with Greece, even changing its national flag due to Greek concerns in 1995. Although political relations between Greece and Macedonia are frozen, Greece is the top investor in Macedonia, and bilateral trade is strong.

The Republic of Macedonia is also a committed ally of the United States. Macedonia has provided troops to serve alongside our brave men and women in Iraq and Afghanistan, and continues to seek full membership in NATO and the European Union.

As a Member of Congress with both Macedonian and Greek constituents, I follow both Greek and Macedonian issues closely. Given this, it is my opinion that H. Res. 356 is confrontational and unnecessary. As negotiations between Greece and Macedonia continue on issues including the latter country's name, I believe it is important for Members of Congress to support the process so that the two countries can resolve their differences bilaterally. Inflammatory rhetoric by uninvolved parties has the potential to be detrimental to this complex process.

Madam Speaker, thank you for this opportunity to air my concerns about this bill. I urge my colleagues to carefully consider all the facts about H. Res. 356.

Madam Speaker, later this week the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will hold a Heads of State and Government summit in Bucharest, Romania. One of the major issues considered will be the expansion of NATO and the possible extension of membership invitations to Albania, Croatia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). In this context, I would like to bring to the House's attention excerpts from the April 1, 2008 Op-ed in the Wall Street Journal titled ``All in a Name,'' written by Greece's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dora Bakoyannis.

[From the Wall Street Journal, Apr. 1, 2008]

All in a Name

(By Dora Bakoyannis)

Athens.--The NATO summit comes to Southeastern Europe this

week, and Greece is looking forward to it . . . As the

region's oldest NATO and EU member, Greece feels a profound

obligation to be constructive, supportive and practical

regarding our neighbors. We wholeheartedly espouse the policy

of enlargement, and I am happy to say that two members of the

so-called ``Adriatic Three,'' Croatia and Albania, are today

in a position to further the principles of the North Atlantic

Treaty and earn their invitation to NATO in Bucharest.

However, it saddens me that we cannot so far say the same

about our neighbor, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

(Fyrom).

For over 15 years, our two countries have been involved in

United Nations-sponsored negotiations regarding Fyrom's name.

Greece has real and concrete concerns over the issue. What's

in a name, you may ask? A great deal, I can assure you. The

term ``Macedonia'' has always been used to delineate a wider

geographical region, approximately 51% of which is part of

Greece, 38% of which is in Fyrom, and 9% of which is in

Bulgaria.

Not only does the government in Skopje insist on being the

sole claimant to the name of an entire area--the largest part

of which lies outside its borders--but authorities in Fyrom

insist on portraying Greek Macedonia as ``occupied''

territory. While government leaders declare they have no

designs on Greek territory, they refuse to remove such claims

from textbooks, state maps and national documents . . .

And we are not alone in our quest. In the U.S. Congress,

115 members, both Republicans and Democrats, recently co-

sponsored House Resolution 356, which expressed the ``sense

of the House of Representatives that Fyrom should stop

hostile activities and propaganda against Greece, and should

work with the United Nations and Greece to find a mutually

acceptable official name.''

NATO has consistently encouraged full normalization of

relations not only with aspirants themselves but with

neighboring third countries not belonging to the Alliance.

Greece will spare no effort in reaching a real and viable

solution for the sake of peace and stability in the region.

Alliances and partnerships, however, can only be fostered

among countries if there is mutual trust and goodwill.

Madam Speaker, a little over twelve years ago, on September 13, 1995, Clinton Administration officials played a critical role in addressing a pressing issue in the Balkans and Europe. With American-led mediation, our longstanding friend, ally and strategic partner Greece signed an Interim Accord at the United Nations in New York with the newly-established former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, a state that emerged from the disintegration of former Yugoslavia.

This agreement paved the way for the normalization of relations between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Following the signing of this Interim Accord, Greece, like the United States, strongly supported the newly established state, both politically and economically. Greece fully backed FYROM's aspirations to join the key institutions of the European and Euro-Atlantic community, and Greece became the number one investor in that country, with $1.1 billion invested capital.

Unfortunately, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has not fully reciprocated these gestures and I am concerned about unacceptable propaganda impugning Greece's history and cultural heritage. It is critical that Skopje address this propaganda and show increased flexibility during the ongoing U.N. negotiations, with a view to finding a mutually acceptable solution on the name issue. Resolution of this issue is not just a bilateral issue with Greece, but has regional and international dimensions.

As Chairman of the Europe Subcommittee in the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, I have been working in a bipartisan fashion with the subcommittee's ranking member, Congressman Elton Gallegly to support efforts to resolve this long-standing issue, including introducing House Resolution 356. This resolution expresses the sense of this House that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) should not violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between the FYROM and Greece regarding ``hostile activities or propaganda'' and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for the FYROM.

House Resolution 356 already has 73 cosponsors and I would urge my colleagues in the House of Representatives to cosponsor this resolution and urge authorities in Skopje to join Athens and meet their obligations deriving from the U.S.-brokered Interim Accord.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that my name be removed as a cosponsor of both H.R. 6041 and H. Res. 356.