Approving the renewal of import restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and for other purposes.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of House Joint Resolution 56. Our Burma sanctions are meant to promote democracy, develop respect for human rights, and improve living conditions for the Burmese people. Unfortunately, the ruling junta is still working against, not toward, these objectives. For that reason, I am in favor of reauthorizing our overall sanctions program against Burma for another 3 years and extending import sanctions against Burma for another year.

Burma's regime is one of the world's most oppressive and continues to oppress democratic movements and humanitarianism. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is still being falsely detained by the regime, now on sham charges. As of April 2009, the regime held an estimated 2,100 political prisoners, more than 150 of whom were recently sentenced to prison terms of up to 104 years. Many of these prisoners were held for nearly a year without charge and were convicted of offenses relating to the participation in pro-democracy movements. The regime also jailed three lawyers representing opposition activists for contempt when the attorneys merely argued that the trials of their clients lacked due process. The regime also severely restricts freedom of assembly, expression, association, movement, and religion.

The Burmese regime does not limit its repugnant behavior to civic activists. Extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, recruitment of child soldiers, and forced labor are routine. Moreover, the regime has actually worked against the interests of its people following the May 2008 cyclone. Due to the regime's practice of applying unreasonable restrictions to humanitarian assistance to workers, the area the cyclone hit hardest continues to be in dire need of assistance.

The leaders of the regime will have greater incentive to cooperate with United Nations diplomatic efforts, their southeast Asian neighbors in ASEAN, and the Peoples Republic of China if its leaders and cronies come under targeted economic pressure that denies them access to personal wealth and sources of revenue. Some Burmese businesspeople with ties to the junta are now starting to feel the pinch, but there is a long way to go.

Another reason to reauthorize the sanctions program and extend the import ban for another year is that this Congress amplified the program last summer. The expansion eliminated trade in jewelry containing Burmese rubies and jadeite, even if the jewelry was made in, and exported from, a third country. It was designed to bring about multilateral pressure on the regime through the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, similar to successful legislation on conflict diamonds.

We are still in the process of assessing the effectiveness of the new law. The Government Accountability Office will be reporting to us this fall on the effectiveness of the expanded sanctions and will be making recommendations for improving administration of the program. It would be unwise for us to allow the lapse of this sanctions program without having the benefit of the GAO's research and report.

I view import sanctions with great skepticism and always have, but these Burma sanctions are crafted to maximize their ability to effect change. For one, they require the administration to issue annual reports on Burma that include whether U.S. national security, economic, and foreign policy interests are being served.

On this point, I note that the administration transmitted this year's statutorily required report late last night. We're still waiting for the administration to articulate its overall Burma policy. The State Department announced it would be conducting a high-profile review of U.S. policy some 6 months ago, but it's not out yet; and our Secretary of State will be showing up at ASEAN meetings tomorrow and Thursday with no new vision.

Perhaps the most critical aspect of the Burma sanctions program is that they require us to redirect our attention every summer to the question of whether these sanctions should be continued. They are not self-executing. We here in Congress must vote to continue them on an annual basis.

I continue to believe that our greatest hope for effecting real change in Burma is multilateralism. The whole world, particularly China and the ASEAN countries, must put real economic pressure on the regime. I support this resolution because it increases our chance to bring about this multilateral effort.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, we have no further speakers; and in support of this resolution, I would yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 56) approving the renewal of import restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and for other purposes, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I urge Members to support this joint resolution which extends and renews the import ban on products of Burma under the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. The joint resolution is necessary because the troubling human rights conditions in Burma persist, and thus renewal of the import ban is warranted.

Burma's military junta continues to be one of the world's most repression and abusive regimes. And while some have voiced concerns about the effectiveness of unilateral sanctions, Burma remains a major violator of basic human rights, which is why it is so important to renew the import ban for another year.

For over 45 years, Burma has been under the rule of authoritarian military regimes, all dominated by the majority Burman ethnic group. Not only have these military rulers suppressed democracy, but they have continually denied basic human rights to their own citizens. The Burma regime continues to hold Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. She has been detained for 14 of the last 20 years and is currently on trial because an uninvited American swam to her lakeside home in May of this year. Most expect that she will be found guilty of violating the terms of her house arrest, extending her detention, and giving the junta an excuse to hold her through next year's elections.

Burma's legal system is a mockery to justice and to democratic principles. In addition to the wrongful detention and the current sham trial of Suu Kyi, nearly 2,000 additional political prisoners are being held, most without ever being formally charged. The military regime continues the practice of arbitrarily arresting and detaining regular citizens and pro-democracy activists. This past weekend, at least 50 members of the opposition National League for Democracy party were participating in the official ceremony marking the death of General Aung San, the country's independence hero.

These political activists were released later in the day. Other activists are not so fortunate. They often disappear for days, weeks and months, and some may never return. In prison they are subjected to physical abuse, receive little food, lack clean water and are refused sufficient medical care. They suffer, and so do their families, who may never discover the fate of their loved ones. But Burma's disregard for basic human rights extends far beyond its prison's walls. Violence and ethnic discrimination against children, women and ethnic minorities continue unabated.

For instance, there have been a number of reports of Burmese soldiers raping and killing teenage girls of the

Karen minority. Those who commit these despicable acts are rarely, if ever, brought to justice by this repressive regime.

Additionally, workers' rights remain restricted; women and girls continue to be subjected to trafficking for purposes of prostitution; and children are often forced into military service.

Forced labor is frequently used to support military operations and infrastructure. Villagers are forced to build and repair military camps, often with materials they must buy or provide themselves.

It is Burma's suppression of democratic principles such as freedom of speech and assembly, and the regime's refusal to provide basic human rights, that leads me to urge my colleagues to extend the ban on the import of Burmese products for another year.

I commend Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Secretary General Ban Ki- Moon for their recent statements calling on the junta to end its oppression, and I hope that nations around the world, and in particular China and India and the ASEAN member countries, will work with the United States to pressure the Burmese military regime to embrace reform and address its troubling human rights record. Secretary Clinton's attendance at this week's ASEAN summit presents an important opportunity to renew this work.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge passage of H.J. Res. 56, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which is now on its way to the President's desk for his signature.

As in years past, this resolution will extend import sanctions for another year against Burmese goods in order to maintain economic pressure on the ruling State Peace and Development

Council--SPDC. It also continues the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, which was enacted last year and further increased sanctions against the junta.

In some circles the value of sanctions has been questioned and, at some point, greater engagement with the regime may be in order. However, by passing this measure, Congress has clearly concluded that such a change in policy would be premature, and for good reason. The very fact that Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has been put on trial by the regime for trumped-up charges reflects how essential it is to continue these measures against the SPDC. To do otherwise would implicitly condone the junta's actions in trying her. It also would turn a blind eye to the regime having imprisoned Suu Kyi for 13 of the past 20 years, to say nothing of the scores of less well-known political prisoners who currently languish in Burmese prisons.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's recent trip to Burma, I think, demonstrates yet again the true nature of this regime. During his visit, he was denied access to Suu Kyi and apparently received no concessions from the junta. This reflects that it is the SPDC that does not want to engage meaningfully with the international community, not the other way around. Therefore, my colleagues and I believe that sanctions against the junta should remain in place until such time as the regime truly commits itself to a course of democratization and reconciliation.

Nor should anyone be fooled by the junta's transparent efforts to legitimize its rule through the scheduled 2010 elections. By excluding Suu Kyi from participating in the elections and by including provisions that would permanently entrench military rule, the new Burmese charter is no more legitimate than the regime that sponsored it. More than halfway through 2009, it is hard to see how next year's elections in Burma are redeemable.

Congress's posture toward the Burmese regime is not just borne out of humanitarian concerns; it also involves important national security considerations. Just this week, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton publicly raised questions about alleged military links between the junta and North Korea. The details of the Burmese-North Korean relationship are murky but, according to the Washington Post, concern has been raised among U.S. officials about a possible budding nuclear relationship between the two autocracies.

Finally, I note that this resolution has brought together 66 Members of this Chamber as cosponsors, more cosponsors than any previous year. This showing reflects yet again the genuine bipartisan support for the people of Burma and opposition to the junta's rule. In this effort, I was pleased to work closely again with my friend Senator Dianne Feinstein, who has long been a vigorous advocate for the Burmese people. Senators McCain and Durbin have also been stalwarts in their support for freedom in Burma, and they once again were at the vanguard of this legislative undertaking. I would close by thanking Brandi White and Ally Bird of my staff for their hard work on this bill.

Madam Speaker, at this time I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise this evening in support of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, and let me thank both our friend from Texas for his comments, as well as my friend from Michigan, Mr. Levin, for his comments as well with regard to this legislation.

This legislation was first enacted in 2003 under the leadership of former chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and my good friend, Tom Lantos. Tom spent his life fighting for freedom and democracy for those who could not fully defend themselves. He is greatly missed here in the House of Representatives, but his legacy remains, and I have been proud to help carry on his efforts to secure democracy in Burma.

Former Chairman Lantos would be pleased that we are considering the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act. This legislation will reauthorize the current sanctions on imports from Burma's military regime for an additional 3 years, as well as maintain the ban on the importation of jade and other gems from Burma.

I introduced the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act because we must show the military regime currently ruling with an iron fist in Burma that there are consequences for their actions. Burma's military regime has carried out a brutal campaign against its own people. It has destroyed 3,000 villages, forced over 1 million people to flee as refugees, and has used rape as a weapon of war, and has pressed millions of civilians into forced labor, modern day slave labor.

The junta has also rejected recent diplomatic outreach, which would have been well received in the global community. Specifically, the junta refused United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon's request to release political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the nonviolent movement for democracy and human rights in Burma.

Not only did the junta refuse Aung San Suu Kyi's release, they even refused Ban Ki-Moon's request to meet with him.

The Burmese regime must be stopped. If passed, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act will supplement President Obama's actions on

May 15, when he renewed investment prohibitions against the Burmese military regime that began during President Clinton's term in office.

The United States is not alone in using sanctions as part of a diplomatic strategy to help promote change in Burma. The European Union renewed its Common Position on sanctions; and Canada, Australia, and New Zealand and others have unilaterally imposed their own restrictions.

Aung San Suu Kyi and the other legitimate leaders of Burma have also called on the world to impose sanctions on their own country, just as Desmond Tutu and the leaders of the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa called for sanctions on South Africa in the 1980s.

We must maintain our sanctions against the junta in Burma, and I call on all my colleagues to vote for the renewal of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act.

And with that, Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

I thank the gentleman from Texas. Madam Speaker, at this point in time, we have no further speakers.

I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, today I rise in support of H. J. Res. 56, a resolution approving the renewal of import restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, P.L. 108-61. I am proud to have once again introduced this legislation this year with the gentleman from New York, Mr. Crowley.

In 2003 Congress passed the Burmese Freedom & Democracy Act, legislation that I co-authored with my friend, the late Tom Lantos. President Bush signed this bill into law and we have reauthorized these import restrictions every year since. The legislation bans imports from Burma and the issuance of visas to those officials affiliated with the State Peace and Development Council, SPDC, the military junta that rules Burma and brutally represses its people. This law also bans U.S. financial transactions that involve individuals or entities connected with the SPDC.

These sanctions are critically important to keeping the pressure on the Burmese junta. The government continues to have one of the worst human rights record in the world and routinely violates the rights of Burmese citizens, including the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, as well as slave and child labor. The Burmese regime has destroyed more than 3,000 ethnic villages, displaced approximately 2,000,000 Burmese people, more than 500,000 of which are internally displaced, and arrested approximately 1,300 individuals for expressing critical opinions of the government. And it continues to detain Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the National League for Democracy and the democratically elected leader of Burma, on bogus charges that she violated the terms of her house arrest. She is currently on trial and faces up to five additional years of confinement.

We must continue to stand with the Burmese people and expose the despicable and reprehensible actions of the SPDC. Sanctions are critical to putting pressure on the junta. Last year Congress passed and President Bush signed into law Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, P.L. 110-286, which bans the importation of Burmese gems into the United States and freezes the assets of Burmese political and military leaders. But we still need others to follow ours and the EU's lead. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN, and the United Nations Security Council, UNSC, must impose multilateral sanctions against Burma's military regime including a complete arms embargo.

Finally, it is my hope that the new Administration promptly completes its policy review toward Burma, implements all the provisions of the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, appoints a Special Coordinator for Burma, and supports the establishment of UNSC Commission of Inquiry on Burma.

I urge adoption of the resolution.