Recognizing the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.

I thank the distinguished Speaker and the distinguished gentleman from Virginia for his leadership in the management of this bill and Mr. Fortenberry for his vision.

As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I cannot imagine a better time to rise to the floor of the House and to speak about long- lasting peace. This Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty as articulated and led by President Jimmy Carter, along with Menachem Begin, and, of course, Anwar Sadat, captures the possibilities of the impossibilities. We can have peace in the Mideast.

Having traveled to Israel any number of times and certainly in the 1980s and now into the 1990s and now in the 21st century, I know the people of Israel love peace. Having met with the present president, President Mubarak of Egypt, speaking directly to him on the issues of peace and the security of the border, I understand the sacrifice that Egyptians have made to ensure that peace may be had.

Therefore, it is a possibility. And as we look at the exact language of the features of the peace treaty, which included the mutual recognition of Egypt and Israel, the end of the state of war between the two nations dating back to the 1948 War of Israeli independence, the complete withdrawal by Israel of its armed forces and civilians from the Sinai Peninsula, the freedom for passage of Israeli ships through the Suez Canal and the recognition of the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba as international waterways, that means major obstacles of peace can be overcome.

And the peace and the question of peace between Palestinians and Israelis are before us. The envoy that has been appointed by this President, President Barack Obama, it is a serious statement in Senator Mitchell's position to know that we mean business, good business, for peace to happen. I thank Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton and, of course, this new envoy who will capture the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt and understand that the American people believe in strength, believe in integrity and the security of Israel, and they believe in peace. This commemoration of the 30th anniversary of this particular agreement says to us that peace is real.

I thank my colleague for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 282, ``Recognizing the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.'' I want to thank my colleague Congressman Jeff Fortenberry of Nebraska for introducing this resolution.

As we near the 30th anniversary of the Camp David Accords, relations between Israel and Egypt, though peaceful, remain cool. In recent days, news headlines have proclaimed positive news for a troubled region. According to reports, rival Lebanese leaders have agreed on steps to end the political crisis which has gripped the country since late 2006.

The Middle East peace process is a complex and multi-faceted issue, requiring the good-faith work and cooperation of a number of countries. Egypt has, historically, been a key player in any effort to establish peace in the region. While relations between Israel and Egypt have been labeled as the ``cold peace'' and truly difficult points of conflict remain unresolved, the two nations also have areas of common interest. Further, the peace treaty signed in 1979 between Egypt and Israel has remained an important foundation for all subsequent efforts to build a broader peace in the region.

The Arab-Israeli peace process is absolutely vital to achieving security and stability in a crucial region of the world. An Iraq Study Group testified before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, stating that:

``You cannot get anything done in the Middle East without addressing the Arab-Israeli issue. We want these other countries, especially the Sunni Arab countries, to help us. When we go to talk to them about Iraq, they will want to talk to us about the Arab-Israeli conflict.''

Mr. Speaker, the United States has played an active role in creating and maintaining peaceful relations between Egypt and Israel. In 1978, the U.S. played an integral role in the Camp David negotiations, helping Israel and Egypt take the risks necessary to sign a peace treaty in 1979. Since that time, the peace has been maintained, due in no small part to the high amounts of economic and military aid that the United States continues to give to both nations. Between FY 1979 and FY 2008, the United States provided a total of $89.73 billion to Israel, and $62.36 billion to Egypt.

While the peace established in 1979 has been maintained, close diplomatic, political, and economic ties between the two neighboring nations have never been achieved. Despite some specific initiatives, including energy and economic cooperation agreements, relations have never truly warmed between Egypt and Israel.

Part of any successful negotiation between Israel and Egypt must be the question of Hamas, a group which poses a threat to the entire region. Hamas is an Islamic fundamentalist organization formed in late 1987 as an outgrowth of the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, which became active in the early stages of the intifada, operating primarily in the Gaza District. Various Hamas elements have used both political and violent means to pursue the goal of establishing an Islamic Palestinian state in place of Israel. Loosely structured, with some elements working clandestinely and others working openly through mosques and social service institutions to recruit members, raise money, organize activities, and distribute propaganda.

Particularly since Hamas's 2007 takeover of Gaza, there is a growing need for the Egyptian government to take a strong stand against Hamas. In the tense climate of today's Middle East, Egyptian silence on this issue will be viewed as tacit approval, and will stand in the way of any attempts for lasting peace with Israel.

Mr. Speaker, the successful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is essential to any effort to build a positive relationship between Israel and Egypt. Currently, decades of mistrust coupled with ongoing regional violence are at odds with any attempt to secure improved relations.

President Obama recently stated that the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel shows that ``peace is always possible'' even in the harshest of conflicts.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to believe in strong diplomacy and multilateralism. The United States has a history of concerted leadership on the development of Israeli-Egyptian relations, and I believe that we have the opportunity now to continue this legacy.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution to commemorate this reach for peace.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 282) recognizing the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 282, ``Recognizing the 30th Anniversary of the Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel,'' and I commend our good friend Mr. Fortenberry for introducing it.

Last week on March 26, we marked the 30th anniversary of the signing of the 1979 peace accord between Israel and Egypt, brokered and witnessed by the United States of America. The signing of that treaty remains one of the most dramatic and strategically important events of our life times.

It culminated a process of peace-making that Israeli and Egyptian diplomats had begun secretly in Morocco in mid-1977. That process, Madam Speaker, was most memorably punctuated by the stunning visit of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat to Israel in November of 1977 and by the signing, subsequently, of the Camp David Peace Accords in September of 1978, laying the groundwork for the peace treaty signed 6 months later that we celebrate today with this resolution.

The significance of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty cannot be overstated. With the signing of the treaty, Egypt became the first Arab State to recognize the state of Israel. More than that, the treaty demonstrated the dream of the Arab-Israeli peace, a dream that most experts at that time put in the ``not in my lifetime'' category, and it was, indeed, possible.

In 1994, Jordan became the second Arab State to make peace with the state of Israel. Egyptian-Israeli peace has saved countless lives. Between 1948 and 1973, Egypt and Israel fought four fierce land wars, plus the 1968-1970 War of Attrition, resulting in tens of thousands of casualties. Thanks to the 1979 peace treaty, there have been no further Egyptian-Israeli wars nor have there been any wars between Israel and other Arab States since that time. Although, as we all know, Israel continues to be threatened by well-armed, non-state actors like Hamas and Hezbollah, who are used as proxies by states such as Syria and Iran.

The 1979 peace treaty also extended the prospect of superpower conflict over the Arab-Israeli conflict. In 1973, the U.S. and the USSR, at that time, had gone nearly to the brink of war for the sake of their allies, Israel and Egypt respectfully. The peace treaty ensured that would never happen again, and the central diplomatic role played by the United States facilitated Egypt's transition to the pro-Western camp. This was truly the age, as one scholar has called it, of heroic diplomacy in the Middle East.

President Sadat risked his career and, ultimately, his life on his bold action. Many Arab leaders accused him of treason--the Warsaw Pact states as well. Egypt was expelled at that time from the Arab League, and was not welcomed back for a decade. Just 2\1/2\ years after signing the peace treaty, Anwar Sadat was dead, the victim of an assassin's bullet. Although his murderers ascribed their actions to other motives, mainly their outlandish claim that Sadat was not a true Muslim, there is little doubt, Madam Speaker, that those who supported the assassins were deeply outraged by his peace treaty with Israel.

Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin went against the grain of his own party by leading the fight for total withdrawal from the Sinai, which was the Egyptian price for this peace treaty. When Begin brought the treaty to the Knesset vote, he had to rely on his longtime nemesis of the Israeli left for votes, as many of his Likud Party colleagues refused to support him and the peace treaty at that time.

Both Sadat and Begin richly earned the Nobel Peace Prize they won in 1978, probably the easiest decision the Nobel Peace Prize Committee ever made. President Carter, whose relentless diplomacy was critical for achieving the Camp David Accords and the peace treaty, was unquestionably yet another hero of the Egyptian-Israeli peace-making process.

When President Sadat spoke before the Knesset on November 20, 1977, he asked, ``Why don't we stand together with the courage of men and the boldness of heroes who dedicate themselves to a sublime aim?'' Menachem Begin took up that challenge, and 30 years ago, those two leaders achieved the seemingly impossible, and their achievement endures yet today.

Today, we honor their remarkable achievement, and we express the hopes that others in the Middle East who have not yet embraced peace will someday see the wisdom of the path and show the courage of Sadat and Begin. Madam Speaker, I strongly support this important resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time at this time.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to come before this House today to express support for a resolution I recently introduced to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.

In a world where force and hatred often overcome understanding and reconciliation, where individuals can too easily allow conflict and strife to mute the call of conscience to peace and concord, this treaty stands as an enduring reminder that no conflict can be pervasive enough, no animosity strong enough to triumph over the will of men who turn to one another in a gesture of goodwill and humility to make a decision for peace.

For peace is a choice. Sometimes hard, sometimes costly, and when we look at the recent history of the Middle East, we see layer upon layer of suffering and grievance. Innocent lives needlessly destroyed through relentless and unforgiving cycles of seemingly uncontrollable anger and retribution.

We can choose to believe that these forces are so powerful that no political solution can be brought to bear. Perhaps that is right. Perhaps there is no political solution. Perhaps we are seeking a political solution when only a solution of the human heart can suffice, a solution that recognizes that each person in this world longs for the same things and that the bond of our common humanity is stronger than the hatred that seeks to divide neighbor from neighbor, Muslim from Jew, or Arab from Israeli. A solution that recognizes that peace can only be found in treating others with dignity and respect, and that regardless of the circumstances, this is always possible unless one chooses otherwise.

The choice for true peace does not demand appeasement of tyranny, false sentimentality or warmth that cannot easily be summoned. It is, at its most practical, a commonsense choice for self-preservation, and at its most noble, a choice to build up rather than to tear down, a choice by leaders to bind wounds and heal the past.

Mr. Speaker, as a young man in 1979, I entered the Sinai Peninsula across from the Suez Canal, and in the vastness of the beige sand and desert, I came upon a twisted heap of metal and concrete--a scene all too familiar now throughout the Middle East--and upon that heap of concrete were scrawled in words in both English and Arabic, ``Here was the war--here is the peace.''

The atmosphere at that time and at that place was one of jubilation and deep abiding respect for the role that the United States played in brokering a compromise for peace.

Because Menachem Begin, the Prime Minister of Israel, and Anwar Sadat, the President of Egypt, at great personal risk to each, chose peace on March 26, 1979. They opened channels of communication that endure to this day and continue to point towards hope in a war-weary region.

Despite the painful legacy of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the Suez Crisis of 1956, the Six-Day War of 1967, the War of Attrition along the Suez Canal, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973, these leaders stood together to make peace possible. In the poignant words of Prime Minister Begin, ``No more wars, no more bloodshed. Peace unto you. Shalom, salaam, forever.

The peace treaty provided for the mutual diplomatic recognition of Egypt and Israel and ended the state of war between the two nations dating back to the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Mr. Speaker, this was no easy choice. It was a costly choice. The choice these leaders took, to stand together ``with the boldness of heroes who dedicate themselves to a sublime aim . . . to erect a huge edifice of peace . . . an edifice that . . . serves as a beacon for generations to come,'' led to the expulsion of Egypt from the Arab League and to the assassination of President Sadat himself. Yet to this day, the treaty beckons us to ``challenge presuppositions about the intransigence and inevitability in the Middle East.''

Perhaps the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty of 1979 is an example that can be replicated and modeled throughout the region. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, we will see twisted piles of rubble and concrete from more recent conflicts marked with the poignant words, ``Here was the war, here is the peace.''

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. Speaker, about thirty years ago, when diplomacy did not have to be reintroduced as a fresh new approach to our national security, the United States helped bring Egypt and Israel together to make peace.

Israel at the time was anything but a regional power. Though it had survived wars in 1948, 1956, 1967 and, with enormous U.S. aid, in 1973, it was isolated and, frankly, right to be concerned for its continued survival. Egypt, the clear leader among the Arab states, had a new leadership that was prepared to make a sharp and unmistakable break with its past policies and re-align its future toward peace and prosperity.

The wreckage and slaughter of the 1973 Yom Kippur war, unlike all the preceding wars, thus produced fertile ground for American diplomacy. With bold, strong leaders in both Egypt and Israel who were not only ready for peace, but ready to make the sacrifices necessary to achieve it, the Camp David Accords were signed on September 17, 1978.

Since then the Middle East has been a very different place, clearly a much better one for ourselves and, I would argue, even more so for Egypt and for Israel. From our perspective, the peace made at Camp David has linked the two most important militaries in the region to the goodwill of the United States; it has prevented any further Arab- Israeli state-to-state conflicts, though the problem of non-state proxies has grown. And, most importantly, the peace between Israel and Egypt shifted the political center of gravity in the region toward peace with Israel, versus the prior consensus for continual war against the Jewish State.

This point can not be overemphasized. But for the peace between Israel and Egypt we might still be fighting against the Arab League's ``Three No's'': no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no negotiations with Israel. If this policy sounds familiar, it's because it is still the policy of Iran and the terrorist groups it supports, Hamas and Hizballah.

The Camp David Accords not only cemented America's role as the architect of any future Arab-Israeli peace, but obliterated the ``Three No's,'' a defeat that extremists have been struggling to reverse ever since.

For Egypt, the peace made at Camp David freed their nation to pursue economic and social development without the continual intrusion and disruption of war. Israel, which had never before in its entire existence had even one completely peaceful and quiet border, probably gained the most. For ourselves, the total cost of 30 years of peace forged at Camp David is about $150 billion, which is a lot of money. But, by comparison, that same $150 billion buys 1\1/4\ years of war in Iraq.

Unfortunately, over time, Americans, Egyptians and Israelis have all lost sight of the singular importance of the peace made at Camp David, and the massive strategic benefits each nation has silently accrued as a consequence every day since. This oversight is more than just a shame, it is a strategic risk.

Each nation has its complaints with the others, and these are not trivial, nor imagined. Over time it is easy for us as human beings to take each other for granted, and the same can be said about the relationships between nations. But in the Middle East today, the risks are too great to allow this pattern to persist in the trilateral relationship. The security of all three nations depends on our re- remembering what made peace so important thirty years ago.

Mr. Speaker, today, March 31st, I was detained in my district and therefore missed the 9 rollcall votes of the day.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 166 on Agreeing to the Resolution H. Res. 296--on Providing for the consideration of the Senate amendments to H.R. 1388.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 167 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass, as Amended H.R. 1259-- Dextromethorphan Distribution Act.

Had I been present I would have voted ``aye'' on rollcall vote No. 168 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass, as Amended H. Res. 282--Recognizing the 30th anniversary of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 169 on the On Motion To Concur in the Senate Amendments to H.R. 1388-- Generations Invigorating Volunteerism and Education (GIVE) Act.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 170 on the On Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass, as Amended H.R. 577--Vision Care for Kids Act of 2009.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 171 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 1253--Health Insurance Restrictions and Limitations Clarification Act.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 172 On Agreeing to the Resolution H. Res. 279--Providing for the expenses of certain committees of the House of Representatives in the One Hundred Eleventh Congress.

Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 173 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 151--To establish the Daniel Webster Congressional Clerkship Program.

Lastly, had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote No. 174 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 1299-- Capitol Police Administrative Technical Corrections Act of 2009.